• M 



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JEWISH LITEEATUEE 

FROM --— — -^ 



THE EIGHTH TO THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY 



INTEODUCTION ON TALMUD AND MIDEASK 



Jl Wistmal 



FKOM 



THE GERMAN OE M. STEINSCHNEIDER. 



REVISED THROUGHOUT BY THE AUTHOR. 



LONDON: 

LONGMAN, BROWN, GREEN, LONGMANS, & ROBERTS. 

1857. 



TTie right of translation is reserved. 






London : 

Printed by Spottiswoode & Co. 

New-street-Square. 



AUTHOR'S PREFACE. 



The German essay, a translation of which is here given, 
was written for Ersch and Gruber's Encyclopaedia during 
the years 1845 — 1847; but it was not placed by the editor 
in the printer's hands till the spring of 1850. The author 
had in the meantime an opportunity at Hamburg of glancing 
over the Michael MSS., now in Oxford, which enabled him 
to introduce a few emendations. Since 1849 he has devoted 
himself almost entirely to the catalogue of Hebrew books in 
the Bodleian Library. In 1850, having finished his notes 
out of the old catalogues and the bibliographers, he made 
his first acquaintance with the books themselves in Oxford. 
While thus occupied in England, the essay was printed in 
Germany without his superintendence, and reached p. 432. 
(p. 174. of the English translation) without his even seeing 
the proof-sheets, in consequence of which he was unable to 
give the authority for his discovery about the translation of 
Barlaam, introduced in one of these (see Zeitschr. d. d. m. 
Gesellschaft, v. 89.). He could make but very few correc- 
tions in the last sheets, as will be easily conceived; and 
while his new bibliographical studies and his visit to the 
Bodleian, that incomparable store of old Hebrew editions 
and manuscripts, did not induce any alteration in his general 
views, they enabled him occasionally to make some cor- 
rections in the article Judische Typographie (vol. xxviii. 

A 2 



iv author's preface. 

pp. 1 — 94. and p. 475.). But there remained a large mass 
of minor corrections which the author discovered while ela- 
borating the materials for his Catalogue. He found out 
even more than was agreeable, namely, that the principal 
older authorities, such as Wolfius and De Kossi, and even 
Jewish writers like Zacut, were erroneous in very many 
cases; and that recent authors, with but few exceptions, 
repeated too readily the old reports and misstatements. Of 
the reliance to be placed on the Catalogues he had already 
a misgiving while vvriting the essay; and § 31., containing 
a short survey of the Sources and Fate of the History of 
Jewish Literature, has accordingly, in compliance with his 
express desire, been omitted from the English translation. 
The matter will be more profoundly treated in the Intro- 
duction to the Bodleian Catalogue. 

Jewish literature is peculiar in all its branches, but espe- 
cially so is the history of its study. One fact will at once 
illustrate this observation, and give the reader a clue for the 
critical examination of the present work. When the author 
undertook the arduous task of giving a scientific survey of 
the development of the entire Jewish literature of the last 
1800 years (the older Hebrew literature having been treated 
by Christian authors under the separate heads Hebrew Lite- 
rature and Bible), his only encouragement to venture on this 
but partially trodden path was, that he had agreed to confine 
his essay within the narrow limits of two sheets ; a condition 
tacitly implying another, namely, that only the most super- 
ficial outlines were to be given, all the details being left to 
the special articles, biographical and miscellaneous, of that 
large encyclopsedia, which, even should it never be finished, 
will always remain a singular monument of the profound 
erudition and self-denying labour of the scholars of Ger- 
many. This first conception proved impracticable, and there 
was not the slightest objection made by the learned editor 
and the renowned publishing firm, on whom the expense of 



author's preface. V 

the work devolved, when the essay swelled out to a size 
seven times greater than was at first intended. Yet the 
author in no instance trespassed on the ground of the special 
articles, even in cases where these had been omitted from 
their proper places in the portion of the Encyclopaedia pre- 
viously printed. How very much remained to be done in 
this department is now obvious from the extent of the 
articles on Jewish authors treated under the name Josef in 
the 31st volume of the second section, (pp. 44 — 104.) This 
involved another peculiarity of the greatest importance to 
the translator. The author, fearful of being too prolix, and 
feeling the necessity of not suppressing the essential and 
leading ideas and matters of fact, expressed himself as con- 
cisely as he could without becoming obscure ; and the Ger- 
man language is so elastic, and allows so much freedom in 
the formation of new expressions, that a great deal can often 
be said in a few words. It need hardly be added, that this 
has materially enhanced the difficulty of translation. 

Since the completion of the essay, the author's time has 
been entirely occupied on the Catalogue of Hebrew Books in 
Oxford (to which the word Catal. in this translation refers) ; 
the printing of which was only interrupted by repeated visits 
to the Bodleian Library, a trip to Trieste in 1852, for the 
purpose of gleaning some bibliographical information from 
the Saraval collection (now in Breslau)*, and a trip to 
Amsterdam and Ley den in 1854, where he was charged with 
publishing a catalogue of about 120 very interesting manu- 
scripts, especially for Karaitic literature (see p. 309. n. 1. of 
the present work), now in the press. His attention being at 
this time directed to a vast mass of particulars, was neces- 
sarily averted from the general development, but at the 
same time his researches into these particulars prepared a 
more solid basis on which to found his opinions, and added 
flesh to the " dry bones " of names and dates of individual 

* Cf. Serapeum, 1853, p. 281., and 1854, p. 187. 



vi author's preface. 

authors. Having, soon after the appearance of the essay in 
the Encyclopaedia, resolved on a thorough revision and re- 
publication of it in a separate form, the author made short 
marginal notes, corrections, and additions for that purpose, 
when the special articles in the Catalogue, and principally 
the references to the authorities noted in the essay, seemed 
to call for them : but he never contemplated an immediate 
or early execution of his intention, and in the meanwhile 
neglected materials furnished from time to time from various 
sources, and especially by the periodical press, and these 
materials are to this day not completely at his disposal; 
nor could he even find leisure to make full use in this essay 
of his own extracts from books and manuscripts, or of his 
notes made for the Catalogue of the Oxford manuscripts. 

When in 1853 a literal translation of the whole was sub- 
mitted to him for revision, the author found himself in an 
embarrassing dilemma with respect to the alterations to be 
made, and especially with respect to the notes, and he will 
briefly point out his part in its form and matter as it appears 
now before the public. 

1. He first read the translation with the view of insuring 
a faithful reflex of the German original, the German expres- 
sions having been weighed and measured anxiously, and 
often rewritten before their final adoption ; and he tried to 
keep up its general character as a literal translation. Per- 
haps this was not the best method, certainly not the easiest. 
Besides the difficulty arising from involved construction, and 
from the conciseness mentioned above, there was but little 
assistance to be found in the common dictionaries, even for 
the simple conceptions of criticism and philosophy which 
form the pillars of sentences, such as Begriffi umdeuten, 
Bearheitung, Wechselwirkung , Haltpunct, Anhaltspunct, or 
special terms, like Wettgedicht, or even the formulae for cau- 
tious restriction, as wohl, theihoeise, &c. Indeed, between 
the anxious fidelity of the author and the necessary care for 



AUTHORS PREFACE. VU 

his English readers on the part of the translator, the original 
meaning and the strictness of expression may both have 
suffered in some places unwittingly, imperfection being an 
inherent quality of human work. The translator having 
introduced the common English spelling of Hebrew names, 
and the author being in constant use of his different spelling 
in the Catalogue, some inconsistencies have escaped the 
attention of both, especially with respect to the letter n 
being sometimes rendered ch instead of h. 

2. The important alterations of matter made by the 
author consist principally of hundreds of scarcely perceptible 
but sometimes very essential emendations in dates, names, 
&c., as far as his memory or the marginal notes supplied 
them. Since 1853 he has turned his researches for the 
Catalogue more carefully to the advantage of the essay, and 
the result is evident in the notes, and some final corrections 
at the end of the work. Of some omissions in the text an 
account has been given above (p. iv.) ; they bear no pro- 
portion to the additions of all kinds, and some parts and 
longer passages are almost entirely new, for example, parts 
of §§ 11. 13., pp. 113, 114. 222-236., §§ 23. 29. 

Although the essay in its present shape does not come up 
to his original idea of a German reconstruction, still he has 
endeavoured to give it a more independent form ; and what 
in the German encyclopasdia is supplied by the special arti- 
cles will be in most cases found in the Catalogues men- 
tioned, and vice versa. It is neither agreeable nor easy to 
dispose of materials belonging to the same subject for three 
works printed almost at the same time ; and the author could 
not avoid some repetitions and cross-references in the notes. 
Some of his friends were of opinion that the notes should 
be entirely omitted, and that the work should merely in- 
troduce the English public to studies almost unknown to 
them: but the translator thought differently, and as he 
considered them necessary for those who seek further 



viii author's preface. 

information, the author has endeavoured to render them 
complete by revising them according to his system in the 
German essay, so that this part claims a strict scientific 
value. The important alterations made in it are obvious, 
and need no comment. The omissions are more con- 
siderable, because of mere references having been sub- 
stituted where the matter has been treated or the authorities 
collected somewhere else ; but such omissions are indeed 
additions, and altogether the notes have increased in extent. 
The numbering has not been altered for many reasons. 
The notes of Period III. have been omitted, being almost 
exclusively references to Wolfius and the Oppenheim Ca- 
talogue, then the chief authorities : almost all the authors 
mentioned in this Period are to be found amongst the 3000 
and more treated of in the Catalogue. 

With respect to Period I., which contains the peculiar 
collective literature of Talmud and Midrash, the author 
confesses that he has had of late years less opportunity of 
referring to it; and as the German essay left the particulars 
to special articles, whose turn to be printed will not arrive 
for many years, he meant to treat of these, even in his 
intended German reconstruction, only as an introductory 
part, necessary for the understanding of the rest, and with 
this view he has revised the translation. With respect to 
the final dismissal of the sheets for press, he must remark 
that his revision of the MS. was again revised bv the trans- 
lator ; that the author read one proof of the print without 
the assistance of the MS. ; and that he sometimes altered the 
proof-sheet again, and the corrections being very numerous 
some slight mistakes arose, which have been corrected in 
the notes and corrigenda, as far as he hasdetected them by 
occasional reference to the fair sheets. 

In this way did the present essay receive its external 
form. Perhaps some readers might expect a few observa- 
tions upon its inner nature, the general views of the author, 



IX 

his tendencies, and the like : but this is a theme for an essay 
in itself longer than the present; it belongs to a critical 
introduction to Hebrew literature, and nothing on that 
subject seemed to him less advisable than imperfect remarks, 
easily to be mistaken, misinterpreted, and distorted. He 
confesses, however, that he treats of Jewish literature as 
mere literature, that his method is critical, his exposition 
historical, and that he has neither in a personal nor in a 
literary view anything to do with theology in its strict 
sense ; theology itself being partly an object, nowhere the 
subject of his writings. 

The author has thought it useful to add a Hebrew and 
Arabic Index, which may be also considered as an indirect 
contribution to the much-neglected Hebrew lexicography, 
upon which some very interesting remarks have been lately 
published by his celebrated friend Dr. Zunz, in the Zeit- 
schrift der deutsch-morgenl. Gesellschafti x. 501. 

The author has also heard that an English translation of 
the whole essay has been inserted in an American journal, 
The Asmonean, but he had no opportunity of seeing one 
sheet of it, nor does he believe that journal much known or 
read in Europe. 

The purpose of the present translation is obvious ; it is to 
render the English people familiar with the literature of a 
race, the name of whose very language is used by them to 
denote something hopelessly beyond their comprehension. 
And strange it is that such a phrase should exist in a 
country which possesses in Oxford a Hebrew library now 
undoubtedly the first in the world. 

Berlin, December, 1856. 



CONTENTS. 



Page 

§4.] Division of the Subject • - - - - 1 

PERIOD I. 

EROxM THE TIME OF EZRA TO THAT WHEN THE INFEUENCE OF 
ARABIAN PHILOSOPHY BEGAN TO BE FELT, AND EUROPE FIRST 
APPEARED ON THE SCENE. 

From the Fifth Century B.C. to the Seventh Century A. D. 

INCLUSIVE, 

§ 2.] Development - - - - - - 2 

§ 3.] Midrash - - , - - - - - 5 

§ 4.] Halacha -..---. 9 

§ 5.] Haggada - - - - - - - 28 

§ 6.] Liturgy - - - - ^ - - - 54 

§7.] The earliest Jewish Literature of Arabia - - - 59 

PERIOD IL 

FROM THE BEGINNING OF ARABIAN SCIENCE TO THE EXILE OF THE 
JEWS FROM SPAIN. 

From the Eighth to the Fifteenth Century inclusive. 

§ 8.] Introduction and General View - - - - 60 

§ 9.] Halacha - - - - - - -67 

§10.] Histories of Learned Men. — Chronicles - ^ - 75 

§ IL] Conflict between Science and Haggada - - - 82 

§ 12.] Theology and Philosophy - - „ . . - 94 



Xll CONTENTS. 

Page 

§ 13.] Mysteries and Kabbala - - - - - 104 

§14.] Karaitic Literature - - - - - 115 

§ 15.] Polemics ------- i22 

§16.] Hebrew Philology - - - - - 131 

§ 17.] Exegesis - - - - - - - 141 

§ 18.] Poetry, Rhetoric, Stylistic - - - - 146 

§ 19.] Liturgical Poetry (Pijjutim) - - - . - 157 

§ 20.] Non-Liturgical Poetry - - - - - 168 

§ 21.] Mathematical Sciences ----- 179 

§ 22.] Medicine and Natural History - - - - 193 

PERIOD IIL 

From the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century inclusive. 

§ 23.] Transition - - - - - - 203 

§ 24.] Polemical and Apologetic Writings - - - 21 1 

§ 25.] Halacha ------ - 213 

§ 26.] Homiletics, Ethics, Religious Philosophy, and Kabbala - 220 

§ 27.] The Bible and Hebrew Language - - - 232 

§ 28.] Poetry and Liturgy - - - - - 241 

§ 29.] History, Geography, Antiquities, and Miscellanies - 250 

§ 30.] Mathematics and Physical Science - - - 260 

Notes - - - ----- 267 



JEWISH LITERATURE 



§ 1.] Division of the Subject. 

The principal Periods into wMcli we may dh-ide the part 
of Jewish Literature treated of in tliis essay, depend upon 
general characteristics ; they can, however, be distinguished 
only by criteria which form varying limits to special branches 
of literature. Within these, the arrangement may be re- 
garded from various other points of view in turn, e. g. form, 
subject, scene, language.^ 

Period I., from_ the time of Ezra, to that when the in- 
fluence of Arabian philosophy began to be felt, and Europe 
first appeared on the scene, is characterised by the Oral 
Tradition and Midrash.^- - 

Period II., till the expulsion of the Jews from Spain, 
and the invention of printing, exhibits a great development 
of studies of all kinds in various countries and languages ; 
it may be characterised as a process of new formations first 
struggling for existence, then in full possession, and finally 
perfected by cultivation. 

Period III., till the time of Mendelssolin and the ap- 
pearance of German philosophy (as yet unexamined), is, 
in general, one of decay. From this, a recent Period, TV., 
leads to new formations now in the course of elaboration, 
and, consequently, does not belong to this treatise. 



JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 



PEEIOD I. 

FROM THE TOTE OF EZRA, TO THAT WHEN THE INFLUENCE OF 
ARABIAN PHILOSOPHY BEGAN TO BE FELT, AND EUROPE FIRST 
APPEARED ON THE SCENE. 

Fifth Centukt, B.C. — Eighth Cextuet, A.D. 



§ 2.] Development 

Jewisii Literature, in a more restricted sense, begins 
with the Eestoration, and thus comprises the Canonical and 
Apocryphal Scriptures posterior to the Captivity. These, 
in fact, bear some analogy to the Talmud and Midrash, 
which were not reduced to writing until later, although 
certain fragments of them — and, indeed, entire treatises, 
now extant only in name — belonged originally to an earlier 
age. So, e. g., the first germs of Midrash, especially the 
Legends, are found in the Books of Chronicles ^, and perhaps 
also in Job. xii. 4. (conf. Gen. vi. 9.).^ In Haggai (ii. 12.) 
may be traced the elements of Halacha; in Daniel, and 
perhaps in Psalm Iv. 18., "the prayer three times a-day" 
is mentioned.^ The formal contradistinction of Law and 
Prophecy is followed by the developments of Halacha and 
Haggada; the language of Ecclesiastes approaches very nearly 
to that of the Talmud, and many apocryphal books are, in fact, 
Mich'ash reduced to writing.^ Parseeism, the influence of 
which may be perceived in the Talmud ^, was at work during 
the Babylonian Captivity, not long after Zoroaster ; and it 
shows itself unmistakeably in the Book of Ezechiel. But 
every foreign element which was assimilated up to the 
time of Ezra's Restoration, became a national element for the 
Jews then organising themselves afresh. As regards the 
locality, we have, during nearly the whole period, with the 
exception of Esther, no book composed at Babylon ; Pales- 
tine and Egypt divide the whole literature. The language 
is the Aramaic, subsequently to the Greek supremacy al- 
loyed with Greek, and later still with Latin elements and 
the Greeh, To the literarv monuments of that time belong 



§ 2.] DEVELOPMENT. 3 

the genuine coins * and some Greek and Latin inscriptions. 
With Ezra are connected the most remarkable men of the 
time ; they formed the Synagoga Magna^ the influence of 
which extends to the time of the Maccabees. These Soferim 
(d^"i3"ID, scribes, afterwards scripturists) collected the Pen- 
tateuch, or the written Law and the Prophets, and thereby 
the foundation of the Masora was laid.'' On these, regarded 
from every point of view, they insisted, as the centre of 
all thought and religious action; and thus gave a centre 
to the Jewish mind and a direction to literature, which, pre- 
dominating in the first period, have remained active till the 
present time. The general and lasting consequences of this 
may be collected under the following heads : — ■ 

1. The awakening and promotion of mental activity in 
general, and the establishment of suitable institutions, 
schools, and lectures. Study appeared as the highest guide 
for faith and feeling ; the teacher took his place at the head 
of the Honoratiores ; and to speak in the words of the 
Talmud, " The crown of the Thora surpassed that of the 
Priesthood, and of Royalty." 

2. Mental activity submitted itself to Scripture, for the 
right understanding of which it therefore became necessary 
to take some careful steps. This would be tinged with more 
or less of individual character, thus giving rise to the various 
interpretations of Scripture, from the Targum to the Midrash, 
since the object was both to investigate the sense of the 
divine Word without any previous hypothesis, and also to 
discover the presupposed meeting-points for the whole men- 
tal and religious development of the nation. 

3. From the state of culture at that time, the institution 
for the investigation of Scripture amounted to little else 
than a verbal lecture. This and the before-mentioned causes 
tended to soften down individual characteristics, and after- 
wards to produce a collective literature of a peculiar structure. 

4. In the investigation of Scripture there are two prin- 
cipal divisions, Halacha and Haggada, analogous to those 
of Scripture itself, the Law and the Prophets.^ 

* On the subject of Jewish Coins, cf. the article " Jiidische Miinzen," in 
Ersch und Grube's Encycl. vol. xxviii, 

B 2 



4 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I, 

The whole of this movement, the literary ramifications of 
which are not perceived till later, begins from a common 
germ in the period of the Persian dominion in Palestine 
(B.C. 458 — 330). Under Alexander the Great, Greek 
philosoj)hy was transplanted to the East ; thence the Jewish 
mind awoke first to self-consciousness, and then to divisions, 
religio-political parties, and schools^; and, indeed, besides the 
writings of the Hagiographa, certain individual writers appear 
with all their individual features as historical persons, e. g. 
Sirach, Aristobulus (B.C. 190 — 70). In the struggle against 
the Syrians, the connexion of doctrine with national existence 
became apparent, and Polemics placed itself in the vanguard ; 
but in Palestine the widely spread practice of religious 
ceremonial took the first place, at the time when the syn- 
cretism of Egypt gave rise to the Alexandrian school. The 
Synod ^° established by Simon (b.c. 143) wielded the au- 
thority of the Law. Gradually the Hagiographa was col- 
lected; and then began the formation of the Apocrypha, 
Against this, however, some opposition arose (Ecclesi- 
astes, xii. 12.), from the fact that the traditional element 
could not be fixed by writing. ^^ This first period, till 
the composition of the Mishna, although somewhat my- 
thical, is the most interesting, and in many respects the 
most important. It is, however, the least known, since 
so many of its elements have reached us only in collec- 
tions of fragments made in later times ^^, and scarcely any 
step has yet been taken towards a scientific analysis and 
a historical investigation of them. This is the literature of 
the Talmud, Midrash, and Targum, the truly national litera- 
ture of more than a thousand years, to which nothing analogous 
can be found elsewhere, and which has been rescued from a 
chaotic state of wildest misconception by Rapoport's sound 
critical perception, and the surprising results of Zunz's scien- 
tific deductions. ^^ Our present object is to treat not of separate 
and particular writings, such as the Greek works of Philo, Jo- 
sephus,or the poet Ezechiel ^'^, but of a great collective litera- 
ture, which comprises the whole mental activity of centuries ; 
so that some general remarks on the very peculiar character 
of the whole should precede the survey of particular groups. 



§ 3.] MIDRASH. 5 

§ 3.] Mldrask. 

In the literature of the Midrash, taken in its widest 
sense^ the usual expressions, which connect the writer as an 
individual with the reader, are wanting. With few excep- 
tions the works in this branch of literature are anonymous, 
some have had fictitious names added afterwards, some 
few have had them from the first. In their present shape 
the works are disfigured by literary, manuscript, and typo- 
graphical errors, either intentional or otherwise ; they have 
been frequently touched up ^, extracted, and compiled from 
original compilations, or from single older writings now lost ; 
many more from collected discourses and oral traditions 
sometimes not written down till after the lapse of centuries ; 
from old sayings, facts, and individual occurrences, the 
authority for which is often not indicated, scarcely to be re- 
cognised even by means of combinations and parallel pas- 
sages, and which are frequently even contradictory. Besides 
this, there is in the form of the writings a continual inter- 
change of exposition and discussion, narrative and debate, 
and even of persons introduced with transitions frequently 
imperceptible, either expressed only by niceties, or not ex- 
pressed at all ; so that an intelligible translation cannot possibly 
retain the character of the original. Nevertheless, historical 
criticism has in most works, particularly in the older, an 
important and tolerably sure footing for details, in certain 
authorities frequently mentioned by name, the long tradi- 
tional chain of which is drawn out Avith a scrupulousness 
always considered as a particular duty, and in legal matters 
actually necessary.^ And these single names, together with 
other criteria of the contents, the form, and the language, 
supply a footing for the criticism of the whole works ; so that, 
e. g., it has become possible to determine that in the Midrash 
E-abbot, the redaction of the second part (Exodus) is about 
five centuries, and the concluding section of the first part 
(Yajechi) considerably later than the beginning. Moreover, 
the transition from this strange state of mere aggregation, to 
a form of more studied composition, as well as the separation 
of the parts according to their subject, is a clear indication of 
a later time, when Arabian science and literature had appeared 

B 3 



6 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

on the stage^ and the creative power of the Midrash gradually 
vanished. In the older periods the most varied subjects are 
blended with each other, from the highest questions of the 
philosophy of the day, to the most indifferent things of common 
life. The latter owe their place among the former to their 
connexion with persons and things, to their mode of treat- 
ment, or even to some external accident. This remark does 
not hoAvever apply to the entire collection ; there are through- 
out definite sections, and the materials are arranged either 
according to their subject, or according to their connexion 
with the Bible.3 

The relation of the ivhole of this literature to the Bible 
is in general the centre for the true apprehension of its pecu- 
liarities, and is of the greatest importance for the develop- 
ment of the later periods. The Soferim had made first of all 
the Law (the Pentateuch), and next the remaining Canonical 
Scriptures, the centre of their mental activity, and these have 
continued more or less to hold that position until the present 
time. This was especially the case when Judaism was en- 
gaged in the contest with the two daughter religions, which 
alike take their stand upon the Old Testament, but make it 
subordinate to subsequent revelations. The most prominent 
religious divergences among the Jews themselves, — e. g. the 
Alexandrian school, the Sadducees,theCaraites,theCabbalists 
— likewise exhibit a particular treatment of the Bible. This 
relation to the Canon forms a characteristic of the Jewish 
literature as distinguished from all others. The latter de- 
velop themselves freely, and therefore with more marked 
individuality. But the period of the Midrash is distin- 
guished from later ages not so much by any greater amount 
of activity, as by tliis supremacy of the Bible, so nearly abso- 
lute that (as in Christendom about the same time^) no other 
science could attain an independent position. " Turn it (the 
Bible) over and over again, for everything is in it," Avas the 
saying of an old teacher. ^ 

The Institution, which formed the connecting link between 
intellectual activity and practical life, was that of public 
Discourses, the history of which stands in the closest con- 
nexion with the literature originating in it. Preachings 



§ 3.] MIDRASH, 7 

from the Law for general instruction take their origin from 
the earliest times ; Ezra and the Soferim established and ex- 
tended them. Next to them Prophets, trained in schools, acted 
in a freer manner, but always with reference to the Law. 
Even these preachings must have exhibited various modifica- 
tions, from mere reading and explanation to homilies. When 
the biblical Scriptures, and the written discourses of the older 
Prophets, &c. became unintelligible to a people who spoke 
hebraized Aramaic, the reading and exposition of Scripture 
must have taken the character of a translation or paraphrase ; 
and thus gradually arose the literature of the Targumim, both 
the Chaldee and Greek, and also, according to recent researches, 
the Syriac.^ These, like the Midrash, were developed for a long 
time only in the mouth of the reader and teacher, before they 
were collected and reduced to writing, and in their internal 
character do not differ very widely from the Midrash.^ Even 
the Arabic translation of R. Saadja has the character of a 
paraphrase ; and Mendelssohn's German translation of the 
Pentateuch, in legal matters, rests on traditional interpreta- 
tion. In the time of the second temple this reading and 
explanation of Holy Scripture on festivals and days of 
assembly partook of the character of divine service, and 
finally became an integral part of the worship. In the 
place of the earlier Levites and Priests there now came the 
Lawyers (Soferim), viz. the director of the school (j^^i)? gra- 
duated Rabbins (^"i), or learned men in general, and members 
of societies (onnn), who modestly, like the Philosophers, 
called themselves scholars of the wise(D^Dr)n '^T'T^Vn).^ Like 
the earlier schools of Priests and Prophets, it was necessary 
now to establish schools of the learned, in which the principal 
point was the study of (ti'mD) the Law. Here were found 
both preelections for students and the learned, and also po- 
pular lectures, sermons, and homilies ( XLIYSl ) for the whole 
people, who also were in the habit of praying — variously 
indeed, according to the customs of time and place in the 
synagogue, i. e. house of assembly (riDDrm n"^n, 1V^ ri^n 
avvcvyw^r}). But public speaking was not confined merely to 
this institution ; various occasions of public and private life, 
e. g. circumcision, marriage, death ^, were celebrated and con- 

B 4 



8 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

secrated by lectures and discussions. All these discourses, 
for the most part centered in Holy Scripture, opened with a 
text, or returned to its interpretation as their result. They 
were on this account called Midrash in the widest sense 
(ti'l'TTD, Aramaic infinitive, from wyi, properly the investi- 
gation and explanation of Holy Scripture, hence, later, a 
cycle of such explanations), ^° and Darush (ti'TlT, properly 
the result of the investigation); the lecturer in general, 
Doresh, Darshan {]X[^'~\1 ti'lTl, properly, one who explains, 
explainer). The form and subject of these discourses de- 
pended upon the occasion. The cycle of Scripture readings 
was accompanied by a cycle of paraphrases and homilies, and 
the subjects of the strictly doctrinal discourses were con- 
nected with them. On the other hand, the popular dis- 
courses were carried on freely through the whole range of 
Holy Scripture, and it was for the later collector or redactor to 
determine from what point of view he would arrange his mate- 
rials. And, since the Bible itself contains many very different 
elements, the Midrash system, the oral tradition, the expla- 
nations constructed on one another, the varied compilations, 
could not fail to produce a varied web, as described above. 

In a scientific treatise on this literature in particular, it is 
therefore necessary to separate the elements, to establish the 
particulars according to time, place, and individuality, to 
pursue the historical development, and to recognise the ori- 
ginal oral communications in the later written form, in order 
to form a complete judgment. But as long as one hesitates 
to undertake this really difficult task, one will in vain dis- 
cuss the " Ethics, and Exegesis of the Talmud ; " for a con- 
glomeration of fragments of such a kind will furnish argu- 
ments for almost any kind of views. Even the consideration 
of the scene of this movement is important. ^^ It was de- 
veloped in Palestine, and thence passed to the countries 
either immediately adjoining or connected with it by the 
E-oman dominion, Egypt, Asia Minor, Greece, Italy, &c. In 
the third century Babylon, having long recognised the weight 
of the authorities of Palestine, takes a prominent position. 

After these general remarks, we pass on to particulars. 



§ 4.] HALACHA. 9 

§ 4.] Halacha. 

In the whole movement of that time, and even within 
the Midrash itself^ a difference was developed at an early 
period. The foundation of this lies in the very essence of 
Judaism ; it found a footing in the Bible itself, and in 
later times led to important divergences^ — the difference of 
Halacha and Hao's^ada. The theocratic law of the Jews 
contains precepts for life, and presupposes certain doctrines 
as true. In this the difference between Politics, Law, and 
Religion is only partially developed. The Pentateuch brings 
the whole of private and public life within the field of its 
legislation ; but this is done in general outlines, the appli- 
cation of which to practical details, together with the ad- 
ministration of the Theocracy, is entrusted to certain bodies ; 
e. g. Priests, Levites, Judges, &c. The great revolutions, 
which the JcAvish polity underwent from the time of its 
foundation till the second captivity, and the still greater 
which followed, must have introduced important modifi- 
cations in the whole life of the people.^ These required a 
higher sanction. Moreover, the tendency of particular 
parties to be influenced by the national and religious 
characteristics of foreign nations, showed the necessity 
of a rule for modifications of the Law, and of measures 
on the part of the religio-political leaders and teachers 
for the maintenance of Judaism ; and thus the contest 
for the national life was the same as that between the parties 
for their leaders, and the schools for their fundamental 
doctrines. 

The fundamental idea whence arose the literature of 
which we are about to speak (the Pharisaic or Rahhinical, 
as it is called), was as follows. Moses had received, together 
with the Pentateuch or iVritten Law (nnnnti' niin), also 
an Oral Law (n£3 hvT^ HTin), which was faithfully trans- 
mitted from him, by an unbroken line of leaders and teachers 
(Joshua, Judges, Kings, Sjc), to the members of the Great 
Synod, and thence to the teachers who immediately suc- 
ceeded. For this reason it was called Tradition {phli'p) ^ ; 



10 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

and a single law was termed tlie Mosaic rule from Sinai 
(■'^^DD 'niXLf'dl "n^Dhn). Besides this there are single insti- 
tutions and laAvSj — laws preventive and defensive of the 
wise and pious of all ages, and manners and customs of 
various origin. Their sanction rests upon the general divine 
command (Deut. xvii. 11.) of obedience to rulers and teachers, 
or upon special exegesis, according to rules of interpretation 
considered as traditional. Generally speaking, that which was 
acknowledged in practice was brought into connexion with 
the Bible by a " leaning " ("JT^D), as it was called, even if 
it did not originally arise out of the passage of Scripture in 
question.^ The principal point for its authentication was the 
fact of its having been received (or " heard," ^B12 i^DVTy^ 
H^yty^ri) by members of the chain of tradition, or by men 
of recognised authority, i. e. by learned men of note (pupils 
of the former), &c. Many things were ascribed to old bibli- 
cal personages, even without forging or attributing to them 
books for this particular purpose ; in this lies a characteristic 
difference from the later especially the historical Haggada, 
and likewise from the newer Kabbala.'* From the theocracy 
was derived the fundamental notion, that the exercise of 
religious duties, as a kind of legal relation to God, should be 
defined and watched in the most minute particulars with 
scrupulous exactness, almost in the same way as the legal 
relations between man and man. Hence arose a juridico- 
political point of view ; hence also thi3 maintenance of eccle- 
siastical discipline and the censorship of the religious life in 
reference to jurisdiction and casuistry came into intimate 
connexion with the legal and criminal administration ; and 
hence, finally, the varied fate of the Jewish autonomy neces- 
sarily introduced all kinds of conflicts in religious theory and 
practice.^ But by means of the opposition to foreign nation- 
alities and their adherents, as well as by the general ascetic 
tendency of the time, all life was drawn into the sphere of 
religious law. The written law contains, according to the 
tradition, 613 commands ( miSi?:! :)^""in ), viz., 248 com- 
mands and 365 prohibitions ^ ; and according to a later ex- 
planation (which is, however, now given up by almost all 



§ 4.] HALACHA. 11 

Hebrew scholars), the Soferim derive their name from 
" numbering " * precepts.^ They certainly occupied them- 
selves both with the preservation of the letter (see below), 
and also with the development of the spirit of Scripture, i. e. 
especially of the Law (in which they were followed by 
later teachers) ; hence much of the Law is characterised as 
Soferical (n^BID nm?2) or Rahhinical (jDlinTD). This 
whole field of juridico-political religious practice, in a certain 
sense a doctrine of human and divine law ("humani et 
divini juris"), is termed Halaclia (p'^hn, rule, precept).^ 
If men occupied themselves in it, it also had reference to 
actual life. But it was considered important not to deliver 
over the old traditions, and that which gradually grew up in 
daily life, to the slavery of the letter, as this would have 
placed it on the same footing as the written Law (on which 
point the contest of Sadducaeism arose).^ A large portion 
of matter was therefore propagated orally for centuries ; and, 
at most, a few learned men, in order to assist their memory, 
noted down what was necessary in Secret Rolls (jrhyo 
D"'nnD).^° If then we wish to form a conception of the 
literature of the (written) Halaclia, which did not begin till 
a later period, we must commence with oral tradition. We 
here adopt the common division, according to which the 
period treated of in this introductory part is arranged in five 
subdivisions, viz. : — 

1. The Soferim ; 2. the Tannaim ; 3. Amoraim ; 4. Sa- 
boraim ; 5. Gaonim (up to the end of this introductory 
part).^i 

1. The Soferim (nnsiD), the members of the Great 
Synod {phT\yn HD^S^ti'DK), (who always filled up their 
number) from Ezra to Simeon the Just, until the beginning 
of the Grecian Sadducees, and down to the Greco-Syrian 
persecutions, were, as their name implies. Scribes^ viz. of 
the Law in particular, and therefore acquainted with Scrip- 
ture, and generally the literary men of the time.^^ To their 
great care is due the preservation of the Biblical Scriptures 

* The Hebrew "ISD is also " to number." 



12 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

in their present character ^^ and form ; a matter which is 
more closely connected than is generally supposed with the 
Jewish tradition, and therefore with the legal part of the 
Pentateuch, and especially with the Halacha. For this reason, 
in the criticism and exegesis of the Pentateuch, the more at- 
tention should be paid to the Halacha. From the Soferim 
are derived explanations and interpretations ( D''"i£)*iD ^ti^ll"**) ), 
especially determinations of measure and quantity (mp^ti' 
DnBID), which in theory form a contrast to the simple 
letter of the Law (nmn ^"ini), but which, in authority, are 
equal to it, since, as a traditional view of the Law, they 
are esteemed " divinely-legal " (l^nmi^lTO). They were 
therefore not separately fixed ^^ and taught, but in a great 
measure '^ ascribed to Scripture," by means of certain signs 
( D'^^rj'^D ) or indications ( U^'^T^I ) ; and these formed the 
foundation of the Masora, which, at a latter period, took an 
independent position. To this belong, e. g., the writing of 
vowel-points, large and small letters, unusual formations of 
words (e. g. the well-known "IP3 for nnP3,) keri and 
ketibh, &c.^^, the object of which is to indicate a So- 
feristic law, and generally speaking a doctrine. Connected 
with this, also, are probably variations, or other mar- 
ginal glosses in the MSS. of the Law, the existence of 
which is perhaps mentioned in the time of the Tannaim, 
e. g. in R. Meir's copy of the Pentateuch.'^ In this way 
arose the So/eristic emendations or modifications (""ilp^n 
DnSlD) of Holy Scripture, a matter which has not yet been 
sufficiently treated. The results of these glosses with re- 
spect to the interpretation of the Bible, in so far as they 
lie at the foundation of those modifications, are perhaps 
the Soferistic reasonings, as they are called (or subtle- 
ties : ( ansiD ^pnpi)^^ in contrast to the unwritten 
reasonings on the Bible ( nmn ^^'pTipl ) of the Soferim. 
Besides these, they made prohibitory laws on their own 
authority, called Fences {TV, ^1^, later n~iT^), &c. ; and this 
Soferistic precept (onsiD mi), "Tradition of the Elders" 
(in Greek works, e. g. the New Test.), forms a contrast to 
the traditional laws which are deduced from the Bible ("ipr 
nrr^m^^l) and similar authority. 



§ 4.] HALACIIA. 13 

2. The Tannaim. To their time belong the fixing, col- 
lecting, and final redaction of the Halacha, which we will 
discuss, as to its matter, and as to its history. 

(A.) The additions to the Halacha which were gradually 
collected in the times of the Soferim, whether indicated 
in the MSS. of the Law, or known from practice alone, 
were for the most part not taught in the schools. By the 
changes of the Persian, Egyptian, Syrian, and the later 
Roman dominion, and the consequent divisions among the 
people, the changes in national and private life were accele- 
rated, and rendered more striking. The endeavours of the 
national schools were turned towards bringing out a greater 
conformity in practice by a more scrupulous theory ; and 
thus more credit was given to the notion that everything 
which was left undetermined by the Law was to be esta- 
blished, in spite of all controversy and doubt, by the decision 
(mxri^) of the wise. In this way it became necessary to 
formularise the subject matter of the Halacha. On the other 
hand, a connexion between the Bible and that which was 
recognised and determined having been established, certain 
general rules of interpretation (riH/O, properly, measure, 
determination, &c.) ^^ were necessarily put forth ; and these 
themselves became an object of theory. Among the points 
determined by the Law, those relating to judicial matters re- 
quired particular attention. These were, however, not carried 
out in detail in the Pentateuch in proportion to their 
urgency, but were rather given up to the individual who 
filled office, and therefore the most exposed to great reforms 
during political changes. The theory of judicial matters 
was developed in accordance with the natural feeling of 
justice by means of single sentences and statements (mn^f:!, 
I"']^! 01J~-in ) ^^, which were either of general ( nirD^n 
rnix^llp), or only of local and provincial application (miJ^bn 
n^^lTD) ; and these last either were deduced from the provin- 
cial customs (1~13'^"17D Iin::?:)), or were the foundation of them. 
The Sadducees had a book of sentences ()nn^n .nnnJ nDD)^^ 
differing from the Halacha, which book was set aside in the 
time of E. Jochanan. The influence exerted by the Roman 
dominion on the formation of Jewish Law, and its termi- 



14 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Pebiod I. 

nology, is a subject of dispute amongst the learned of modem 
times. ^^ The subject matter of the Halacba was fixed 
by compressing simple practical rules into a short and often 
enigmatical formula : this was called ^' a Halacha *' (r^Dbn). 
These oldest Halachot* are composed in a scholastic Hebrew 
(the common language of the people was at this time 
Aramaic), which was subsequently called the '* language of 
the wise " (D'::2i:n ] V^i'V) -^ ; and the preservation of a for- 
mula once established was a solemn duty among the scholars. 
The relative age of these Halachot, i. e. of the formulae, 
is to be discovered from their form and contents, e. g. by 
Grecicised or Latinised expressions for certain classes of 
ideas ; the mention of late events is a sure sign of a recent 
date ; on the other hand, the contents may be older than the 
form in which it is enunciated. But when many teachers 
ascribe certain Halachot to the old kings, prophets, &c., this 
is orenerallv not to be considered as intentionallv an historical 
or critical testimony, even to their contents.^ Thus the 
expression Mosaic Halacha ( ^^^VO r\l'L.'72'? ndbn ) is ex- 
tended to aU the old traditional matter of the Halachot, even 
when it clearly belongs to the time of the Soferim, and is 
actually noticed as such (□^"ISID ""QT^). A great number 
of Halachot respecting the Temple certainly belong to eye- 
witnesses : and if matters which had fallen into disuse after- 
wards became a subject of discussion (see below, C), still 
the formulising of simple Halacha generally belongs to the 
time when it was practically needed. The recorder and the 
original composer of a Halacha are both called in Hebrew, 
nDhn nz^'Z' ; in Chaldee, ^>^:n ; in the dialect of Pales- 
tine, >5*'i;n -^ ; without reference to his position or learning 
in other respects. Both as regards their contents at the time 
of their formation, and still more in consequence of a long 
oral tradition, the changes in life, and the external impedi- 
ments to study, these short Halachot frequently needed a 
further elucidation and discussion ; so that the oral Halacha, 
in this respect, like Holy Scripture, had its exposition, which 
might be called (with Krochmal) the Midrash of the Halacha 
{p:hn ti'mr)). But the Halacha had itself originally in 

* niD^n, Halachot, is the plural of nD^H, Halacha. 



§4.] HALACHA. 15 

part been deduced from the study of the Bible, and in a 
still greater degree been referred to the Bible by the later 
discussions. The investigation of the relation between 
Halacha and the Bible was called Midrash of the Scriptures 
( D'^mnrjn ti'llTD ), and the complete treatment of the Ha- 
lacha formed the Halacha studies ; in Hebrew, Talmud 
(lydiT)) ; in Chaldee, Gemara (i^1?2:i) '^^ ; which, in opposi- 
tion to the formularised Halacha of tradition, gave full 
play to the subjective element. Hence, in later times, the 
prevalent tendency of particular teachers to follow out either 
the old traditions or their own opinions becomes especially 
prominent; as, e. g., R. Elieser boasted that he had never said 
anything which he had not learned from his teacher. Hence 
also this element first appears as supplementary (KDSDin) ^^ ; 
but, when the old Halachot were finally collected, the ele- 
ment of Talmud could no longer be clearly distinguished.^^ 
The subject matter of the Halacha, and even that part which 
was of the highest authority (mm )^"T) underwent in the 
course of time all the various modifications (niDpn) which 
were established (iD'^pnn) and sanctioned by individuals or 
schools. On the other hand, older and original regulations 
(□""rnprn, from the verb ()pri) were referred to the oldest 
authority possible, and consequently often connected with 
the Bible by means of Midrash. Thus, finally, the contrast 
between the Bible (K"ip?D) and Halacha was developed with 
the most varied traits in respect of origin and authority. 
(B.) The compilation of the single Halachot took place gra- 
dually, and in different ways. It is natural to suppose that, 
as soon as the number of particular Halachot increased, a 
rubrication of them should be made for the sake both of me- 
thod and of memory. The compilation may be reduced to 
three principal heads, which are still discernible in the later 
collections. (1.) According to the contents and form of the 
Halacha, in respect of similarity either of the object, or the 
tendency (e. g. alleviation or aggravation), or even only of the 
external formulae (similar or dissimilar, universal and particular, 
numbers ^^, &c.), which give an opportunity for an artificial 
arrangement; this was called a web (nr)D70, Massechet).^^ 
These, however, grew again to such a size, that they were 



16 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

divided into orders (□n'lD, Sedarim), the reduction of 
which to the number 6 is ascribed to Hillel. Particular 
doctors occupied themselves especially with particular di\'i- 
sions, according as their mode of life, their school, or inclina- 
tion suggested, and they often became great authorities in 
such matters, e. g. Rabbi Eliezer ben Jacob in the determi- 
nation of measurements (miTD) respecting the Temple ; 
K. Simon, of Mizpn, in the Ritual of the Day of Atonement, 
which he, as Krochmal judiciously supposes, perhaps collected 
for liturgical purposes for the inhabitants of the country, 
and for exiles (see below § 6. 19.); and Hillel in the genealogy 
of those who returned from Babylon, a subject of practical 
importance (see below § 5 b.). (2.) According to the order 
of the Bible, as far as the simple Halacha was connected with 
it by means of its Midrash; so that here, instead of those 
independent '' webs " of Halacha, we meet with certain col- 
lections arranged and named after the sections of the Bible 
(nvt^na 28 a^ ParasMot). With these two divisions of Ha- 
lacha is connected the expression Mishna (HDli'T:)), which 
was used for Halacha (how early is unknown), and employed 
in both senses by the later schools. ^^ (3.) According to 
the method by which it was deduced. After the Midrash 
of the Halacha had itself become an object for theory, and 
certain rules and methods of interpretation for the deduc- 
tion of the Halacha from Scripture had been fixed upon 
(seven of which were ascribed to Hillel, and others known 
as Rabbi Ismael's), Halachol were finally composed on 
and according to these " axioms," and called " Measure " 
(>?nVnD JTiVd?:), the Chaldee interpretation of T\yi2), or 
Mishna of the Midrash (ti'-n?2n DDti'D). All these different 
systems were represented in particular schools, and in the 
collections which they produced. 

In order to form an opinion of the method of the Talmud, 
it is necessary to give due weight to the memoria iechnica 
and signs (D'^DD'^d) of the narrators and collectors. Even 
some formulae used in exegesis, e. g. explanation of letters 
and numbers (^* grammatica," and " geometria "), which in 
mystic writings and the Kabbala were believed to be real, 
were originally meant only for memoria technica.^^ 



§ 4.] HALACHA. 17 

(C.) The History of the composition and gradual collection 
of the Halacha is connected with the history of the people, 
especially with that of the Schools, their leaders, and the 
principal judicial colleges. By the establishment of a supe- 
rior Court of Law, the Synedrium (b. c. 142) ^^, a certain 
unity of practice became possible, since the dissentient 
(n")7:iQ )pt) was forced to obedience by the strong hand of 
the Law. Hence throughout those times the names of the 
presidents only are preserved. During the wars of the 
last Maccabees and the aggressions of Rome the political 
power of the Synedrium decayed; the Schools and doc- 
trine which had flourished in Palestine up to that time 
were suppressed ; tradition, if not entirely interrupted, 
was at least dimmed, and was restored only by Syrians, 
Babylonians, and proselytes.^'' Thus the old Halacha 
became more and more the subject of dispute, and took 
the hue of particular teachers and schools. Hillel, the 
Babylonian, is considered as the restorer of the Oral Law 
at the time of Herod. He effected much the same in the 
oral that Ezra did in the written Law; he collected and 
arranged the materials, and applied himself to the diffusion 
of doctrine. But it was no longer possible to restore the 
ancient uniformity in practice; for, although Shammai 
himself, Hillel's colleague, differed from him in only a few 
points, yet there arose so wide a difference in the theory of 
the Halacha between their respective schools, that, to use 
the expression of the Talmud, '^ The Thora was become as 
it were two." During the dominion of the Roman gover- 
nors, through the last struggles of the declining nation (45 — 
70), and under the cruel measures of the conquerors, learn- 
ing could not fail to decay ; yet there arose under GtAMALIEl 
the older (i. e. the first) the flourishing school of Jamnia, — 
whither migrated B. Jochanan ben Sakkai, with other 
learned men. This gave an opening for the further develop- 
ment of various tendencies and schools, and a new impulse 
to the study of the Halacha. By the destruction of the 
Temple, and the Captivity, a great part of the collected Law 
fell, either at once or by degrees, into disuse. Yet theory 
clung to it only so much the closer ; for the Captivity was 

C 



18 .JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

looked upon as but a transitory state, the end of which, 
the glorious restoration by the Messiah, was expected 
every moment, and minutely calculated by various persons 
with contradictory results. Under the Halacha were 
gradually comprised more and more things, which could not 
become of practical importance until the time of the Mes- 
siah (HTl^wr^h i^Ddbny^ On the other hand the notion 
arose, that the obligation of the Law, to fulfil which was im- 
possible, might be satisfied by mere study ; " Since the Temple 
was destroyed, God had only the four ells of Halacha." * 
Finally the Halacha, although it had become unpractical, was, 
through its methodology audits exegetical part, too much inter- 
woven with everything else to be ever entirely excluded from 
study ; and this remark is applicable even at the present time. 
Once more an attempt was made to restore unity of practice 
among the contradictory schools, by means of external autho- 
rity. After the death of K. Jochanan ben Sakkai (about A. D. 
100), Kabbi Ga:maliel ben Simon ben Gamaliel collected 
round himself a new Synedrium at Jamnia, as president of 
which he was probably the first to bear the title of Prince (K^ti'3, 
Nasi). He proposed the statements of the school of Hillel 
as normal, and tried to put down every contradiction by a 
power ecclesiastical rather than temporal. But his labours 
were wrecked by the opposition of his own college, which 
wished to maintain the right of tradition uncurtailed. The 
old traditions and their teachers again came forward ; and it 
is possible that a theory of tradition was actually pro- 
pounded at this time.^ Men of note exerted themselves inde- 
pendently in the Schools at different places, e. g. R. Eliezer 
BEN Hyrcan at Lydda, R. Joshua at Pekiin, R. Jehuda 
of Batyra at Nisibis, &c. ; and as after the Captivity Jewish 
learning generally travelled with the exiled Jews beyond 

* According to the Talmud, the space occupied by a man is four ells ; the 

sense, therefore, is, that God resides at those places where men are engaged 
in study. Eisenmenger, in his desire to make the Talmud ridiculous, translates, 
" only four ells of space to go" while ilD^n can be taken only mischievously 
in such an unusual sense foi- n^""^!!; and this translation shows eren an igno- 
rance of the whole genius of the language, which would requh-e an entirely 
diiFerent grammatical construction to express this meaning. 



§ 4.] HALACHA. 19 

the limits of Galilee and Syria, to Arabia, Asia Minor, and 
even to Rome ^^, so for its maintenance institutions were 
established, which retained some connexion with each other. ^^ 
Thus the renowned proselyte R. Akiba ^^ laboured during 
his extensive travels, no less than in his school at Bene 
Barak. He also extended the rules of interpretation ; and 
to him the first composition of Mishna arrangements is 
ascribed.'^*' As a follower of the Pseudo-Messiah Bar Kochba 
in the war of Trajan and Hadrian (ending with the conquest 
of Bethar (Beth Zor) a. d. 122?), he sealed a life of enthu- 
siasm for religion and doctrine with a martyr's death. He 
thus occasioned the subversion of his numerous school, and 
directed the oppressive decrees of Rome against these first 
buds of learning, and especially against the ordination or 
promotion (r\D^72D, laying on of hands) which commu- 
nicated the dignity of Rabbi to the learned. But before 
his death he had taken great care to preserve this dignity, 
which in the course of circumstances underwent various 
modifications. 

Jerusalem was rebuilt as a heathen city, Christianity 
began to assume a concrete form, and Rabbinism found it 
more and more necessary to support practice by a theory of 
principles. The religious polemic against the Samaritans 
and Christians, political persecutions, scholastic contro- 
versies (especially those between Palestine and Babylon), of 
an intricacy and detail hitherto unattempted, all brought 
about the transplanting of doctors and schools ; e. g. the fall 
of the school at Jamnia through the instrumentality of 
Simon ben Jochai ^\ and the removal of the learned to the 
north of Palestine, where finally, under the mild rule of the 
Antonines, Tiberias became a city renowned and influential 
in Jewish lore. The fate of the Synedrium during this war 
requires a more thorough investigation. Immediately after 
the Destruction mention is made of one located first at Usha 
(Mti'll*), and subsequently (about a. d. 160) at Tiberias. 
R. Simon ben Gamaliel, who fled as a schoolboy from the 
destruction of Bethar, was considered as the successor of his 
father in the rank of Nasi ; by his side stood R. Natan, the 
Babylonian, as "Father of Court" (]n n^n nK), and R. 

c 2 



20 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

Meir, the proselyte, as '' Wise Man " (p^xi). The school 
at Jamnia, called " the vineyard," from the lines or ranks 
of its members, flourished once more. At this time the 
Methods (see above, B.) began to be distinguished in a more 
decided manner, and to be represented by individuals ; 
thus e. g. R. Meir taught principally simple Halacha ; K. 
Nehemia principally discussion ; R. Jehuda ben Jlai ''^, 
and R. Simon the Midrash of the Halacha, in a form which 
became the foundation of the later collections of Sifra and 
Sifri; E. Ismael, and R.Elieser ben Joze the Galilsean 
propagated hermeneutical studies. Besides these, there were, 
as at an earlier period, some schools named after their 
masters ^^ and some teachers of Mishna, now again called 
"Wise Men" (D^'TDDn), and distinct from the mere Repe- 
tentes (D-'i^Dn ^Kn''''3nD mDTD), with whom indeed they 
often fell into controversy. At this time R. Simeon, the 
Nasi, impelled probably by the same motives as his father, 
endeavoured to collect a Canon from the pile of Halacha; 
and this work, begun in the time of Hillel, was completed 
by his son and successor '^^, R. Jehuda, called Rabbi Kar' 
s^o'xrjv (died about A. D. 191) ; he is therefore usually desig- 
nated as the composer or redactor of the Mishna. This " re- 
daction " consists, as was shewn above, in a continuous sifting 
and arrangement of the Halacha material from oral and 
written sources, according to the method of R. Meir, in 
which discussion and exegesis were not considered as proper 
elements of the Mishna. It is nevertheless a great point of 
controversy among the learned of recent times, whether R. 
Jehuda was the first actually to reduce the complete Mishna 
to writing."^^ At all events the Mishna of R. Jehuda is not 
that which has come down to us, since it was retouched by 
his pupils. At this point the next period begins. 

3. The Amoraim (D^>*ni7:)K). This name was given 
in the preceding period to the lecturers, expounders, or 
interpreters ()n:iTin7D), who delivered publicly the words 
of the master, or " Wise Man," in the popular dialect, 
and enlarged upon them. He thus occupied a rank sub- 
ordinate to him. After the redaction and general re- 
ception of the Mishna, this expression came to signify the 



§ 4.] HALACITA. 21 

" Wise Men " themselves, to whom nothing more than 
a simple report of the received Halacha was permitted.^^ 
In this sense the immediate pupils of R. Jehuda form 
the transition from the Tannaim to the Amoraim ; and 
among them Abba Aricha (ob. a. d. 243), distinguished 
by the name Rab/'' was reckoned by some later 
writers as one of the Tannaim. He transplanted to 
Babylon, then under the newly established dominion of the 
Persians (a. d. 226), the last amended recension of the 
Mishna; and in connexion with his illustrious colleague, 
Samuel, he gave the first impulse at that city to a more im- 
portant and productive study of the Halacha. '^^ The Mishna 
of R. Jehuda excluded not only traditions theoretically false, 
or critically suspected, but also for the most part discussion 
(Talmud) and exegesis (Midrash); although both were at that 
time in a flourishing state, and had gained the respect due 
to antiquity (the latter even the authority of tradition), 
besides being regarded with predilection by some masters. 
Indeed, through internal and external causes, the Mishnijjot 
( m^Dti^TD, Chaldee ]^n"'Dnn also ]n^3n7D, 'i3n:::i'D '' our 
Mishna ") of R. Jehuda came to be looked upon as a canon 
to which public lectures were confined, and to which appeal 
was made in practice. It could not, however, fail to happen, 
especially in early tunes, that individual doctors should have 
preserved Halachas, either single or collected from periods 
still more ancient ^^, so that, beside the official collection, 
another of an apocryphal character might be formed; and 
this in fact was done by the above mentioned Abba Aricha, 
and his uncle R. Chijja, and about a generation later by R. 
OscHAJA, called "the Father of the Mishna." , The Halacha 
collected by the latter is called the external Mishna (n^ti'TD 
nillii^n, Chaldee xnnn Kn"^2n?2, the last' two used also 
singly : Matnito, Boraito ^^). Similarly also'R. Chijja and 
R. OscHAJA collected the discussions and other additions'^to 
the Halacha, which had been omitted in the Mishna, after 
the method of R. IS"ehemia, called Tosefta (l^rUDDin). 
Still more pressing was the need for collections, which should 
comprise the Exegesis and Methodology of the Halacha, as 
they were treated by the old doctors. Such are the worka 

c 3 



22 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

Sifra, Sifri (edited in the School of Rab), and Mechilta,^^ 
All these and other individual collections are still extant, partly 
as separate works, partly in later editions, and partly only 
as fragments in other works, particularly in the Talmud; they 
are for the most part composed in the dialect of the Mishna. 
Materials so rich, handed down from past ages with such 
pious care, and the continual additions from living sources, 
afforded to the increasing schools in Palestine and Babylon 
matter sufficient to raise a superstructure. The next gene- 
ration were occupied still more with the critical treatment of 
Halacha literature. But although a part of the discussions 
and exegesis was already intruded upon the Mishna, or in 
separate collections was so far perfected as to succeed in 
establishing a claim to currency for itself, yet, like the old 
simple Halacha and the Bible, it again necessarily became 
the object of oral interpretation and discussion, and had to 
be linked with the Bible; so that the exposition of Scrip- 
ture became more and more arbitrary, the methodology more 
and more complicated, until finally the traditional element 
of the Halacha was obscured by speculation (nvin, subjec- 
tive discussion). ^^ The history of this development, the 
separation with respect to countries, schools, and individuals, 
awaits, with but little hope, a self-denying, indefatigable, and 
unprejudiced inquirer. The further the study of the Hala- 
cha evolved, or rather involved itself, the more pressing became 
the need of sifting the new material and arranging it under 
the old; and after the old Halacha and its elucidation had 
been fixed in writing, and made canonical, the subsequent 
discussions followed periodically. These were, however, 
produced by external causes, and carried on in written 
redactions, which must always be regarded as the work of 
a school at the instigation of one prominent individual. In 
Palestine, such was the case about a.d. 370 — 380, after its 
schools had lost the right of ordination, and had been de- 
stroyed by the influence of Christianity, then in full power. 
In this way, at Tiberias, sprang up the Jerusalem (more 
properly Palestine) Talmud (more properly Gemara), which 
is falsely attributed to E,. Jochanan (ob. a.d. 279).^^ Soon 
after this the Patriarchate became extinct, and the import- 



§ 4.] HALACHA. 



23 



ance of Palestine declined; but the lasting connexion of 
this country with Babylon ^"^ familiarised the literati of Ba- 
bylon with the Mishna and Gemara of Palestine.^^ In Ba- 
bylon there flourished^ under raore favourable circiunstances, 
the schools at Syra, Pum-bedita, Xehardea^, Mahusa, Xeresh 
(Pti'i:) under the Heads of Schools (Kna^nD ^n, Resh 
Metibtd)i and the Princes of the Exiles, Resh Geluta, as 
they were called, whose more subtle and refined doctrines 
met with scorn and reproach at the hands of some of the doc- 
tors of Palestine.^^ The Babylonian Amora'im number from six 
to seven orenerations, accordino; to the heads of the schools : 
Rab and Samuel, Huna and Jehuda, Babbah (n^n) and 
Joseph, Abbaje and Eabba (><^"^), Ashe and his son Mar 
and Rabina. Bab Ashe, head of the school at Syra, was per- 
mitted, in a long official life (said to be of sixty years), and 
after a long period of external peace, to direct his numerous 
scholars in the collection and arrangement of his entire Halacha 
writings. He died, however, before the completion of this 
revision (a.d. 427). From these circumstances he or his 
son (ob. 2oth Sept., a.d. 467) is considered as the last 
Tahnudical authority '^^ {^\i^^^n ^^id). The redaction of the 
Babylonian Gemara was effected by B. JoSE, president of the 
Academy of Syra (ob. A. d. 475) ; but the Babylonian Tal- 
mud appears first as a complete whole in the time of 

4. The Sabokaiim. In the latter half of the fifth century, 
the persecutions under Jezdegerd, Fu'uz, and Kobad'^^, who, 
amongst other things, degraded the office of Besh Geluta to 
a venal title of the rich, had caused the decline of the Ba- 
bylonian schools, and interrupted the chain of ordination 
in a most palpable manner. In consequence of this, the 
succeeding doctors did not again assume to themselves 
any authority in opposition to tradition, and they confined 
their teaching and judgment simply to the comparison and 
reconciliation of what was in theu' hands, to explanation and 
opinion (nilD) ; hence they were called Saboraim ^^ 
(Oiil^iD, conf. the form of Amoraim). By them, how- 
ever, certain additions, particularly the methodological and 
mnemonical signs (l:d^:?2^d), have been introduced into the 
Babylonian Gemara. ^° But the latest Saboraim must have 

c 4 



24 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

had this Gemara (excepting a few later additions and varia- 
tions) already in the same form as that of the few remain- 
ing MSS. and earliest editions. The Gemara (Talmud in 
the narrower sense) being subordinate to the Mishna (ac- 
cording to the Babylonian recension), the word Talmud 
received the wider signification, comprising both Mishna and 
Gemara. The Sabora'im consequently stood in the same 
relation to the Babylonian Talmud, as the Soferim to Holy 
Scripture. It lay before them as a book ready to hand, 
as an object of exposition, investigation, and discussion. 
To them, or rather to itself as the last effusion of 
tradition (which was considered as uninterrupted), in 
the midst of great intellectual pressure and authoritative 
belief, is due the esteem in which the Talmud is held as con- 
trasted with later productions (some older parts being similarly 
contrasted with the newer) ; it was not made canonical by 
any individual or college, for its own nature would have 
rendered this impossible. So it came to pass, that the Talmud, 
including the Mishna, as a living commentary on Scripture, 
and like Scripture itself, was made the foundation of all later 
developments, — a fact which is the more conceivable because 
the Talmud forms almost the only literature for more than 
five hundred years ; the few Halacha-Midrashim above 
mentioned having been partly scattered about the Talmud 
itself. All the other collections of Halachot of that time 
have been lost, probably in consequence of the reverence 
paid to those which were received. More detailed informa- 
tion on the contents, form, and fate of the two Talmuds, is 
not the purpose of this essay. Concerning the many hun- 
dred Scholars of the Talmud ("nD^nn "'TDIDn) mentioned in 
that work, only what is absolutely necessary can be here 
noticed. By a compilation of their remaining fragments 
pictures of them as physical and intellectual persons might 
be drawn; and for this purpose the Talmud is our only 
resource. But we cannot here do this even with respect 
to the most remarkable of these men. It was, however, 
necessary to give a sketch of the history of the origin 
of the Talmud as the foundation of all the later litera- 
ture of the Halacha and TIaggada; for a proper treat- 



§ 4:'] HALACHA. 25 

ment of the Talmud and Midrash gives tlie true point of 
view whence to consider the subsequent cultivation of inde- 
pendent science and its controversies. The following prin- 
cipal circumstances fonn the transition to the next period. 
The language of the two Talmuds in the narrower sense 
(exclusive of the older fragments), in contradistinction to the 
scholastic Hebrew of the Mishna, is principally the east and 
west Aramaic dialect, as was rendered necessary by free 
discussions and popular lectures. But in Persia the lan- 
guage of the country, of which some specimens are to be 
found in the Talmud ^^, gradually became prevalent among 
the Jews ; and the Talmud then required philosophical ex- 
planation and textual care. The study of the Talmud with 
its all-comprehensive contents absorbed the whole powers 
of the mind, and scarcely even the titles of the original 
works of the Saboraim have come down to us.*^^ To their 
time perhaps belongs the collection or final redaction ex- 
ecuted in Palestine of some of the lesser treatises (miDtOp 
mr)D?:i), as they are called, forming an apocrypha to the Tal- 
mud. ^^ Generally speaking the period which follows is 
obscure and dark, and the uninteresting pages of literary 
history are filled with accounts of persecutions traced in 
blood. Even the limits of this period are differently given, 
the idea of the Saboraim given above being in fact extended 
to the period which follows, viz. to the first among 

5. The Gaonim. After the revival of the school at 
Tiberias during the wars of Rome and Persia, and the decline 
of the office of the Resh Geluta, and after the attempt to 
restore Jerusalem (a. d. 610),^^ the mental and ecclesiastical 
power of Palestine seemed to be leaving the country. At 
this crisis Babylon, from some circumstances and~ causes 
but too little known, raised itself to a primacy in religious 
and mental affairs by means of the Heads of the Schools 
at Syra and Pum-bedita, of whom Chanan (a. d. 589) was 
the first to bear the title of Gaon (]1K:i, Excellence).^^ The 
supremacy of these Babylonian heads appears to have been 
but a consequence of the Arabian dominion established in 
Irak ; and it is difficult to draw the line between the last 
Saboraim and the first Gaonim, since even the latter pro- 



26 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

duced no independent Halacha literature/ but only con- 
tinued to promote the study of the Talmud (and almost 
the Babylonian exclusively ^^). In their practical views, 
they considered that they were not bound by the letter of 
the Talmud, and independently of others made institutions 
in accordance with the spirit of the age ^^ ; but the same 
had also occasionally been the case with the Saboraim, 
although their times were less adapted to the reception, 
propagation, and maintenance of such institutions than those 
of the Gaonim, who were assisted by external power and by the 
universal respect and esteem paid to their learning. ^^ The 
literature of the times of the Gaonim does not begin until 
the termination of this introductory part (at the middle of 
the eighth century). It is not a Gaon nor a Babylonian 
who begins the series, but R. Simeon of Kahira^^, per- 
haps a resident at that place, and acquainted with the 
Palestine Talmud, through the close connexion which had 
subsisted from the earliest times between Egypt and Pales- 
tine. He composed a compendium of the most important 
Halachot from both Talmuds with the title. Great Halachot 
(niVn:! mr)bn), the introduction to which contains the first 
known attempt to arrange all laws under the old canonical 
number 613, i. e. to determine accurately these 613 precepts 
from the Halacha literature then extant. The occasion of his 
undertaking this purely theoretical labour is unknown, and 
would be worth investigation (conf. inf. § 9.). In language 
and style this composition, which was extant in the eleventh 
century as a separate work, resembles the older Halacha. 
But the work now extant under this title is a fusion of the 
old work with different later matters, viz. the decisions (m^Vn 
mplDS) discussions and opinions (mnVxti') ^^ — distinguish- 
able only by their Aramaic dialect, and often directly 
contradictory to the older parts — by Gaon Jehudai, the 
Blind, who flourished soon after, and by his school, particu- 
larly by his follower, R. Chaninai (or Achunai) ''2, who 
was probably executed, and likewise by other teachers and 
pupils, whose names are unknown, and who are designated 
as " the Doctors of that time." ^^ Thus the final redaction 
of our Halachot Gedolot ^^ must be placed at earliest in the 
middle of the ninth century. From the school of R. Cha- 



§ 4.] HAL AC HA. 27 

ninai, it may be added, the Midrash Esfa (n5D>^ li'TlD 
Numer. xi. 16.)^^ probably emanated. Some passages of the 
work of R. SnTieon were translated during the period of 
the Gaonim, from Aramaic into Hebrew, in the Midrash 
Hashkem (oni^n ti'mTD) ; and it is a pity that this Mid- 
rash is only known by a few fragments, so that we are 
enabled to speak of its early date, and probably mixed (Ha- 
lachic and Ethical) character, only by quotations recently 
discovered. On the other hand, as early as the middle of the 
eighth century, R. Acha of Shabcha — who, vexed at seeing 
his own pupil preferred at the election of Gaon by the Prince 
of the Exiles, went to Palestine, composed a work, which 
combined all the different characteristics of the study, viz. 
Halacha, Midrash, Talmud, and responsa, arranged according 
to the sections of the Pentateuch, and explaining their re- 
spective laws and observances, by means of extracts from the 
Babylonian Talmud, and original expositions in the favourite 
form of question and answer (mnVi^ti'). Our printed Sheel- 
tot ^^ are for the most part only extracts and compendia. 

In Palestine, since the completion of the Talmud which 
bears its name, there seems to have been nothing important 
done for Halacha literature. At all events, the complete 
failure of everything that might have been effected shews 
to how narrow a sphere it was confined. Some remarkable 
decisions, affecting practical cases, may have been recorded 
by the learned, and transplanted to Babylon, as can be 
gathered from the citation of a work. Events in Palestine, 
(VKIti'^ y-|>? ^nV D'^^i'rTDn ISD), by the later Gaonim, and 
from some references in the genuine Babylonian fragments 
of the above-mentioned Halachot Gedolot. Some apocry- 
phal books of the Talmud (lesser Treatises), composed in 
Palestine, belong either to an earlier or to a later date. On 
the other hand, in the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries 
we meet with the development of the Masora from its earlier 
elements to an extensive science, and with the composition 
of particular Targumim. Palestine, however^ together with 
the countries closely connected with it, viz. Asia Minor, 
Greece, Italy, exerted itself principally in a department of 
which we have now to speak. 



28 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 



§ 5.] Haggada, 

Action — as required by "the doctrine of Divine Law/' 
Halacha — and Thought — either ending in itself, or leading 
to action, — sometimes blend, sometimes contrast themselves. 
Thought itself, as being without the sphere of duty, is not 
an object of law, but is presupposed or considered true 
when produced by Revelation and Reason, and kept alive by 
the general sense of society. She is the living internal law, 
which produces and upholds the external, but breaks through 
it when it becomes rigid ; she is the spirit which creates her 
own form and expression, yet disdains to be confined to 
words and formulae ; and these, which in her alone have any 
value, she abrogates, or silently transforms. She is brought 
forth and guided by teaching and life, by culture and 
Custom, but cannot be restrained by merely human autho- 
rity. Thus free, in strong contrast to all law, and limited 
only in herself, thought has always found her expression in 
Judaism ; during the time of the unimpaired unconscious 
national life, in the free words of the Prophets ^, which 
were often a stumbling block to the men of law and justice ; 
during the time of the full self-consciousness developed by 
the school of life and scholastic science, in the word of the 
" Wise Man " (DDn), who, to use the thoughtful expression 
of the Talmud, is the heir of the Prophets ^, standing yet 
higher than the Prophets, and whose sayings are the out- 
pourings of the Revelation given of old.^ So neither the 
authority of the written oral law, nor that of its repre- 
sentatives and administrators, nor the sanction of the Tra- 
ditions was here necessary as in the case of the Halacha 
(which was designated as something received externally, 
or " heard ") : it was sufficient for thought that it should 
be expressed. Hence every expression of it, so far as it 
did not purposely aim at the investigation and establishment 
of legal practice, nor fundamentally lay claim to any practical 
weight, is designated as merely " said," Haggada, in Chaldee 
Aggada (jM^i^ JMyn) ^ ; a distinction which, however, must 
not be so finely spun as to exclude incidental points which 



§ 5.] HAGGADA. 29 

might and actually did lead to a different view, and to 
render conceivable the independent cultivation of the two 
parts. The Haggada was developed, like the Halacha, 
principally by oral discourses, i. e. by lectures, homilies, 
sermons, and discussions, which were held ^ on specified days 
and upon various occasions of life, in assemblies of the people 
or of families, by men who were competent to speak, or who 
thought themselves so ; so that the Haggada may be con- 
sidered as the first of Jewish Homiletics. But the Halacha 
and Haggada were separated only by degrees, as manifest 
and recognised divisions and groups of learned men ; in the 
treatment and combination of which there was developed an 
artificial form of discourse ^ varying according to time and 
country, to be specially considered in their treatment of the 
Bible. 

The Haggada afforded by far the wider field for the deve- 
lopment of the Midrash, under which expression, in its more 
restricted sense, only the Haggada Midrash (m:inn ti^llT^) 
is to be understood ; since the study and exposition of the 
Bible, gradually extending itself and overcoming the fetters 
of the letter with less resistance, became united more and 
more to the free expression of thought. But as regards 
Halacha in the treatment of the existing law and customs, 
this study and exposition sank lower and lower, till it be- 
came a mere memoria technica, tracing out connexions and 
making notes (TD"i) ^, unauthoritative, and consequently un- 
important. Holy Scripture was the centre also of the 
Haggada; but the Haggada Midrash had no need to dis- 
tinguish between the Pentateuch (Law) and the other books 
of the Bible ^ ; it was able freely to trace combinations, 
and consequently the Midrash was no fetter or strait 
jacket to the Haggada, but a large, elegant robe, which 
restrained no ordinary motion nor even distorsion, and 
which might be drawn on and ofiP unperceived. By adapt- 
ing the whole Bible as current and typical to its own pur- 
poses, both in its contents and in its form, there was ensured 
ample matter for the fancy, sharp and pointed weapons for 
the wits, plenty of incitement for the intellect and mind, and 
still a continual check reminding them of holy earnestness, 
and consecrating their thoughts and words to the highest 



30 JEWISH LITERATTIRE. [Period I. 

ends. This is not the place to enter upon the special exege^ 
tical resources of the Haggada, or on the use or misuse ® of 
them ; we here only glance at the principal relations of the 
Haggada and Midrash, which will suggest a point of view 
for the subdivision of their voluminous literature. 

The Haggada mode of treatment was either mainly subjec- 
tive or mainly objective ; its end was either the simple under- 
standing of words and things, Peshat (tDIi'3)^°, or else a homi- 
letical application, reflecting the present condition of things 
in the mirror of Prophecy, where the words of the Bible and 
subjective thought were evenly balanced, as much being 
brought into the Bible as was taken out of it, Darush 
(tZ^m), in a restricted sense ; and, finally, there were some 
themes confined to a narrower circle of students. Sod (*TID, 
mystery). ^^ The desire of a simple explanation of words 
was but little felt, scientific exegesis was unknown or perhaps 
avoided, and the secret science was considered a prerogative 
of individuals ; but Darush was favoured alike by internal and 
external causes, and thus found its way into both Targum 
and Halacha. An independent Haggada, free from all 
Midrash, is not extant in the literature which took its rise 
in that time ; for anything of that kind was considered unim- 
portant, and consequently would not be preserved except 
in connexion with other things. The Haggada is there- 
fore, as far as we are concerned, identical with Haggada- 
Midrash, and must be divided into two principal classes, 
viz. General Haggada^ in which the reference to the Bible 
is subordinate to the subject matter ; and Special Haggada, 
in which the biblical exposition takes the precedence ; so that 
the Haggada-Midrash is connected with the Halacha-Midrash, 
inasmuch as both had originally been developed from general 
Midrash. ^^ The original elements of the Haggada, both 
oral and written, must however be distinguished from the 
later collections and extracts. 

As regards the written composition of the Haggada^^, some 
considerations arise different from those noticed in the case of 
the Halacha. The former must not and cannot, like the old 
rules of the Halacha, be set down in definite unchangeable 
formulae, since it was almost entirely merged in Midrash. 



§5.] HAGGADA. 31 

The necessity for preserving the matter once produced, was 
not generally a practical one, but was rather the result of the 
predilections and studies of individuals ; and the expression 
took its hue from the particular prism through which the ray 
of thought was refracted. On the other hand, excepting in 
the case of the Mysteries, there was less danger in committing 
these matters to writing. ^^ Hence men began earlier to com- 
mit the Haggada to writing in marginal glosses to the Bible, 
and in particular rolls or books, both for their own use, and for 
their schools and public lectures. In this manner the greater 
collections, now extant, were gradually developed, though 
often with important modifications of the originals. These 
must now be treated separately according to their contents 
and form. The Haggada, in contradistinction to the Ha- 
lacha, proceeds more upon theory than upon practice ; the 
General Haggada (Haggada-Midrash in its wider sense) 
treats of (1.) Ethical, (2.) Metaphysical, or (3.) Historical 
truths. (4.) Special Haggada (Haggada-Midrash in its 
narrower, Midrash in its narrowest sense) is principally 
concerned with biblical exposition, and for that purpose 
employs all the various elements of general Haggada. (5.) 
All these tendencies, however, have points of connexion with 
Halacha, and (6.) come in as conflicting elements in the 
simple explanation of words, the Targumim. Omitting various 
kinds of transition, we thus have the six principal groups of 
Haggada literature already specified by Zunz, of which three, 
belonging to general Haggada, are independent, and meet in 
a fourth, the special Haggada, and then become elements in 
the literature of the Halacha and Targumim. The latter, for 
reasons given in our preface, are excluded from this sketch. 

1. The Haggada in connexion with Halacha. The 
original explanation of the Bible, especially of the Pen- 
tateuch, was at one time of a Halacha, at another of a Hag- 
gada character, according to the contents of the text ; and 
consequently the single as well as the collective Halacha- 
Midrash could not fail to contain important portions of 
Haggada, as e.g. the old collections Sifri, Sifra, and Me- 
chilta mentioned above. But the Halacha, in its narrower 
sense, and the discussions belonging to it, e.g. in the 



32 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Pebiod I. 

Tosefta^ and even in the older Masora ^^, had also their points 
of contact with ethics, metaphysics, and history. This was 
the case both with their contents, which comprised not only 
law but the whole of life, and still more with their organ, oral 
tradition, which, together with the pith of the tradition, in- 
cluded a mass of accessory matter. In this way there grew 
up whole collective works of a common character. But in 
the larger collections the contents of particular parts diverged 
from the whole so completely, that they owe their place only 
to their form or connexion, and consequently require an inde- 
pendent treatment. In the Talmud, a Boraita, Seder Olam 
{uh^V "IID), of K. Jose ben Chalafta (S^c. I.) is quoted ; 
our Seder Olam, " rabba," resembles the historical Midrash 
in its language and contents. ^^ Lepsius, in his researches 
on Egyptian Chronology, invites the learned to investigate 
the manuscripts of this chronology, which give the date of 
the exodus differing *' only one year " from the true tradition. 
The Boraita of the famous Haggadist, R. Elieser ben Jose 
OF GtALILEE (Saec. II.), called also 32 Middot {nrm 'D."h), 
and treating of hermeneutic rules which partly relate to 
Halacha, is of a mixed character. The last chapters of 
the Boraita or Mishna, Description of the Tabernacle 
()Dti'?Dn nDi^VTD)^^ belong to the veritable Halacha, The 
peculiar character of the Mishna properly excludes the 
Haggada; still the Haggada is to be found there: 1. 
in separate treatises, e.g. Abot (see inf. 2 a.), Middot 
(see sup. § 4., 2 B.), neither of which have any Gemara ; 
2. in the concluding passages of many treatises, containing 
blessings and consolations, the style of which was in imita- 
tion of the Prophets ^^ ; and, 3. in particular Halachot, which, 
being essentially related to the Haggada, combine with it. 
Among the Boraitas, fragments of which (in the Talmuds 
and other collective works) contain Haggada parts, the 
following are the most important : that of the school of R. 
Ismael (V^PT^iti'"' "111 KDD), which seems to be a kind of 
Midrash on the Pentateuch ; and Seder Elijahu ("in^bi*? 1"ID), 
which is said to contain communications from the Prophet 
Elijah to B. An AN (a. 280), and existed as a separate work 
as late as the twelfth century (cf. infra, 2 a. ). Many Boraitas 



§ 5.] IIAGGADA. 33 

belong especially to ethics. ^^ Again, to the Haggada partly 
belong the Lesser Treatises, six of which appear as apocry- 
phal books in our editions of the Babylonian Talmud : 
seven others have been recently published as belonging to 
the Jerusalem Talmud, to which they are partly anterior, 
and partly posterior. There is one among the moi^e recent 
of the six (in the ninth century at earliest) particularly 
interesting (but much mutilated in the extant edition), 
called The Treatise of the Scribes ( nn^lD J— inDTD), the 
substance of which concerns the scribe and reader of 
the Law.^^ Amongst the seven, two, treating of the Sa- 
maritans (OTilD mnD?:)) and of proselytes, merit general 
attention. Lastly, the two Gemaras or Talmuds contain 
Haggada parts ; the Jerusalem Gemara, it is true, in a much 
less degree, since this older Gemara, being a Halacha expo- 
sition, keeps closer to the Mishna, while the Palestine 
Haggada was developed more independently. In Babylon, 
where the tendency to the Halacha prevailed ^^, the Haggada 
did not form a separate literature, but rather found a place 
in the Gemara, as in the Halacha writings of the Gaonim 
mentioned above (§§ 4, 5.), the lost work. Practice of the 
Gaonim {u^lM^yn nta'I^TD) ^^, and others of the same kind. 

Lastly, to this age belongs also the commencement of in- 
dividual sciences ^'^j which form the transition from Halacha 
to special Haggada, particularly to Secret Doctrine ; e. g. phy- 
sical science, medicine, mathematics, and astronomy, which 
came into consideration in the laws relating to food, leprosy, 
festivals, and other points ceremonial and judicial (in re- 
spect to records, &c.), and which are also indispensable in 
common life. The study and knowledge of these were de- 
veloped first within the nation itself, and still more afterwards 
during the Dispersion, under the influence of the prevailing 
culture. From them, in a great degree, proceeded the trans- 
formation of Jewish views, that great internal revolution, 
which, spreading in different degrees, by means of the various 
external connexions of the separate branches of the nation, 
either became general or remained merely local. Proportion- 
ately various was the influence of these theoretical sciences 
upon national life, which had been fast bound by the Halacha ; 

D 



34 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

and in accordance with their influence on intellect and man- 
ners in general, traces of these sciences, each step of which 
rendered all previous steps useless, have been preserved in 
literature. From the collection and investigation of these 
scattered fragments some interesting contributions to the 
history of science may be expected. ^^ We have here to do 
with the literary formation of scientific elements; which 
in that respect appear to have taken the literary character 
of the Halacha and Haggada, at all events with the collec- 
tors of the latter, so that themes in medicine, physical 
science, astronomy, and mathematics appear as Boraitasp-^ 
This is particularly the case with astronomy^ the study of 
which was carried to a high pitch among the Jew^s, so 
that it was characterised as the " Jewish Wisdom " (Deut. 
iv. 6.) : in this the influence of the Chaldeans during the 
Babylonian Captivity offers an interesting subject for investi- 
gation.^^ Astronomy has two sides, according to which it 
approaches either to the Halacha or the Haggada. These 
were, first, the Kalendar, and especially the determination of 
the Jewish cycle of festivals (originally agrarian, and since 
the Jewish year was lunar, it required correction for the solar) 
by the proper authority, the fixing of jDroper times for prayer, 
&c.^^ ; and, secondly. Astrology, which was very prevalent 
in the East, together with the studies dependent on it.^^ 
In Palestine, as late as the dissolution of the Patriarchate, 
or, at all events, till the patriarch Hillel (a. d. 430), great 
grandson of B. Jehuda, the new moon was determined by 
testimony, a fact which, however, could not supply the place 
of astronomical calculation. The Jewish computation of 
the Passover was continued by the early Christians.^^ 
Papoport ^^ believes it probable that P. Joshua (about a, d. 
89) was able to calculate approximately the appearance of 
Halley's comet. But the more important astronomical 
movement seems to belong to the Babylonian scholars; at 
least, Samuel, who boasts of extraordinary knowledge in 
astronomy (called also " Jarchinai," or learned in the moon, 
or, according to others, " of Orchon," a place renowned for 
its astronomers), is to be considered as the founder of the 
calculation of the Kalendar, by the introduction of the 



§ 5.] HAGGADA. 35 

Julian year. Improbable as it now seems that the older astro- 
nomical results and calculations were transmitted only by 
word of mouth, it is sufficient to admit that some such mat- 
ters were inserted by the learned as particular Halachot in 
the "Secret Rolls" (cf. supra, § 4. n. 10.). We are not 
justified in admitting that a separate astronomical literature 
was formed before the progress of science had exercised 
any general influence; so that the titles of astronomical 
works mentioned by later writers are to be regarded with 
great caution. These writers can, in fact, be speaking only 
of Halachot named after their contents, and the explanations 
of them, or of later pseudepigraphic Avorks. To the for- 
mer belongs the well-known Boraita of The Mystery of Inter- 
calation ("iinm niD"! Kn^nn), and perhaps also The Boraita 
of Samuel (h^vy^l i^TT-nn) ; to the latter probably The 
Boraita of R. Ada (mK nil i^n^nn).^^ xhe same is the 
case with geometry and mathematics in general, which were 
of importance in various Halacha decisions ; the Tal- 
mudical treatises Micldot, Arachin, Erubin contain many 
of them. A particular collection ( Mishna, Boraita, or 
Midrash), The 49 Middot ( miTi '^"^\ was ascribed to 
R. Natan ; and he was identified with the Babylonian of the 
same name, who is known as the collector of Mishnas, and 
as the author of many decisions of a mathematical or astro- 
nomical character, and who was fond of the combination of 
Halacha and Haggada by the symbolism of numbers.^^ In 
proportion, however, as the elements of theoretical sciences 
and of practical knowledge and experience were more com- 
pletely beyond the field of the Halacha, they, as the free ex- 
pression of thought, fell within that of special Haggada, to the 
literature of which we now turn. 

2. Of the independent Haggada, some late productions ex- 
tend to the age when Arabian science commenced ; and 
the whole subject may be divided, according to the remarks 
made above, into A. General, B. Special or expository Hag- 
gada. The former of these may be again subdivided into 
three principal groups : — 

a. Ethical Haggada (!Mashal). If the Halacha, as a 
religio-moral law, supplied only the fundamental idea of 

D 2 



36 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Perioi> I. 

right, tlie *^ suum cuique," in tlie whole doctrine of duty ^"^^ 
and thus accurately determined the measure of all external 
action, then morality, piety, custom, experience, and pru- 
dence must needs find elsewhere a free expression; this 
again gradually became typical and prevailing, and thus 
not unfrequently repassed into the fixed form of Halacha. 
The richer the Jewish life was in transformations, so much 
the more complicated must have become the expression of its 
ethics in the widest sense, although it may not yet appear in 
the form of a complete system. But since we are here con- 
cerned only with the literary phenomenon of the old Jewish 
ethics, the expression of it, or the form of language in 
which the thoughts are communicated to us, is especially 
worth our consideration. Ethical thought either created for 
itself an entirely new form, or else chose one already extant, 
whether from an earlier literature, or from society, national 
or foreign. It then appears as simple reflexion and exhorta- 
tion ^^, but for the most part in an aesthetic form ; just as the 
philosophy of the East, and of an earlier stage of civilisation, is 
generally clothed in a semi-poetical garb.^^ ^ This gave rise 
to a peculiar kind of didactic poetry, which in all its forms 
is expressed by the term Mashal (bti'/O).^^ The Mashal is, 
according to the Jewish view, " a small light by which the 
lost jewels (truth and philosophy in their generality and 
abstraction) are rediscovered." 

(a.) The simplest form of the Mashal is the Gnome, a 
short doctrine, sentiment, or maxim, which, first spoken by 
an individual, becomes the expression of the popular mind 
in the shape of a proverb ; and if the reference to the fact 
or the person giving rise to it still hangs like a clod on 
the transplanted flower, it becomes a proverb of example.^^ 
All the usual forms of Gnome — parable, similitude, and 
contrast of conception and expression, parallelism, rhythm, 
&c. — are to be found in the Gnomes of the Haggada ^^ ; but 
intentional rhyme is the product of later artificial poetry. 
Together with the generally known features of Gnomonics, 
there are certain particulars, of some importance also for the 
later periods (infra, § 20.), which must be brought forward 
here, regarding the origin, history, meaning, originality. 



§ 5.] HAGGADA. 37 

age, country, and founders of the Gnomes. The Jewish 
Gnomes have been formed and become general, either im- 
mediately from actual life, or under the influence of earlier 
literature. They are either peculiar to the Jews, or taken 
from other nations, as must have been more especially the 
case in the ultimate fortunes of the Jews ; and sometimes 
they are expressed in such general terms, that a simultaneous 
originality is conceivable. But, as a general rule, even the 
most universal utterances of wisdom and prudence, verbally 
repeated as the sentiments and maxims of teachers, and be- 
coming popular sayings (tOT^n btL'D, Mashal of the Idiotae), 
are stamped with a different character ^^ in different nations 
and regions. This was the case also among the Jews of 
various countries, as of Palestine and Babylon.'^^ A dif- 
ference in age'^'" can be of importance only in connexion 
with the points above mentioned. In this continuous flow 
of history it is not possible to draw accurate distinctions 
amongst the various fields of literature before us; e. g. 
Bible, Talmud, Midrash. Even maxims, sentiments, and 
proverbs undergo perpetual changes; yet the introduc- 
tion of Arabian Gnomes is distinctly visible in the later 
literature. As criteria for these categories, we have, 
besides their subjects and historical and geographical allusions, 
the literary works themselves, the Jewish as well as the early 
Christian and Muhammedan, the Old Testament, the Koran, 
and the Sunna "^^ ; and besides these, the language, e. g. 
East or West Aramaic dialect, older or Arabico-Hebraisms. 
Proverbs, however, arise in common life out of witticisms, 
the application or " moral " of fables, narratives, 8z;c., and 
become condensed into mere proverbial sayings, and finally 
into simple metaphors or types, which are of special im- 
portance for philology.^^ There is some peculiarity in the 
influence exercised by the Bible on Jewish Gnomonics, 
by means of which they are brought into closer affinity with 
the Midrash. The linguistic side of these which we are here 
considering, forms one phase of style in Hebrew literature 
down to the present time. Amongst the peculiar circum- 
stances of Jewish literature. Holy Scripture influences 
both the language and subject-matter ; and these two ele- 

p 3 



38 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

ments come into mutual action through the medium of 
the Midrash. Some of the books of the Bible borrow 
from one another the form of expression as well as the 
thought. The more these books become separated as ca- 
nonical, and the more their style becomes the object of 
careful treatment and exposition, so much the more im- 
portance is attached to the preservation of the biblical 
phrase in the quotation ; and after the Hebrew had ceased 
to be the popular dialect, the Hebrew biblical expressions 
stood out with all their external distinctness, although 
translated and paraphrased in Aramaic. . As with the Bible, 
so it fared with Halacha at a later period, with forms of 
prayer, and all separate branches of literature. It must, 
however, be borne in mind, that the Haggada literature, 
at least the older part of it, and especially the Gnomonics, 
must not be considered as having been generally produced in 
a written form.^^ The influence of the Bible on Gnomonics 
in particular is shown in the following steps: (1.) Biblical 
precepts were used, unchanged in meaning and expression, 
as sentiments or favourite sayings of particular persons (e. g. 
Abot, iv. 1 9).^^ In this way biblical sayings from the Book 
of Proverbs, the Psalms, &c., found their way straight into 
the Koran ^"^ and the Sunna ^^, and at last became common 
proverbs among the Arabs. "^^ (2.) Biblical sentences, un- 
changed in form, were made by extending or contracting their 
contents into neAV expressions of various truths, which had 
elsewhere been clothed in known proverbs, so that these last 
were in some sense deduced from the Bible. A wide field was 
thus opened for the Midrash ; and, finally, the words of the Bible 
were made into proverbs with an entirely different sense.''^ 
The last result happened also to the Halacha formulas, which 
were likewise composed in the form of sententise, and conse- 
quently became liable to this change of sense.^^ (3.) Lastly, 
biblical phrases and ideas were used more or less intentionally 
in newly formed sententiae^^ and passed into proverbial 
forms, as they are to be found in the old Halacha (e. g. Peah, 
ii. 2.). The supremacy of the Bible, considered as sacred 
both in its subject-matter and in its expression, is the form- 
ing and transforming power. Its application depended, in 



§ 5.] HAGGADA. 39 

single cases, upon the attention paid by the teacher, speaker, 
preacher, or collector of fragments, to the way of ex- 
pressing or clothing his thoughts. ^^ The internal character 
of this Gnomonic literature is marked by a certain chastity, 
sobriety, and mildness in its satire.^^ 

(/3.) A less simple form of the Mashal is the more con- 
cealed expression in the Kiddle and Apologue, Fable and 
Parable, of which, as it is well known, some specimens occur 
in the Bible ; but although no independent literature of the 
kind, belonging to this period, is extant, they still form an 
element of the ethical Haggada, are connected with the Bible 
by the Midrash, and also stand in close relation to the 
Gnomonics.^^ The connexion of this with the correspond- 
ing literature of the Indians, Persians, Arabians, and 
Greeks, is as yet too little investigated for us to say any- 
thing certain here on the originality and other points 
touched upon above regarding the Gnomonics. In the 
Talmud mention is made of Fables of Foxes (U'bl/W 'hw72) 
and Fables of the Bates or of the Washers (D-^Dnn '^Vti'TD) ^^ ^ ; 
and R. Meir is celebrated as the person in whom the 
composers of fables became extinct. His cotemporary. 
Bar Kappara, was acquainted with fables and riddles, ap- 
parently from Greek sources, and consequently adopts an 
almost artificial style. ^^ 

The literature of the ethical Haggada thus consists prin- 
cipally of Gnomology and Morals, the particular parts of 
which exhibit the gradations of form described above.^^ To 
this place belong, first, some apocryphal books, viz. Sirach, 
which, composed in Hebrew in Palestine, and early translated 
into Aramaic, was at a later period enriched with additions 
at Babylon, and of which particular elements appear in the 
small work of a later age. The Alphabet of Ben Sira, or Ben 
Sira's Book (><-|^D ]n ISD Kl^D ]m 2"^) ^^ ; the addition Of 
the Wisdom of Zerubabel in the Pseudo-Ezra ; and perhaps 
also an Aramaic translation, made from the Greek Book of 
Wisdom. To the earliest ethics, i. e. collections of Halachot 
with ethical sentential, belongs the lost Megillat Setarim, or 
Megillat Chasidim (D"^n^Dn T^yo D^DD Toya, Secret Kolls, 
Book of the Pious), which contained precepts of Jose ben 

D 4 



40 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

Jehuda (cotemporary of Rabbi), renowned for his piety, 
his sententious teaching, and his Midrash-like method. The 
most famous and generally the most important, as well as 
the oldest, Grnomological work now extant is the Treatise of 
the Mishna, commonly called The Sayings of the Fathers, 
Capitula Patrum (mni< n^'D'n nilK ^pn£3).^® It consists of 
five chapters, of which the first four, beginning with the 
delivering of the Law by Moses to Joshua, &c., contain 
sayings and sententiae of sixty-three of the most remarkable 
Jewish doctors, from Simon the Just to the immediate fol- 
lowers of K. Jehuda Hanasi, and thus through a period of 
about five centuries. Next follows, as the sixth chapter, a 
Boraita, called Chapter on the Acquisition of the Law (p")3 
nmn y^'p, also mni^n i^n^nn).^^ There appear, however, to 
have existed other Boraitas containing sententiae of this 
kind, and likewise called Abot, some of which have found 
their way into our Mishna. The Gnomology is in general 
of a double importance : on the one hand, it shows us 
one of the principal motives for making such collections, 
giving us historical information on the unbroken chain of 
authorities in tradition, as characteristics of whom the 
sententias come in^^; and on the other hand, these sayings 
became a centre for the Jewish writers on ethics of a later 
date, who frequently introduced their scientifically developed 
ethics into these older, and somewhat enigmatical ^^, pithy 
sayings, by means of a commentary, as it was called. These 
again became, and still are, the subject of many lectures and 
expositions, translations and editions ; so that they gained a 
place in the Prayer-Book (for the long afternoon of the 
Summer Sabbath, originally in the six weeks between Pass- 
over and Pentecost). Connected with these is a similar 
work. The Abot of R. Natan ()n3 '"IT n'l:!^), which, in its 
present form (in our editions of the Talmud), has, according 
to Zunz, been compiled from three sources — viz. (1.) The 
Older Boraita (or Mishna) of R. Natan; (2.) Extracts from 
the Middot of the same, mentioned above, supposing that this 
Middot contained ethical arguments, and that it was by the 
same author, which is now rather doubtful ; and (3.) Later 
Additions, which bring its final redaction into post-Talmudical 



§5.] HAGGADA. 41 

times.^^ * One of the lesser treatises noticed above contains a 
real and general system of ethics. It consists^ in its present 
form, of three parts : (1.) Derech Erez ("pll^ "]m Ts'D'Dl^) ; (2.) 
Derech Erez Minor (KtDIT ^"l) ; (3.) The last chapter, entitled, 
Of Peace (U"bwn p"i3). The first, derived from an old nu- 
cleus, belongs, from chapter 3. ^^, to an earlier date ; the 
second part, a mirror for the learned, of use even at the 
present time, extends to the ninth century. The treatise 
Fear of Sin (Kton n><"l^), of which scarcely any recent 
quotations are known, is indeed extant as an appendix 
to the Arabic Siddur of Salomo ben Xatan of Segel- 
mas (iii. § 19.); but it consists only of the chapters 1 — 4. 
and 9. of our D. E. Minor, and is followed immediately by 
chapters 5 — 8. (which in our edition are said to be taken 
out of the Machzor Vitry) ; and those last only bear the 
name of Derech Erez Minor. In the unprinted book Ha- 
Orah of Salomo Isaaki (§ 206.), the eighth chapter of our 
edition is folloAved by another (not extant in our edition), 
where the sentences are exemplified by narrative. Another 
manuscript contains, imder the title Hilchot Derech Erez, 
only the first four chapters of the same treatise. The above 
circumstances, but recently discovered, may serve to give an 
idea of the history of these works in general. Another 
offshoot of the ethical Hao^o-ada is the work Tana clehe 
Eliahu, or Seder Eliahu (y\'hi< ^m K2n ^^^b^^ "TID) ^^ which 
is divided by a compiled addendum into two parts, distin- 
guished as major and minor (mn and KlDIT). This ethical 
Midrash, composed by a Babylonian about A. D. 974, took 
its name from the way in which he clothed his subject 
(not however maintained strictly throughout), — viz. as in- 
struction given by the Prophet Elias in the school at Jeru- 
salem : it occasionally introduces passages from the Talmud.®^ 
In reference to its contents, it is remarkable that the author 
carefully inculcates the avoidance of customs not Jewish, as 
well as the most exact justice towards those who were not 
Jews. There is an apocryphal book of the ethical Haggada, 
of a date probably not earlier than the end of the twelfth 
century, viz. Midrash of Contradictions (nilDn W^l'O) ^^, in 
which the notion that contradictions are necessary in the 



42 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

world, is treated in the form of a Midrash on Ecclesiast. 
iii. 1. Other small tracts, or rather extracts or compila- 
tions, of the Midrash of a later period refer principally to 
ethics, although not in a regular form; e. g. a collection 
of sentences (3 — 10.) called Maase Tora (nmn Hli'rQ), and 
ascribed to Rabbenu Hakadosch, by which name R. 
Jehuda, the author of the Mishna, is commonly called; 
and a similar tract, Chuppat Eliahu (tt^Vk nsin), continuing 
to 11—15. 

b. Historical Haggada (Sagas and Legends). ^^ In 
contradistinction to ethical, historical truths occupy only a 
subordinate place ; but the causes which called forth and 
formed the historical Haggada gave it a wide sphere of 
action. We bring those forward which had the greatest in- 
fluence on the form of these collections, and constitute the 
foundation of their division: (1.) The Midrash in general 
spun out the historical matter of the Bible like that of 
any other work, and interwove it with legends, intro- 
ducing all the subsequent history of the present and past into 
the Bible ; ^'' the wives and daughter of Muhammed, for in- 
stance, are introduced by the Targum into the Pentateuch ! 
(2.) The Halacha offered many meeting-points of history and 
legends: on the one hand, there were individual practical 
interests, such as the maintaining of genealogies, especially 
under the conflict of the strong laws of separation, with the 
intermixture of races by which the Jews were always 
threatened in their Dispersion ; or the recollection of the 
origin of national or family festivals as connected with their 
celebration ; or those points in the drawing of documents and 
deeds which depend upon chronology and history; — on the 
other hand, the whole character and organism of the Halacha 
and tradition afforded a vehicle for history and legends. 
Even the discussion of the Law often led to a result only 
through the mention of some fact ; thence we find, as early 
as in the Mishna, facts (HI^I^d) introduced as vouchers for 
the Halacha. Through the importance of personal authority 
and through the conscientious strictness requisite for tracing 
back a precept to its first originator, and often, indeed, 
through a long series of narrators '''^ % persons and characters 



§ 5.] HAGGADA. 43 

frequently came Into the foregroimd, and became tlie objects 
of Sagas and Legends. Lastly, the theory of the Halacha 
and tradition, — notwithstanding the contradiction which it 
met with early at the hands of the Sadducees, the many ob- 
scmrations which it underwent in the fate of pupils and teach- 
ers, and the endless varieties of opinion among the learned, 
whose precepts were scarcely even scattered about in collec- 
tions, — attained to a control over the spiritual descent, as it may 
be called, and to the preservation and chronological arrange- 
ment of the chain of tradition of the most important teachers. 
With this, again, other Haggada elements were readily united, 
as was shown above (a) in the Mishna Abot. ^ (3.) The form 
of narrative, originally a merely semi-poetical clothing for 
ethical and Halacha subject-matter, was taken at a later pe- 
riod for more than. this. (4.) With the particu.lar formation 
of Haggada literatm-e in general. Saga and Legendary matter 
finds its way into collective works. This, however, is brought 
about only by external and accidental circumstances, since 
the principal tendency of these works is altogether different. 
From this point it first attains to an independent literary 
structure and form. The latter is in consequence principally 
either that of the Midrash, according to the arrangement of 
the Bible, or something more independent and chronological, 
forming a kind of transition to history, especially the history 
of the learned. With respect to the originality, antiquity, 
and country of individual Legends, Sagas, and Stories (actual 
fables do not belong here), the same circumstances occur as 
in the case of the Gnomonics. But though both of them are 
connected with old authorities, still the historical Haggada 
in general, as far as its contents are concerned, offers more 
criteria for determination of its date even in those places 
where it forms a legendary embellishment of the past, at 
least in so far as the materials for it have been taken from 
the present. The historical Haggada is, indeed, during 
several centuries the only source for Jewish history ; and yet 
it has hitherto been far too much neglected in this respect. 
The determination of the originality of certain groups of 
Sagas and Legends is more difficult ; for while the Gnome 
and the Proverb once formed, generally speaking always 



44 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

preserve their original type, the Saga receives a new birth 
at the hands of the narrator, or, like an avalanche, in- 
creases in its course, and gradually becomes more concrete by 
the addition of names ^^, numbers, &c. ; so that its origin is 
difficult to discover, and an arrangement of it according to 
even great periods is almost impossible. To the critic of 
Jewish Sagas, the study of the general history of Sagas is 
quite as indispensable and important as the consideration of the 
Jewish is to the student of Sagas in general. The originality 
of the Jewish Sagas, and their power of accommodating them^ 
selves to foreign circumstances, render this a profitable task ; 
and the connexion between the two is by no means confined to 
the later periods of romance (iii. § 20.), but may be followed 
up to its first commencement in the East. Both the Chris- 
tian and Muhammedam?^ legends have been developed from the 
Jewish ; and one or two valuable attempts have been made 
at explaining the New Testament and the Koran by means 
of the latter. If the elements of the INIuhammedan are 
to be found only in the more recent Haggada writings ^^ and 
in the later Rabbles ^^, it is still difficult to decide whe- 
ther the latter authors have not drawn from 'older Jewish, 
Independently of the foreign, sources. We will not, how- 
ever, deny the natural tendency of Jewish authors to con- 
sider matters as originally Jewish (cf. note 25.), although such 
a conclusion is supported only by a total ignorance of their 
real source. A striking Instance has been pointed out in a 
different field of literature ; viz. tales, &c., of the celebrated 
Greek Barlaam and Josaphat (§ 20.), quoted in Hebrew 
works as sayings of old Habbies ! Moreover, the biblical 
legends contain traditional elements of historical and philolo- 
gical Import, in the garb of the Mldrash.^^ 

The offshoots of the historical Haggada stretch far into 
the following period of J udseo- Arabian science, and these take 
the place of historical science. The first traces of it are to 
be found in the Bible itself. ^^ At this point begin the expo- 
sition and extension of history, the clothing of ethical truths 
in a historical garb ; and thence the oral and written Hag- 
gada, with their mutual reaction, proceed onwards without 
any perceptible variety or interruj)tion. Unlike the Halacha, 



/ 



§ 5.] HAGGADA. 45 

the Midrash does not distinguisli between canonical and 
uncanonical books ; and only important epochs of history pro- 
duce any modification, and that but partial, in its course and 
contents. For the historical Haggada overshadows the fate 
of the nation and of individuals with its wide-spread wings, 
whilst it points out a deeper ethical significance in the won- 
ders of Omnipotence, and daily unfolds higher truths to be 
learnt from new marvels. The divisions of the historical 
Haao;ada would then coincide with those of the Jewish 
national history, if the literary works of that time were at all 
more numerous. Before the period of the last general Dis- 
persion, which coincides with the commencement of Chris- 
tian literature, and with the first attempts at a redaction of 
the Mishna, the more important facts of history had been 
illustrated by the Haggada. This had been done, in some 
degree, in particular writings, either preserved as apocrypha, 
or known only from fragments, citations, and later editions '^ ; 
such are the Additions to Esther and Daniel, the story of 
Aristeas about the composition of the Septuagint, all in the 
Hebrew, Aramaic, or Greek language. The historical work 
of Flavins Josephus also draws in many places from the living 
fountain of the Haggada, and must be estimated from that 
point of view.^^ 

The following are the most important and characteristic 
works : — 

(a.) The Period of the Talmud (a.d. 140—500). To this 
belong several historical Midrashim, which are no longer 
extant in their original form, amongst which some are of a 
mixed character. The Easter Haggada (HDS rn;in), de- 
voted to the ritual of Easter eve ("^ID), and called Haggada, 
par excellence, on account of its general use, is partly of a 
Halacha character. Its origin, together with the ritual itself, 
probably reaches far into antiquity; and to it passages of 
Mishna, Tosefta, Mechilta, Sifri, and Talmuds, and, in later 
times, prayers and hymns, have gradually been added.'''' 
Originating in the Halacha, but important as a historical 
source, is the Megillat Taanit (rr^ipn rh^i'O, fast-roll), extant 
in Aramaic as early as the beginning of the second cen- 
tury ; originally it was a list of historical days of re- 



46 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

joicing, on which people were not to fast, and with it 
Stories and Sagas became connected. The work printed 
under this name ^^ is, however, a commentary on fragments 
of the original work, of a later date indeed, but, according 
to Zunz, known as early as the eighth century (?). To the 
numerous lost Books of the Haggada (m:in nSD) ^^ belongs 
Megillat Juchasin ()*'Dni'' dV^ITD, genealogical roll), of which 
there were probably several after the Babylonian Captivity, 
owing to the interests above noticed ^^, and perhaps also an 
apocryphal Book of Adam (d^K*7 K5D) ^^, which, however, 
is by no means to be identified with the Life of Adam, or 
Apocalypse of Moses, or Lesser Genesis ; a book containing, 
indeed, Haggada elements, but bearing evident marks of the 
Alexandrian or Christian Pseudepigraphy.^^ 

(/9.) The Period of the Gaonim. The Tannaim and 
Amoraim, the heroes and victors in " The War of Doctrine," 
as Jews and Muhammedans called the study of Theology ^^, 
the martyrs for belief and knowledge, gradually attain to 
the position of the old kings and chiefs, in the field of the 
Saga, and become at once its subject and object ; whilst their 
names, renowned by their doctrine and deeds, are finally 
transformed into mythical persons, into categories for ethical 
allegory. This allegory freely uses the plentiful subject- 
matter for stories found in the Halacha and Haggada lite- 
rature ; at an early stage it works with self-consciousness, 
and not without regard to the literary form, but finally 
it degenerates into actual Pseudepigraphy. This last charac- 
ter, however, designates the productions of the later Gaonic 
times (a. d. 800 — 1040), when the historical Haggada, under 
the influence of science, which was awakening in Babylon, 
was continued in two distinct directions, that of history and 
chronology, and that of ethical narrative. Some few books, 
however, remained isolated with regard to the estimation in 
which they were held and the influence which they exerted, 
as the Book of Seruhabel ^^ ; or else belonged to the epi- 
goni of an earlier period, as the Aramaic Book of An- 
tiochus (DIDrto^K rhyd) ^^ which received some support from 
its connexion with the feast of Chanuca (encasniorum). While 
we postpone the principal really literary labours of this pe- 



§5.] IIAGGADA. . 47 

riod, which belong to chronology, history, and the biography 
of the learned, such as Seder Olam Sulta, Seder Tannaim, 
Josippon, &C.5 to the main part of this essay, we will con- 
clude the survey of the historical Haggada with some old 
biblical and post-biblical groups of Sagas, whose tendency is 
rather to afford information, relaxation, and entertainment. 
The time of their composition or redaction for the most part 
cannot be accurately determined. The following works 
treat of biblical Sagas, generally in a semi-poetical Hebrew, 
and in a more and more puristic biblical language ; e. g. the 
History of Abraham ("iD'^nK DnilKl Hti^PTO) ^^ written perhaps 
partly after the Arabian legends ^^5 in a later Hebrew, and 
not to be confounded with a recent translation from Oriental 
sources. The wars of the sons of Jacob are treated of in the 
Midrash Wajjisu (^V'D^^ 'inyro) ^^, i. e. of Genesis, xxxv. 5., and 
the Life of Moses in the Chronicle of Moses (btL' D^TD^n nm 
nti'TD), and the older iliz'tZms/i of the Death of Moses {n')^lD2 ti'mD 
nii'TD) ^^, which resembles special exegesis. Even a tract, in- 
scribed Midrash of Goliath the Philistine (n^V:i hvj II/'lIT^ 
Titi'Vsn), has been found by the author in an old manuscript 
of the Bodleian library. The Histories of Solomon (bu/ W^hwo 
Tl'dh'^) ^^ are legends of an Arabian cast. One of the most 
favourite themes is the History of Asmodai (''"I7Dti'>$ nti'PD), 
the king of the Daemons, who deceived Solomon, and sat 
on his throne for some time. The foundation of the legend, 
which is already traced in the Babylonian Talmud, is the 
passage in Ecclesiastes (i. 12.), I, Kohelet, "have been" king, 
&c. The learned Silvestre de Sacy, speaking en passant of 
an imperfect manuscript of this tale (of which a later Hebrew 
recension is printed in a collection mentioned below), thinks 
that he is " abusing the patience of the reader by dwelling 
on such a frivolous subject," which is familiar to him as the 
source of the Muhammedan legend in the Koran, where 
Asmodai is called " Sachr ; " while Rapoport digs psycho- 
logical and ethical ideas out of the fanciful Oriental legend, 
which he compares, not without reason, to the German 
" Faust." It may be remarked, by the way, that even the 
mission of Asmodai for the " Shamir " seems to be alluded 
to in the Koran (xxi. 82., xxxviii. 36.). 



48 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

Of Talmudical Sagas we mention those which are brought 
into connexion with a celebrated Haggadist himself, E,. 
Joshua ben Levi. A legend of his being taught in one 
of his journeys by the prophet Elias, that the justice of God 
is not to be judged by appearances^ is now well known 
through the Koran (where Moses is substituted for our 
Eabbi), and also through many metrical versions. Another 
legend of his entering alive into Paradise, called History of 
R. Joshua hen Levi (^l'? )n Pti'lH^ 'iT T\VJV12), has been 
spun out and wrought into what may be called the first 
'' Divina Commedia,"^^ It is to be remarked, that in the most 
common Hebrew recension of this legend, the Rabbi is begged 
by another Rabbi to look " whether there are Gentiles in 
Paradise or Jews in Hell," of which question only the latter 
part is answered in the affirmative, and that indirectly. The 
tale was afterwards metamorphosed into an ^' epistle " of 
Rabbi Joshua himself; and some cabalistic author of the 
fourteenth century (?) forged an appendix, where all the 
wise and pious of Paradise are said to be studying some 
remarkable works : amongst them, R. Simon ben Yochai is 
reading the book Idra (part of the Sohar) ! But our legend 
seems to have previously undergone several combinations 
with eschatological ideas and fancies, which are to be met 
with in different recensions, under the titles of Treatise of 
Paradise or Hell (ddH"^:! nr)D7D )ir ]:i n^D?^), and which them- 
selves have been otherwise combined with the tracts on the 
Torment of the Grave (y'^'^'pT\ Dll'^n), Creation of the Child 
(iVin -DT^:^), &c. The Hechalot (see § 13.) are closely and 
especially connected with this legend, as well as with the 
History of the Ten Martyrs {7\VJ2^'t2 DIDbTD ^^r)r\ nnti'P 
mD'772 '';nim), called also Midrash elle Eskera (phn ti'llT:) 
n"i3m), a description of the execution of ten renowned Mishna 
Doctors of the second century^^, and many others. The Mi- 
drash of the Ten Commandments^^ (m-imn nnti'P ti'mD) 
is a collection of stories on the contents of the Decalogue, 
the subjects being mostly taken from the Talmud. One 
of the two different recensions, although printed four times 
under the title. History of the Decalogue (nnti'r bti' D-^ti'rTD 
mimn), has escaped the notice of even tlie editor of the 



§ 5.] HAGGADA. 49 

Beth ha-Midrash (1853). We consider neither the histories 
nor the precepts to be the principal object of the writer, but 
rather the illustration of the Decalogue ; and we would range 
the work under that class of Homiletics which is closely 
connected with the liturgy (cf. below, d.). It partakes also of 
a hymnical character, reminding us strongly of various Arabic 
hymns on the Decalogue, one of which is printed under 
the name of Saadia Gaon. No less unknown hitherto 
was a collection of histories, printed also four times with the 
Midrash of the Decalogue, under the title : Collection of His- 
tories, Midrashot and Haggadot (r\W'^lr^'^^ Tsy^'^^l^n lin'^n 
nn:im). It contains twenty pieces, without any visible 
connexion, some of which are to be met with in separate 
manuscripts, and are very old. But our literature is not 
deficient in larger and better collections ; for example, one 
composed for his father-in-law, by NissiM the Gaon, as a 
book of consolation and morals, and, according to Rapoport's 
probable supposition, either entirely or partly in the Arabic 
language. ^^* 

c. The Secret Doctrine is that part of the Haggada which 
has had the greatest interest for Christian students, on 
account of its pretended reference to Christianity, and of its 
supposed identity with the later Kabbala, which also num- 
bered Christians among its disciples. This latter tried to 
gain the authority of antiquity by means of intentional 
pseudepigraphy ; but, on the other hand, the Jews protested 
against it at an early period. By the thoroughly critical 
investigations of Rapoport and Zunz^^^ however, the his- 
torical separation of the two has been established on a sure 
footing, which cannot be injured by superficial investiga- 
tions or by arguments apparently critical, whose evidences 
are taken from delusive and suspected sources, nor by arbitrary 
selections of individual points, and combinations built there- 
upon.^'' A solution of the important questions which here 
meet us, can be obtained only from a more accurate and 
thorough acquaintance with Oriental philosophy, especially 
that of ancient Persia and of Syrian Arabia in the middle 
ages. But until this be effected, the external means of 

E 



50 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

criticism (especially for the fixing of dates) must guide and 
determine our judgment. 

If religious and moral truths have generally expressed 
themselves with precision in law and custom, and the na- 
tional consciousness has found a home in history and sagas, 
reference being made in writing and speaking to the ori- 
ginal source of all things; then the highest metaphysical 
questions on the essence of God and his relation to the world, 
must needs have occupied the minds of individual thinkers 
even at an early period, and the apparent contradiction be- 
tween the prophetical images of visions and wonders, and the 
great idea of the " I am' that I am," must have driven men 
to reflexion. An impulse in this direction might be traced 
in the fact of the intellectual centre of the nation having 
been carried away to Chaldsea^^, a country by its position 
well suited to the observation of the heavens, and one which 
had at an early period emerged from unthinking Paganism 
to the more developed form of Dualism (Lam. 3, 38.). Thus 
on the old ethical and political prophecies there was grafted a 
metaphysical offshoot, fantastical in its expression, and having 
a tendency to become systematised, just as the introduction 
of a syncretic philosophy into the images of Scripture was 
produtied only by the confluence of the minds of the East and 
West in the Western-Asiatic Hellenism and Alexandrianism. 
The whole field of Jewish wisdom (n7::ir)n) in the highest 
sense ^^ was collected, under the influence and form of the Mid- 
rash, into two principal groups, comprising the two spheres of 
being, heaven and earth. Under the names. The Doctrine 
of the Divine Throne (nnD^TD HtS'rTO) and The Doctrine of 
Creation (n^ti'i^nn nti'rTD)^^ it proceeds to treat, in the Mid- 
rash manner, of the vision of Ezechiel (also Is. vi., Jacob's 
dream, and Moses's vision), a,nd the history of the creation 
(Gen. i. 1.) ; of the doctrines of the essence, attributes, 
influences, (names, ^^) and manifestations of God, of the 
heavenly courts, stars, and angels ^^, and also of the first and 
continuous growth and nature of creatures. For this rea- 
son it was properly called by Maimonides, "metaphysics and 
physics." To this part of our subject belong some matters 
connf^-^.ted with the above, taken from the Parsee doctrine 



§ 5.] HAGGADA. 51 

of daemons, astrology, cliiromancy and sympathetic healing, 
treated of in certain Boraitas as before mentioned ; and also 
some treatises on the hidden grounds and tendencies of the 
precepts, which, belonging rather to special exposition, were 
designated i)^5^ene5 of the Law (nilD ^"1, nnD)^% and were 
at variance with blind faith. The union of all these subjects 
in a systematic whole marks out the later Kabbala, 

The exposition of the vision of Ezechiel is older than the 
Chronicles, and that of the chapter on the creation older than 
Sirach, who cautions the reader against it ; the influence of 
the Alexandrine school is visible in the book of Wisdom and 
Philo affords philosophical elements for the later Kabbala. ^^^ 
This Midrash, from its nature, could only be the work of indi- 
viduals. Its consequences, dangerous to strict monotheism, 
and its practical effect upon the Halacha of the time, de- 
manded and obtained the strictest forethought and considera- 
tion among the Jewish wise men in Babylon and Palestine, 
of whose labours on this subject only a few traces are extant. 
On this alone rests our designation. Secret Doctrine}^'^ It is 
not impossible, although improbable, that individual litterati 
had written something of this kind on Secret Rolls, but in 
the period of the Talmud and earlier Gaonim there seems to 
have been no literature, certainly none in the popular dialect 
(the Aramaic). ^^^ The first really literary productions appear 
so late, that we prefer to treat them in connexion with the 
following period (§ 13.). 

B. The special or expository Haggada (Midrash strictly so 
called) ^^^^ is in some sense the old Jewish Exegesis and 
Homiletics, and aims at an explanation of the text, without 
excluding the tendencies and methods of the general Hag- 
gada, or even those of the Halacha. On the contrary, it 
sometimes applies and makes use of them in constructing 
a whole, of which the text forms the centre. The works 
are collected from fragments, and in their complete form 
constitute a kind of commentary on particular books of 
Holy Scriptm-e, and are named after them, as Bereshit 
(Genesis) Rabba, Midrash of the Psalms, &c. So far, how- 
ever, as they for the most represent the usual cycle of Sab- 
bath and Festival Lectures (Sermons and Homilies), their 

E 2 



52 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

particular sections are divided and called after the divisions 
of the Pentateuch {Parshiot), or those of the prophets {Hafta- 
rot\ and after the five Megillot received into the ritual ; 
consequently Midrashim on particular books of the Penta- 
teuch, written at different periods, would in an uncritical age 
be treated as a whole, e. g. Midrash Rabhot. The exposition 
extended itself to everything that could be brought into con- 
nexion with the text, and thereby introduced, by an almost 
imperceptible combination of ideas, the most distant objects. 
The materials swelled like an avalanche ; the later Midrash 
having reference to the older, and the collectors being not 
very particular in the selection of their matter. They ex- 
pounded the whole contents of Scripture, even the names ^^% 
and not unfrequently the exposition itself *^^, laying particular 
stress sometimes on the contents sometimes on the expression, 
any external features of which served as a connecting link for 
the interpretation. Of these we will mention only the best 
known : the Masoretic definitions, alphabetical changes, ab- 
breviations, numerical value of the letters ( Geometria, Gram- 
mataia, Notarikon, Temura), and even the similarity of words 
in foreign languages. ^^^ As regards the form and arrange- 
ment of particular lectures and collections, we may perceive 
some progress in the care and art bestowed on them ; although, 
from the influences described above, it could never have 
attained to any high degree of excellence. 

Further investigations are still requisite for the special 
history of this Midrash, the principal literary works of which 
have been subjected by Rapoport and Zunz to a general 
critical examination. The oldest traces of such an expo- 
sition may be found in the Bible and Apocrypha,^^'^ At the 
time of the redaction of the Mishna there were certain Books 
of Haggada which were studied, although not without some 
fear of the misuse of free thought if it were allowed to be- 
come paramount ; but these are known to us principally by 
fragments and quotations from existing works. 

The special Haggada consists (1.) of great and important 
Midrashim on the entire Pentateuch, or on particular books 
of it, and also on the prophets and the Hagiographa; (2.) of 
lesser and later offshoots of the Haggada on the particular 
sections of Scriptures. To the first belong the ten Mid- 



§ 5.] HAGGADA* 53 

rashim known'by the name Midrash Rabba {Rabbot) on the 
Pentateuch, and the five Megillot, of which the earliest (Ge- 
nesis) was completed as early as the sixth, and the latest 
(]^umbers) in the twelfth century. A complete cycle of 
lectures corresponding to the Pericopes of remarkable days 
is formed by the old Pesikta^^^, begun about A. D. 700, the 
text of which as restored from fragments in an edition of the 
Pesikta Rabbati about two centuries later (composed A.D. 
845), and from other quotations, is calculated to give an idea 
of the history of the Midrash ; to which we may add that 
Zunz's investigations are fully borne out by researches in 
MS. works. In the Midrash Tanchuma, or Tanchuma-Je- 
lamdenu, the history of which as exhibited by its text is no 
less peculiar, we have the oldest expository Haggada, origi- 
nally comprising the whole Pentateuch. It was collected 
probably in South Italy, in the second half of the 9th century. 
Among the non-pentateuchal Midrashim, the Midrash of the 
Psalms (called also Shocher Tob) belongs to the same country, 
and as regards the older half (1 — 118.), to a still earlier date. 

The Boraita of R. Elieser (ben Hyrca Js^) ^°^, composed in 
Palestine, Syria, or Asia INIinor, shows a peculiar character 
with respect to its arrangement and contents. It is an in- 
complete Pentateuch ^lidrash, with an intentionally false 
name : it contains some lengthy disquisitions on the objects 
of worship, of the ethical and historical Haggada, and of secret 
doctrine, and in its artificial arrangement answers to the 
benedictions of the prayer Shemone esra (see inf. § 6.). 

Of the second class of special Haggada, the relation of which 
to the liturgy (cf. above, p. 49.) we hope to see illustrated 
by the master Zunz himself, we may mention, out of the eight 
works noticed by Zunz, the Midrash Vajosha, or bp V:/1172 
U^n T^l^ll/ (on Exod. xiv. 30. sq.), which contains the first form 
of the old Armillus (Romulus) legend after the analogy of 
the Arabian Deggial (J'^-T^^)? ^^^ a small Midrash Esther, 

These various Haggada works, of which we have taken 
a rapid sketch, constitute the creative period, and conse- 
quently that most fruitful in literature. Even the collective 
works of the time show, at least in the treatment of their 
materials, a certain generative power and independence. It 

E 3 



54 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

is not impossible to follow the whole length of the stream in 
its manifold intersections^ as an unbroken natural channel, up 
to the living source. Gradually the course of the stream 
comes to a stand still, its bed is lost in the sand, while canals 
and artificial reservoirs carry off the water. In the place of 
the productive energy of the Haggada andMidrash, the 11th 
century presents to us nothing but servile extracts, com- 
pilations, and comprehensive collections made from all sources. 
But these latter belong to the succeeding period ; for the new 
elements which indicate the termination of one period are in 
fact the beginning of another, just as the extinction of the 
Midrash itself is perceived by means of the new elements 
by which the epochs are marked out. They were however, 
from a general want of criticism, placed in the series of the 
old Midrashim. Moreover, the less independent, the more 
faithful, and the more unmeaning the compilation, the less 
accurately can its date be determined. These compilations, 
and especially the larger and more comprehensive of them, 
contain elements of works either lost or but little known to us, 
and consequently afford materials, in many respects important, 
for the criticism of the Midrash. We will mention here only 
the best-known work ; Midrash Jalkut, by R. SiMON K1a:ra 
(see §9.).^ 

This brief development might justify the assertion made 
above, that a more intimate acquaintance with the Midrash 
literature, in which nearly all the mental energy of a people, 
equal at least in this respect to its contemporaries, is concen- 
trated and reflected throughout more than 1000 years, is 
worth, and actually needs, a lengthened and unprejudiced 
examination of details. Few, however, seem inclined to un- 
dertake this labour. 



§ 6.] Liturgy.^ 

Since we have found in the literature of the Halacha and 
Haggada an expression for all the intellectual interests of 
life, we shall not expect prayer to have been an isolated 
development. And, in fact, the whole liturgical literature 
of the Jews stands, in the closest connexion with the develop- 
ment of the Midrash, and particularly with the earlier period 



§ 6.] LITURGY. 55 

of its foundation^ in which the Jewish prayers assumed 
their peculiar character.^ For the usual Jewish prayer- 
book consists of elements belonging to a period of 1000 
years, and offers to criticism a field of greater difficulties 
than the Midrash, from the absence of all external criteria ; 
while the accounts preserved in the Midrash, of prayers 
being composed by certain Eabbies, must be received 
with caution, as the prayers now in use with the same 
beginnings have in many cases been enlarged. Moreover 
those Rabbles must not be considered as their authors, but 
merely as having handed them down.^ Other prayers, not 
received into the liturgy, have still to be collected from the 
Midrash literatm-'e"*, and are of importance for oiu' historical 
development. 

The Bible recognises but one kind of public worship in- 
cumbent as a matter of duty, viz. the sacrificial worship at 
Jerusalem, with which certain confessions of sins and ritual 
formularies are connected; and in general it leaves prayer 
to the requirements of individuals. Of independent forms of 
prayer there is no mention anywhere made ; still some of the 
psalms and prayers anterior to the captivity may have been 
composed for worship or introduced into it, and finally have 
become disseminated among the people. If other indivi- 
dual prayers were composed and written at that time, they 
belong to history, not to the law. To the interruption of 
the sacrificial worship, to the revolution in the popular 
dialect, to the more extended development of the religious 
consciousness by the later conflicts, to the influence of the 
schools and the Halacha, which made everything the object 
of law, is to be ascribed the general fixing and formularising 
of prayer ; so that the commencement of a liturgy falls at 
earliest in the time of the great synod, when, together with 
the restoration of the sacrificial worship, prayer accompanied 
with teaching from the Bible took an independent position, 

t what time men began to pray at stated hours, and conse- 
C|uently to have a fixed ritual, when and how congregations 
first met for prayers and public worship elsewhere than at the 
Temple, and when the relation between reciter of prai/ers 
Cantor (]Tn, iin:: n^VtL,') and congregation Q7T\^) was developed, 

E 4 



56 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

are questions not yet satisfactorily determined; nor lias it 
even been asked, whether the ancient prayers were propagated 
orally, or written down by their composers ! On the whole it 
is certain, (1.) that prayer is connected with the development 
of the Midrash,in so far as in the case of the history of Midrash, 
additions, extensions, and embellishments gradually grew up 
around the old nucleus of prayers, whether originally composed 
for general use, or first introduced into public worship at a 
later time ; until, finally, the Midrash itself encroached upon 
prayer : (2.) that a considerable portion of the oldest prayers 
grouped itself about passages from the Bible, and thus ap- 
proached very near to the Haggada, so that in general, to use 
the expression of a Talmud Doctor^, a form of prayer enjoined 
as a duty at particular times can no longer be regarded 
as confined to the narrow limits of mere feeling : (3.) that 
the Halacha and Haggada lectures gave occasion to prayer 
meetings, and conversely. The prayers when once fixed and 
circulated came into a certain analogy with the Bible ; they 
were cited, instead of the passages of the Bible on which they 
were founded^, they were used as texts for the construction of 
Midrash^, and their form of expression involuntarily returned 
to the memory.^ "VYe learned above (§ 5. 2 b.) to recognise 
Easter Haggada as something between liturgy and Midrash. 
At a later time the Halacha found its way into the daily 
ritual. 

The language of the older prayers, particularly the ritual, 
is Hebrew; a few only are Aramaic, as the Kaddish 
(ti'^'lp), originally a form for concluding Haggada lectures.^ 
Their style likewise has its history. The oldest are little 
else than compilations of Biblical sentences, together with 
actual pieces of the Bible ; and throughout the whole period 
they maintain a Biblical Hebraism. The language is simple 
and clear, without any artificial form, without any congeries 
of synonymes, and their tone is consequently hearty and 
elevating. At a later period they first adopt a kind of 
artificial form in composition, with inflexional rhymes and 
alphabetical acrostics ; as is the case in the Books of La- 
mentations, Psalms, and in the Targum Esther. ^° Oh the 
other hand, actual rhyme and acrostics of names belong to 
the following period. 



§ 6. J LITURGY. 57 

The liturgical literature is divided in its progress into 
two classes, not entirely distinct: (1.) The general />r«?/er5 
for Divine service or worship in a restricted sense, which 
are obligatory on each individual, and are not connected 
Avith any definite occasions; as are (2.) the Benedictions 
(niDil) at meals, on the performance of certain cere- 
monies, at lectures, &c., which we will not particularise 
further, as they do not exercise any actual influence on the 
later literature. The former class comprises daily and fes- 
tival prayers (in which are reckoned those for all remarkable 
days, such as fasts, &c.). The daily prayer was developed out 
of the two oldest principal groups of the liturgy, which, on 
account of the general character of their contents, are 
entirely adapted to public worship. The first was called by 
its initial word, iho, Shema (PTDIi'), afterwards also Reading of 
the Shema (^'0''\V nK''~ip), and was originally a mere collection 
of pieces of the Bible, in which the acknowledgment of the 
unity of God, and the memory of his government of Israel, 
are expressed. It was probably introduced in or after the 
period of the Syrian war, as a morning and evening prayer, 
and was enlarged with suitable additions. The other group, 
the TefiUa (nbsn) ^^ the actual supplication, contained a 
form of hymnical Introit and Exit, with the addition of 
the sacerdotal blessing (]rin, originally, pulpit of the priest). 
The nucleus gradually grew into twelve sayings (m^m), and 
thence the whole took the name Prayer of the Eighteen {say- 
ings), (nitZ/P n3"i?:)t2/ nVsn) ; and this name was preserved for 
the corresponding prayers of the Sabbath and festivals, which 
contained, instead of the twelve supplications, a proper hymn 
of triplets referring to the offering proper to the festivaL^^* 
And since on these days an additional offering, Musaf{^t>V2^, 
was made, there Avere formed similarly for this an eighteen 
prayers, which was called Musaf. After the complete cessation 
of the sacrificial worship, prayers received a greater extension ; 
the Halacha exalted prayer to a vicarious duty, and thus 
involved its formularisation almost as a necessary conse- 
quence. In the synagogues and schools teaching and prayer 
went on ; and the president of the academy was generally 
also director of public worship (kitd VJ^'\, later '\'\'D'n ti'l^i).^ 



58 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period I. 

The agrarian signification of the principal feasts was, in 
prayer and preaching, gradually pushed more and more into 
the background by its religio-historical signification (e. g. the 
offering of the firstlings at the Pentecost, by the commemora- 
tion of the giving of the Law). Amongst them the day of 
Commemoration (subsequently the New Year's day, and day 
of Judgment), and especially the day of Atonement and Fast 
day, must at an early period, on account of their original 
meaning and importance, have had a longer liturgy, in which 
preaching and prayer had a part, following immediately upon 
the extraordinary sacrificial worship. We have mentioned 
Krochmal's opinion above (§ 4.), that at an early period a 
description of the Temple ritual on the day of Atonement 
was composed for liturgical purposes. ^^ By degrees the 
lecture of the doctor, also on the subject of the Temple ritual, 
naturally passed into the hands of the reciter of prayers, 
since they were often both the same person. In earlier 
times the reciter of prayers spoke in public worship as the 
plenipotentiary of the congregation (~nn2S H^Vti', later i-illlp, 
as in Aramaic), and the congregation joined only in the 
" Amen " and short responses. This, with the old variations, 
now extant, and also the argumentum a silentio, that in the 
Talmud nothing upon liturgical writings occurs, makes it 
more than probable, that the older prayers were not circu- 
lated among the people in writing. ^^ By their spreading from 
the centre of authority, by the gradual interpolations of indi- 
vidual doctors and reciters, by the tendency to arrange and 
settle things constantly evinced by the Halacha (as the object 
of which certain prayers were now considered), by the con- 
tinually increasing care in retaining that which was once 
produced, by the growing respect for learned writers and the 
need of a uniform public worship, and by a combination of 
all these causes, the dissemination of written prayers must 
have gradually advanced. Among the authorities in the 
period of the Talmud who were active in composing or fixing 
the liturgy, we may mention Gamaliel II. and R. Jocha- 
NAN in Palestine, E-ab and Samuel in Babylon. 

From the time of the Saboraim and the first Gaonim, the 
history of the liturgy is obscure ; but it is improbable that 



§ 7.] EARLIEST JEWISH LITERATURE OE ARABIA. 59 

there was any great activity on the subject. ^^ Prayer took 
a new form from the liturgical poetry of the next period. 

§ 7.] The earliest Jewish Literature of Arabia. 

With the extension of power which Judaism received in the 
first century after Christ in Arabia (in its widest sense), and 
with the religious controversies Avhich necessarily occurred, 
it was impossible for the Jews of Arabia to be destitute of 
all science, as their heathen countrymen were at the time of 
Ignorance (Djahelijje). The inhabitants particularly of the 
small kingdoms to the north (Hira, Ghassan, Hidjaz, Na- 
batasa, and Idumaea) were too near to Palestine not to take 
part in its civilisation and literature. The *^ Religion of 
Abraham" of the Arabian Jews is a Muhammedan invention 
easily explained ; aind the legends of the two learned Jews 
of the lineage of Karisa, in Medina, who prophesied of Mu- 
hammed and converted the Tobba^, can at best be treated 
only as a sign of the existence of Jewish learning in Arabia, 
with which the journey of R. Akiba thither, and the mention 
of a learned Jew Malluch in the Talmud-, coincide. At the 
same time, single Beduin families might have remained 
untainted with Rabbinism. 

The JudcRO- Arabic literature^ ^ the importance of which 
will be demonstrated in the following period, shows early 
traces of being the (genuine) national literature of the coun- 
try ; for contemporarily with Amriolkais, the Singer of a 
Moallaka (i. e. a golden song), the Jew Samuel ben Adijja 
whose friendship for him was proverbial, and others but re- 
cently made known by Hammer, composed their poems. The 
important Rabbinical elements of the Koran indicate a cer- 
tain cooperation on the part of learned Jews and Jewish 
renegades. As such the following may be mentioned : 
Abdallah BEN ES Selam, Finhas (ben Azura), and ac- 
cording to some (but with less probability), Werka ben 
Naupil and the monk Bahiea, or Boheira. As a main 
authority for the Sujina, we have Kaab ol Akbar ; and 
one of the oldest Islamite sects, the Sabaites, who deified the 
Khalif Ali, derives its origin from the Jewish renegade Ab- 
dallah BEN Saba. We soon see the Jews also take an 



60 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

active part in those sciences which necessarily established 
themselves in the first warlike centuries of Islamism, e. g. 
Abu Hafsa Jezid, a physician in Yemen, who professed 
Islamism to Omar (a.d. 650); and Masergeweih of Bosra 
(a. d. 683), who translated the Syriac medical Pandects of 
the presbyter Aaron into Arabic. 

But up to this point the participation in the Arabian lite- 
rature is rather isolated, without direct influence on the 
whole, and having some other analogy with the literatures of 
the other lands of the Dispersion. The wide-spread dominion 
of the Arabian power and science first brought about a 
general development of Jewish literature ; and with this we 
enter upon the next Period. 



PEKIOD 11. 

FROM THE BEGINNING OF ARABIAN SCIENCE TO THE EXILE OF 
THE JEWS FROM SPAIN. 

From the Eighth to the Fifteenth Century. 



§ 8.] Introduction and General View, 

The beginning of the Second Period is not without analogy 
to the First. The First Period, that of the Midrash, lay 
in the obscure age of the great synod, and its literary pro- 
ductions refer to the Bible and the Apocryphas. The intro- 
duction of Greek and Roman culture called forth religious 
parties, and required a more distinct formation in faith and 
society ; and finally, the Midrash, in all its breadth and depth, 
was developed from the complete canon of Scripture. In 
like manner, at the time of the middle Gaonim (8th century), 
were formed the first seeds of the new Arabian science, pre- 
served to us almost like scattered plants on the broad ground 
of the Midrash. The new wisdom gradually becoming 
universal, met and arrested the living creative power of the 
Midrash, made the Midrash itself the object of scientific 
inquiry, and gave a definite form to scientific and religious 



§ 8.] GENERAL VIEW. 61 

systems and schools. This second period is distinguished 
from the first by very important characteristics. The de- 
velopment took place at once with the Dispersion, under the 
influence of different nationalities and languages, and of two 
complete religious systems springing from Judaism. It pro- 
ceeded more from literature than life, and, being founded 
on the foregoing period, was in general richer and more 
diversified. Moreover, the individuality of the author be- 
comes now better ascertained ; and the particular writings 
receive the stamp of an intellectual purpose, acting with 
due attention to the outward form, as may be perceived in 
the division, &c., and in the titles^ of the books. Finally, 
oral tradition gave way to written literature. We find 
that this period also began with the formation of an actual 
sect, the Karaites (about 750); and immediately afterwards^ 
the Arabian language became the usual organ for the new 
objects and forms of thoughts. Reference to geographical 
position, and its historical influence on particular intellectual 
tendencies is also more apparent. 

The most general type is afforded by the distinction 
between the countries under Christian or Muhamrnedan^ do- 
minion. From Babylon and Irak, where the Gaonim and 
Khalifs held the ecclesiastical and civil power, the Arabian 
science and language together with the study of the Halacha 
flowed with the Arabs over Northern Africa and Spain, and 
reached Southern Italy and the South of France (Provence). 
Both of these countries afterwards occupied an influential 
position. We name this school after its chief representative 
(Spain) the Sefaradic (from "I~)£5D, Avith the Babbies, Spain). 
Palestine was now suffering from the inroads and wars of the 
wild hordes of the East, and had lost its literary importance, 
being unable to raise itself from Masora and Midrash to 
more independent study. But from that country when the 
Talmud was in full vigour, the Halacha and Haggada had 
spread over Asia Minor, Greece, Northern Italy, France, 
and Germany ; and towards the end of the 9th century a 
closer connexion between Germany, Northern Italy, and 
France was promoted by means of an important learned 
family, whom the king of France brought from Lucca to 



62 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

Mayence.^ The scientific activity of the Jews under the 
Arabian dominion had thrown into the background the 
separate study of the Halacha, which however was indis- 
pensable to religious life ; and thus they became dependent 
for it upon the Babylonian Gaonim. But this came to an end 
when in the 10th century the Jewish literature of Europe 
finally took the foremost place.^ An effect described 
below more in detail was produced by Italy, through the 
means of certain influential personages, upon various kinds of 
literature. Amongst other things the transplanting of three 
distinguished learned men from Bari to Kahira, Kairovan, 
and Cordova (948 — 960), gradually emancipated men's minds 
from the Halacha authority of the Gaonini, which in 1037 
completely fell to the ground with the Babylonian academies.^ 
Spain now independent (united with Mauritania) had not 
long been adorned with the noblest specimens of Judaeo- 
Arabian literature, when the fanaticism of the Almohaden 
threatened to crush it (about 1150); but this fanaticism, 
in conjunction with the movement of the Crusades, only 
caused them to be transplanted to the north-east (Pro- 
vence). ^ 

The 12th century forms a new era in this period. In it 
began, not only the important development of Talmudical 
learning among the glossatores of Northern France and 
Germany, but also the influential activity of the translators 
from the Arabic in Provence. By them Arabian science 
was made accessible to the Jews of France and Italy. In its 
more consistent formation, however, it became a stumbling- 
block by the religious system of Maimonides. And thence 
arose, in the 13th century, the sharp polemical dispute 
about philosophising, which ended (1306) in the pro- 
hibition of the early study of philosophy. The intellectual 
tendencies of this century generally, even in the West, had 
approached one another more nearly. Toledo had become the 
Jerusalem to which the combatants of the pen had drawn 
together to obtain Arabian learning for the benefit of the 
Christian faith ; and Jews or Jewish apostates were here the 
usual channels through which they obtained it.^ But the 
more the Arabs were driven back by the power of Christian 



§ 8. J GENERAL VIEW. 63 

Spain, so much the more did the treasure which the Jews 
had to offer become an object of desire. Thus we find in the 
13th century Christian princes, for example, the Emperor 
Frederic II. (1232), King Alphonso the Wise (1256—1277), 
Charles of Anjou (1279), and Robert of Anjou (1319), 
mentioned as protectors and favourers of Jewish litterati,^ 
This however did not happen without exciting bitterness on 
the part of fanaticism and envy ^°; which vented itself in the 
numerous writings of this century hostile to the Jews, and 
occasioned persecutions of the Jews, and the burning of 
Jewish books. Manfred is said to have translated a pseudo- 
Aristotelian work, as it seems from the Hebrew. The in- 
tellectual intercourse between Jews and Christians, in the 
countries where the language of literature (the Latin) was 
more accessible to the Jews, from its affinity with the 
vernacular, was far greater than the deficient state of in- 
quiry into that very interesting subject might lead us to sup- 
pose ; and it has even recently been ascribed to subordinate 
causes. At the same time, through the western syncretism 
in Provence and Southern Italy, where the Arabian- Spanish 
and the Judseo-Christian lines of thought met, the new 
Kahhala with its pseudepigraphic literature was developed, 
in opposition to the rational school, out of the old secret 
teaching. In the 14th and 15th centuries this literature 
took possession of the leading minds, not only of the darker 
North where the light of Arabian science had not penetrated, 
where no sunshine of culture and humanity had warmed the 
soil, and where systematic superstition reigned both in the 
schools and in society, but also of the more cultivated South. 
This may be ascribed to the fact that science, having passed 
out of the fruitful stage of struggle into that of peaceful pos- 
session and cultivation, had lost in depth what it had gained 
in breadth; Christian scholasticism being, by its nature, 
able to react upon the Jewish only polemically, and in- 
deed herself soon becoming a disciple of the Jewish Kabbala. 
Jewish literature, in general, not excepting even the subject 
of theology, took a prominent part in the different Romance 
languages, and in the learned Latin, in the way either of 
original composition or of translation and editorial labours. 



64 JEWISH LITERATUKE. [Period II. 

From tlie 13th century, the Italian school approaches nearer 
to the Spanish, and at last absorbs the best strength of the 
Spanish exile. These are the outlines of the intellectual 
movement, which future investigation must illustrate. 

We must now consider briefly what disciplines were 
brought into shape during this period, pointing out their 
connexion with the literature of the first period. This 
must be done in order that the encyclopcBdic division, here 
to be developed, may be followed by a closer observation 
of what was doing in the particular departments. 

In the First Period nearly the whole literature was ranged 
under the great banner of the Midrash, and we distinguish 
as principal groups, Halacha, Haggada, Targum, and Prayer. 
Of independent science in the stricter sense, there was 
none. This first found entrance among the Jews through 
the Arabs ; although certain Jews, as for example Ma- 
SERGEWEiH (683), Mashallah (754 — 813), Sahl et 
Thaberi (800—830), with his son the renegade, and 
others, cooperated by their translation of Greek works 
(apparently from the Syriac). In what manner the Jews 
were influenced by the Greek literature, transplanted to 
the Arabian soil in the 8 th century by means of the 
Syrians, can only be guessed by bold conclusions from a 
later age, on account of the want of certain criteria, and of 
literary documents of the time.^^ In this inquiry regard 
must be paid to the development of Arabian science, as yet 
but imperfectly determined. The dates which have been 
hitherto ascertained, point to the oldest Karaitic literature as 
the key for the solution of this most difficult question (see 
below, § 12.), and it may prove that religious polemics are 
to be considered as one of the most important elements in 
it. At any rate, the scientific literature known to us 
begins with Arabic writings, partly polemical and religio- 
philosophical, and with translations from the Bible by Saadja 
Gaon (about 892), and his Karaitic contemporaries, some of 
whom were older than himself. The principle of the literal 
interpretation of the Bible adopted by the Karaites, who 
rejected the Halacha and Haggada-Midrash, necessitated 
the use of objective Exegesis, and the grammatical studies 



§ 8.] GENERAL VIEW. 65 

inseparable from it. It must also have Imprinted the cha- 
racter of the old Targum upon the translations necessitated 
by the altered circumstances of language, and, by bringing 
forward religious principles, have led to a regularly con- 
structed system of doctrine (dogmatism). In consequence 
of this, as well as of the progress of science generally, it 
followed that the Haggada, which had never been much 
studied in Babylon, fell still more into the background. 
The Halacha, which on the completion of the Gemara was 
no longer developed by the Halachaic Midrash directly 
from Scripture, began to take a formal shape ; while, on the 
one hand, the substance, and especially the practical results, 
were systematically put together, so, on the other, the Me- 
thodology of Talmudical deduction was discussed. With 
this were connected inquiries concerning the history of the 
Talmud and of the Talmudists, and the commencement of 
Chronology and of the history of literature. Finally it became 
necessary to explain the Talmud itself according to both its 
substance and language. 

As soon as the homiletical element of the Haggada was 
fettered by writing and rule, it became necessary that another 
element should be introduced into the synagogue. This was 
prayer in the form of the new poetry (Pijjut) with rhyme and 
metre, with which, as cultivation in thought and language ad- 
vanced, it became usual to clothe all kinds of literature, after 
the example of the Arabs. Still later, poetry ceased to be 
didactic, and its form was considered as a worthy object 
of study. Besides these peculiarly Jewish departments of 
literature, considerable progress was made, as regards both 
matter and form, in Mathematics and Astronomy, Medicine 
and Physics, 

The language of the Jewish, literature of this period varies 
with the department of literature and the geographical 
locality. It is at first the Aramaic or Aramaic-Hebrew of 
the Talmud, even as late as Anan the Karaite ^^ ; and it 
generally remains the same among the Jews in Christian 
countries. Among those under the dominion of the Arabs 
the prevailing language after the 9th century is the Arabic, 
in which even liturgical writings, prayers, and poems are 



66 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

extant. But few traces of Persian literature ^^ remain to us. 
In the countries of the Romance lano-uao-es a few Jews in 
later times took part in literature. Among the grammarians 
and poets, and even among some old French Bible expositors 
(as Joseph Kara), the Hebrew retrograded towards purism ; 
but a corresponding attempt on the part of Maimonides to 
restore the language of the Mishna in the Halacha produced 
no result. The preponderance of legal studies in Germany 
and France made the mixed Talmudic idiom predominant, 
while their Pijjutim still displayed that imperfect state of 
language out of which the Sefaradim had early risen to a 
more correct form. The translation of Arabic writings laid 
the foundation for a scientific prose (n31^n, properly astro- 
nomy), the Arabisms of which were gradually softened 
or entiiely naturalised. The Kabbalistic pseudepigraphy, 
veiling itself under the old Aramaic idiom, and in part trans- 
lating from the Hebrew, is itself also in some degree pu- 
ristic, but it fell into strange mistakes, and even grammatical 
blunders ; on the other hand, it extended the capability of 
the language for new ideas. Finally foreign elements pressed 
in from all sides, and became in a measure assimilated.^^ 

Besides their own literature of translations, &c., we are 
also indebted to the Jews for the preservation of various 
works in foreign languages written in Hebrew characters, 
amongst which the Arabic, from its affinity, takes of course 
the first place. The neglect of several valuable contribu- 
tions to the general history of literature has arisen only from 
ignorance of the letters in which they were written; through 
this they have been misinterpreted, and foreign authors 
have been converted by bibliographers into Jews. Many 
works of the celebrated Averroes (§ 12.) in the genuine 
Arabic are preserved only in Hebrew MSS. ; an Arabic 
lexicon in Hebrew characters, and older than the year 1380, is 
extant in the Escurial ; but no" one, as far as we know, even 
noticed it, at a period when every corner of the libraries was 
thoroughly examined by Arabic scholars. A Polish transla- 
tion of the Psalms, written as early as 1510, is to be found at 
Parma ; and at a later period even a Turkish work on ]Mu- 
hammedan sects was written in Hebrew characters, and has 



§ 9.] HALACHA. 67 

been recently discovered at Leyden by the author of the 
present treatise. 

The external history of literature (that of manuscripts, 
transcribers, and libraries) begins properly in this period, 
but it has unfortunately as yet been but little cultivated. ^^ 

A little more attention has been paid to the literature 
of gravestones, interesting in many respects ; and Zunz, the 
originator of so many researches, has also written an essay, 
exhausting whatever of these monuments was spared by the 
barbarism of the middle ages. We are, however, from time 
to time edified with discoveries of old inscriptions which are 
only monuments — of ignorance. 

We now proceed to the particular departments of litera- 
ture. 

§ 9.] Halacha, 

We have above (§ 4, 5.) pursued the Halachaic literature as 
far as the works of K. Achai, Jehuidai Gaon, and Si- 
meon Kahira, which form the transition to independent sys- 
tematic works of this period, and are perhaps in some measure 
aifected by its influences. We have seen that the Gemara of 
Jerusalem, and the line of thought connected with it, main- 
tained their authority principally in Italy, while the Gemara 
of Babylon was carried by the reputation of the Gaonim into 
the countries subject to Arabia, and over Northern Africa, as 
far as Spain. There however, by the transplanting of learned 
men from Southern Italy to Kahira, Kairowan, and Cordova, 
attention was again directed to the older and simpler Gemara 
of Jerusalem. But this occurred too late for them ever to 
be placed on an equal footing ; and since the Babylonian, 
wliich was besides in many respects preferable, lay at the 
foundation of the established practice, the other could never 
boast of any great literary attention ; and subsequently a 
whole Order (Seder) of it was lost. The activity of the 
later Gaonim (800 — 1037) was thus exercised principally 
upon the Babylonian Talmud, which they expounded, as re- 
gards both substance and language ^ in continuous commen- 
taries or lexica rerum. Besides this they delivered Judgments 
or Responsa (mostly legal judgments), even for Spain and 

F 2 



68 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

France, of which several collections are still extant, one by 
Joseph Tob-Elem.^ They also composed Monographies 
upon practical subjects, partly in Arabic, and partly in 
Hebrew memorial verses (§ 18.). Zemach (872 — 890), 
Saadja, Sherira, Hai (who died 1037), and his father- 
in-law Samuel ben Chofni, composed writings of this 
kind. After the Gaonim the same subject was treated in 
the first half of the 11th century by Chefez, author of a 
Book of Precepts (mi^STDH "IBD),^ and NissiM BEN Jacob 
and Chananel in Kairowan, both pupils and the latter 
son of Chuschiel of Bari, who combined the learning and 
methods of Babylon and Italy, and exercised an important 
influence on the system of the Halacha.^ NissiM, who suc- 
ceeded his father as religious head, and was the means of 
carrying on the correspondence between Hai Gaon and 
Samuel Hannagid in Spain, composed a double " Key " 
(rrnS/O) to the Talmud in Arabic, which was intended to 
make up for its deficiency in arrangement, and its entire 
want of notices of parallel passages, &c. He gives as an 
introduction, a historical account of tradition and of the 
Talmud, and is the first in those countries to take into 
consideration the Talmud of Jerusalem.^ His successor 
Chananel (who died 1050 ?)^ in his Hebrew commentaries 
on the Talmud, selected those parts which had not fallen into 
disuse, and gave the result of the whole at the end of his dis- 
quisition. He thus furnished an example to Isaac Alfasi 
(1013-1103) of Fez, a Rabbi in Lucena (a community which 
was celebrated for learning, until 1148^), whose " Halachot," 
a compendium of the Talmud with its final results,® obtained 
great authority as the first code of laws, and found its way 
as far as France.^ It however soon met with a bold critic in 
Provence, the young Serachja Halevi of Lunel, who had 
observed the connexion of general logic with the methodology 
of the Talmud, but who was opposed by Meir of Carcassone 
(1220), and Nachmanides. Commentaries were written by 
Jonathan Kohen of Lunel (cir. 1200), Isaiah de Trani, 
jun., Jonah Gerondi, Aaron Haleyi of Barcelona (who 
died 1293, and whose nephew Aaron ben Pinchas made a 
compendium of some sections) ^^, NissiM BEN Reuben Ge- 



§ 9.] HALACHA, G9 

RONDi (about 1350), Joseph Chabib (about 1400), and many 
authors in the East. Meanwhile, in Spain an independent 
study of the Halacha flourished in the school of R. Moses, 
who had been removed from Bari to Cordova, and, by means 
of the minister Chasdai ben Isaac, had been raised to the 
office of teacher, in which he was succeeded by his son R. 
Chanoch. Joseph Ibn Abitur (Abi Thaur ben Santas ?), 
a pupil of K. Moses', seems to have written an Arabic com- 
pendium of the Talmud (or of the Mishna), for the Khalif 
Alhakim.^^ Soon afterwards R. Samuel called Hannagid 
(the Prince), composed an introduction to the Talmud ^^, in 
which the Haggada is already distinguished in principle from 
the Halacha, and the talmudical form of discussion is ex- 
plained. By the time therefore that the Halacha had lost 
its chief fosterers in the East, it was already in full bloom in 
the West ; and through the variation of practice in different 
countries, it gained in breadth, and its method became more 
copious. For even in Western Germany (Worms, Mayence, 
Regensburg), and in France (especially in the South), there 
had been since the 11th century an unbroken line of distin- 
guished teachers of the law, commencing in Germany with 
the descendants of R. Moses of Lucca, the real founders of 
the German-French Halacha, which reached to England and 
the Slavonic east then known as " Kanaan" and "Russia." 
In France we must mention first Rabbenu Gerson " the 
ancient," called "the light of the Exile," the founder of 
monogamy and other " institutions, " who was already, 
through his teacher R. Leontin, acquainted with the views 
of the Gaonim^^, and had composed a commentary on the 
Talmud, &c. His brother Machir (1030) attempted an 
alphabetical dictionary of the Talmud, as the Gaon Zemach 
had formerly done, and probably also Hai Gaon, almost at 
the same time. Amongst other pupils of R. Gerson was 
R. Moses of Narbonne, called " Ha-Darschan," because he 
distinguished himself particularly in collecting and explain- 
ing the Midrashim.^"^ Yet in the German-French treatment 
of the various subjects contained in the Talmud and Midrash, 
the Halacha and Haggada are less clearly distinguished. 
Soon after R. Moses^ we find R. Simeon Ha-Darschan, 

F 3 



70 JEWISH LITERATUEB, [Period II. 

author of the famous and comprehensive coHeetions on the 
Midrash, called Jalkut ; and R. Tobia, son of the famous 
R. Eliezer "the Great" (which means the old) of Mayence, 
who travelled to the East, and was the author of a 
" Midrash/' different in its character from those of earlier 
times.^^ Nathan ben Jechiel of Eome (who died 1106), 
the famous author of the Eabbinical dictionary called Arucli, 
was a pupil of R. Moses Ha-Darschan. From the works of 
the latter^^, R. Salomo Isaki (called Rashi, erroneously 
Jarchi) of Troyes gained much information ; his model Com- 
mentaries on the greater part of the Talmud superseded those 
of R. Gerson, and called forth similar works among his chief 
pupils and kinsmen. 

A new epoch commences with the rise of Maimonides, 
who, after his complete Arabian commentary of the Mishna ^^, 
and partial explanation of the Gemara of Babylon and that 
of Jerusalem, accomplished (about 1180) in a remarkable 
manner the gigantic plan of what may be called a *^ second 
Mishna." His Mishne Tor ah is a compendium embracing 
the whole extent of the Halacha, even of that part which 
was no longer of any practical use. In its principal features 
it follows the Halachot of Isaac Alfasi ; but it is remarkable 
for its scientific form and plan, and leaves nothing to be de- 
sired but special references for the conclusions drawn from the 
two Talmuds^^ a deficiency which he had intended to supply. 
This work, written in Egypt, was soon disseminated among 
the schools of Maimonides in the East. Parts of it were 
translated, contrary to the author's intention, into Arabic; 
and the Hebrew text was explained in Arabic by Salomo b. 
Jeshua Kohen, by an anonymous writer of the 15th cen- 
tury, and by Said ben Daud (Saadja b. David) el-Adeni 
(1473 — 1479). It was carefully glossed by the learned, but 
mystic and not very scientific, Abraham ben David junior 
o£ Posquieres (who died 1198), son-in-law of the famous 
Abraham ben Isaac (see below), and pupil of Meshul- 
LAM BEN Jacob (who died 1170); and it was defended 
against Meir Abulafia Halevi (before 1200) by Aaron 
son of Meshullam.^^ Afterwards, it was widely dissemi- 
nated, and obtained a high reputation ; learned men wrotp 



^9.] HALACHA. 71 

commentaries on it, and even in modern times the h) - 
percriticism of the Halacha has been exercised upon it. 
As an introduction, Maimonides wrote in Arabic his Sefer 
Hammizwot, an enumeration of the 613 laws (see above, § 4.), 
prefixing 14 canons on the principles of numbering them, di- 
rected principally against the Halachot Gedolot and the 
"Asharot" (§ 19.). This work was in part disputed by 
Nachmanides (about 1250), in his glosses, but was never- 
theless used as a foundation for their works by R. Aaron 
Halevi of Barcelona (who died 1293, and was said to be the 
author of the Sefer Hachinnuch), and by many others both 
French and Germans. ^^ 

Up to this time, in France and Germany (for example, in 
Mayence, Regensburg, Speier, and Worms), and partly also 
in Italy, the explanation of the Talmud had been the chief 
occupation of the learned ; and in the twelfth and thirteenth 
centuries, distinguished teachers, the first of whom were of 
the family of Eashi, collected glosses and disquisitions, called 
Tosafot (mSDin), or Additions.^^ The greater part of 
these are printed in our editions of the Talmud, together 
with the practical conclusions Piske Tosafot (m£)Dir) "''p'DB), or 
Decisions of the Additions ^^, collected from them by a 
German in the fourteenth century. At the time of the 
burning of the Talmud in France (1244—1248) the Tosafot 
were written on the margin of the extracts of ALfasi, as 
was done by Moses ben Jomtob of Evreux.^^ The per- 
secution of the Jews at that time reached also teachers of 
note, such as Meir ben Baruch Rothenburg, who died 
in 1293—1303, and whose pupil Asher ben Jechiel 
was obliged to remove from Germany to Toledo. The latter 
wrote, besides other things, a work like the Halachot of Alfasi, 
from which his son Jacob ben Asher (cir. 1339) extracted a 
shorter compendium. At a later time, Jacob wrote an inde- 
pendent book of the law in four parts, Arha Turim, which 
takes in only the part of the Halacha still in practice, and 
forms the foundation of the normal code of Joseph Karo 
(§ 25.). 

With the fourteenth century the study of the Halacha 
declined, particularly in France and Germany, and the dis- 

F 4 



72 ' JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

tinction between the older or " former " (D"^:!m;Kl), as the 
great authorities, and the ^^ latter" (D^DinHK) began; so that 
the older were called the "ancient" (D^lilTDlp). The sad 
condition of the Jews, which could be alleviated only by 
bribery, rendered learning, often indeed the mere degree 
and title of Rabbi ("Morenu" and the like)^^, an object of 
desire to the poor, and brought even the learned into a 
lamentable dependence upon the Maecenates (Nedibim) ; dis- 
cord was excited by the disputes of the schools; and the 
reciprocal anathemas of the Kabbies formed an echo to the 
scandal of the Antipopes. But even learned schools and 
writings soon became scarce ; and not until the end of the 
middle ages did a new life begin to be developed in Hungary 
and Austria, although even there it manifested no real progress. 
Study indeed increased to a gigantic extent ; but being left 
to itself, and guided by no general scientific knowledge, it 
unavoidably degenerated into a method repulsive to the few 
who were really profound scholars, or whose minds were 
less distorted. The transition from the short explanation of 
words and things of the older commentators of the Talmud, 
— through the discussions and disputations of the Tosaphot 
(in the narrower sense), — to the exercises of wit of the 
" Niirembergers " (Blauser) * ^^ and " Begensburgers " (so 
called from the principal schools), and the pettifoggings of 
modem times, has not yet been specially investigated. 
There are many analogies in Christian Jurisprudence and 
Muhammedan Theology to this kind of casuistry and dis- 
cussion^^ (^PilpuT), which gradually devotes more attention 
to the mode of treatment than to the subject itself. For it is 
the nature of a practical science — and the Halacha must be 
regarded throughout as a theory of law, — that over-theorising 
causes it to degenerate from a practical aim to a mere play 
of intellect. During this unhappy time rules derived from 
idle speculation were enforced as rules of life belonging to the 
religious law, more strictly than at any former period; and sub- 
sequently the authors of the Tosaphot and their successors, 
together with the great Spanish and Proven9al legal autho- 
rities (particularly the authors of Compendiums, Judgments, 

* The word is derived from the German *' bloss," by which the query was 
introduced. 



§ 9.] HALACIIA. 73 

&c.), were comprised under the expression " Decernents " 
(Poskim, D''pD"i3).^'^ Finally ^ the Spaniards became the pupils 
of the French and Germans who immigrated to their country. 
The Halachaic writings are distinguished in a variety 
of ways with reference to their subject, form, and inscrip- 
tion (title). 28 They are: I. Commentaries (^n''3, onDDIp) 
on the Babylonian Talmud, for the most part only on 
the more important parts (1000 — 1300). — II. Glosses, Aip- 
pendices (Tosaphot), Remarks (□•'pl73^3, mioti^) on the Talmud 
and on the commentators (1130 — 1340), which correspond 
with the Novellas (mriVn •^li'll^n, D'^tl'lTn) of the Spanish and 
Italian schools (1150 — 1350); e.g. those of Chananel, 
Joseph Ibn Megas, Abraham ben David, Jonah Ge- 
KONDi, Nachmanides, Salomo Ibn Adeket, Jomtob ben 
Abraham, Nissim Gerondi, Jes. de Trani, and others. — 
III. Collections (D'^tQIp'^'?), Compilations ("pup), Compendiums 
(Dm22''p), principally for practical use (in the 12th, and still 
more in the 13th and 14th centuries). — IV. Decisions (D*'pDS) 
and Judgments (mmtiTi), Rules emanating from them 
(D'tri), and Ordinances (mDpn).^^ — V. More independent 
or more systematic works, in which the foremost rank, with 
regard to form and plan, is due to the Spanish school, 
(a.) Those upon the entire Halacha: as the Sefer Hammiz- 
wot, collected from expositions by Moses ben Jaacob 
of Coucy (about 1236)^^, to the practical abridgment of 
which, the Amude Hagola by Isaac ben Joseph of Cor- 
beil (1277)^^ supplements and glosses were made by Perez, 
Moses of Zurich, and Isaac (Eisak) Stein (ob. 1495) ; and 
the edition of the Halachot of Alfasi, by Mordecai, at 
Nuremberg (1300), reedited by Samuel (of) Schletzstadt 
(in the 14th century), (b.) Editions of separate branches of 
the subject, judicial or ritual: as those by Jehuda ben 
Barsillai at Marseilles (fl. 1130)^2. especially the rules 
respecting food, for the most part in " Portae " (onptL'), as 
those of Isaac (of) Duren (about 1320), and of Pseudo- 
Jon a in the 15th century, (c.) Collections or Miscellanies, 
generally with symbolical titles ; the principal authors of 
which were Solomon Isaki, Abraham ben Isaac at 
Narbonne (who died 1158 ?)^^ Isaac ben Abba Marx 
at Marseilles (1179 1189), Eliezer ben Samuel of 



74 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

Metz, Eliezer ben Nathan at Mayence (fl. 1140) ^^^ 
Baeuch ben Isaac in Germany (fl. 1200), Isaiah di 
Trani the Elder in Italy, Eliezer ben Joel Halevi 
(fl. 1210), Eleazar of Worms (1240), Meir Abulafia 
ben Todros at Toledo (ob. 1244), Gerson ben Solomon 
of Beziers^^ Zedekiah ben Abraham (1244) and Jehuda 
Anaw (cir. 1320) at Rome^^ Isaac ben Moses at Vienna 
(cir. 1250), Solomon Ibn Aderet and his glossator Aaron 
Halevi at Barcelona, the unknown author of the Kolbo 
(referred to by Aaron Kohen of Lunel), Men ahem (Vidal) 
BEN Solomon Meiri at Perpignan (cir. 1300), author of an 
introduction of historical interest ^^, Jerucham ben Me- 
SHULLAM in Provence (1334), Men ahem Ibn Serach ben 
Aaron, who wrote particularly for those who held office at 
court, and who might, through ignorance, transgress the law, 
IsSERLEiN in Germany (1450), and others. 

As authors of Judgments (called also Dinti'm mVi^ti^, 
that is. Enquiries and Decisions, because the enquiries are 
also put down), particularly of those which are preserved and 
best known, we must mention Bashi, and his grandson 
Tam (Jacob of Bameru), Joseph Ibn Megas (died 1141), 
and Maimonides, son of his pupil (died 1204), Abra- 
ham ben David of Posquieres, Nachmanides (1266), 
Meir ben Baruch Bothenburg (1280), Menahem 
Becanati (in Italy, 1290 — 1330), Solomon Ibn Aderet 
at Barcelona, Asher ben Jechiel, and his sons Jacob 
and Jehuda ^'^^ at Toledo, Nissim ben Beuben Gerondi (of 
Gerona, 1350, at Barcelona), the families Scheshet (1374) 
and DuRAN in Algiers, Jacob Levi (ob. 1427), Jacob Weil 
(1460 — 1470) in Germany, Joseph Kolon (ob. 1480 in 
Pavia), Moses Minz, Jehuda MiNz(ob. 1508), and others. 
These writings are of great importance for history, for 
the history of literature, for antiquities, and particularly 
for legal history.^^ With the expository works are connected 
the Dictionaries of Machir in France (1030), and of Na- 
than ben Jechiel at Borne (ob. 1106)^^, from whose 
Aruch extracts were made, and supplements added, in the 
14th century, by Menahem ben Eljakim, who translated 
the difficult words into German, by Samuel ben Jacob 



§ 10.] HISTORIES OF LEARNED MEN, 75 

(before 1189?), and by Abraham Zacut (15th century).^^ 
Tanchum of Jerusalem (cir. 1250) wrote an Arabic dictio- 
nary of the Mishna as an appendix to the great work of 
Maimonides. 

To the Halachaic Methodology^^ belong, amongst other 
works, an Arabic Monography by Saadja Gaon; Mai- 
monides' Introduction to the Mishna ; Joseph Ibn Ak- 
nin's Arabic work upon the measures, the reckoning of 
time, and the coins of the Talmud, probably forming a part 
of a methodological introduction; the Sefer Kerithot, by 
Samson ben Isaac of Chin on (cir. 1300) ; the Methodo- 
logy of Isaac Kanpanton in Castille (ob. 1463, at the 
age of 103); the Halichot Olam of Jeshua ben Joseph 
Halevi (1467, at Toledo); a MS. treatise by Moses Ibn 
BEN Danan Joseph of Coimbra, pupil of Isaac Aboab ; and 
other writings, which form the transition to the following 
branch of literature. 

§ 10.] Histories of Learned Men. — Chronicles, 

During the First Period, that of the historical Haggada 
(§ 5 b.), national pride was able to point to the nation as a 
whole, and to connect its present condition, or the history of 
recent events, with former times. But now that, through the 
Dispersion, a national history properly so called had ceased to 
exist, this feeling was necessarily confined to a pride in the 
intellectual powers of individuals. Although, in the contro- 
versies with religions descended from «Judaism, the Jews not 
only refused to admit this circumstance as an argument against 
themselves ^, but even appealed to the remains of their own 
temporal power ^ (of which views the book o^ Eldad may be 
regarded as an example ^^), still they took advantage of it 
against the Karaites, who were despisers of tradition, and in- 
tellectually inferior to themselves. In later times also this 
national tendency is displayed in the apologetic historical 
writings of Cardoso, Barrios, &c., even by their titles, Excelen- 
cias de los Hebrceos, and the like.^ In this the example of the 
Arabs could have but little influence ; as their historical litera- 
ture must have remained, for the most part, unknown to the 



76 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

Jews, and there could have been no opportunity for imita- 
tion. Serious scientific study must have been opposed to the 
writing of dry chronicles, or of legends leading to pseud- 
epigraphy, such as are to be found among the Arabs.'^ But 
although the history of learned men was in both nations de- 
veloped under like influences^, still, owing to the peculiar 
character of Jewish literature, and want of knowledge re- 
specting the writers and their works, the soil to be cultivated 
was far more sterile. 

We have seen above how the form and method of the 
Halacha naturally led, on the one hand, to its great teachers 
being made the heroes of traditions and tales, and, on the 
other, to their chronological and didactic connexion be- 
coming the subject of methodical inquiry. Indeed we found, 
even in the Talmud, besides a mass of traditions referring to 
Talmudical times, a kind of chronological exposition of tradi- 
tion in the Mishna treatise called Abot. Throughout the 
Talmud and Midrashim, — where hundreds of names are 
quoted concerning whose authority, and connexion with time, 
society, and doctrine, we can obtain information only by a 
critical combination of scattered passages and fragments, — 
there must have been an increasing necessity for chronicles 
of learned men, combined with methodological discussions, as 
an assistance in the Halacha. In fact, we possess such a 
treatise upon the Tannaim and Amoraim (D^K"n7:)i<l D^Kan niD), 
from the year 885 or 887 ^ besides fragments of a lost work 
by Nathan ben Isaac Hababli (956)^ ; and, as a principal 
source of information, the famous answer of Sherira Gaon 
(980) to a question of Jacob ben Nissim at Kairowan, about 
the composition of the Mishna^, and a fragment of a treatise 
by the same. Perhaps also polemical animosity to the 
Karaites may from time to time have had some effect^, as 
appears clearly in a part of the book of Cusari, by Jehuda 
Halevi (1140), and in the well-known Book of Tradition 
(especially following Sherira) of Abraham ben Dayid 
(erroneously called Ben Dior) Haleyi, or the Elder, in 
Spain (1061)^^, which forms the principal foundation of the 
historical part of the astronomy of Isaac ben Joseph Is- 
raeli (1310). A brother of R. Meir of Speier (1210Vi 



§ 10.] HISTORIES OF LEARNED MEN. 77 

composed an alphabetical biographical dictionary of the 
teachers of the Talmud. Of the Halachaic methodological 
writings and introductions, besides Maimonides' introduc- 
tion to the commentary on the Mishna (§ 10. at the end), that 
of Menahem Meiri to his commentary on the Tractatus 
Abot (§ 9.) and that of Menahem Ibn Serach (§ 9.) de- 
serve to be mentioned. Besides these, there are also some 
notices belonging to this subject in the preface to Schaare 
Zion, by Isaac de Latas (1372) ^2; and a catalogue 
written in the fourteenth century by [Aaron ben Abra- 
ham] a grandson of H. Samuel Schletzstadt, and lately 
published ^^, gives some extracts from it. In this case also 
we see the scientific and critical tendency proceeding from 
Babylon^ and extending as far as Spain. 

Other glimpses occur in single historical writings, among 
which are to be distinguished the extracts from, and sup- 
plements to, the Seder 01am (§ 5. 2 b.), called Seder Olam 
Sutta (Kioit dViJ^ "nD)^S a chronology from Adam to the 
fifth century of the Christian aera, the object of which 
is to prove, by means of records, that the Babylonian pa- 
triarchal families are lineal descendants of the house of 
David. The arrangement of the prophets and learned men 
in appropriate dynasties, reminds us of the plan of similar 
works among the Arabs ; the attempt to bring Babylon into 
the foreground is still observable in the Answer of Sherira^^ 
mentioned above. To simMar genealogical interests ^^, in 
later times, we owe the preservation of many registers of 
descent, and accounts of families, not however altogether 
free from deliberate inventions and falsifications : for even in 
the Seder Olam Sutta one piece of a genealogy, in opposition 
to the older historical Midrash, is borrowed from the Book of 
Chronicles ; and subsequently the Karaites borrowed their 
genealogical table from Anan upwards, from our Seder Olam 
Sutta. As an ofishoot from the fully developed Midrash of 
Arabian and Latin literature, there appeared in Northern 
Italy ^^ (in the tenth century) the Hebrew edition of the 
Latin Hegesippus by the so-caUed Pseudo-Josephus, ^'^ Jo- 
sippon," or Josephus Gorionides, who, as late as the 
eighteenth century, was supposed by the genealogist Jechiel 



78 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Periqd II. 

to be the real Flavius Josephus. It was partly translated 
into Arabic by Zacharia ben Said el-Jemeni. ^^ The 
opposition of the later intentional pseudepigraphy to the 
older historical Midrash is most apparent, on account of its 
strict biblical style and artificial plan intermixed with 
Arabian elements, in the Sefer Hajashar (^^VJ^n "IBD), which 
was apparently written in Spain in the twelfth century, as a 
reading-book, and purported to be the book of that name 
mentioned in the Bible (Jos. x. 13., 2 Sam. i. 18.). This 
has been again confounded with a similar fabrication, by the 
famous London printer Hive (1751), said to have been 
brought over by Alcuin; a literary forgery, which was 
aggravated by a pirated reprint at Bristol, in 1829. ^^ 

The joys and sorrows of the nation and of individuals, 
particularly of the pious, expressed themselves in literature 
in various ways. Plain records after the manner of chro- 
nicles or elegiac effusions (memorial books^ as they were 
termed), catalogues of martyrs (Dp33 miJIIDT D) for the cele- 
bration of the dead (ni7Dti'3 nnrDTn)^^, and the like, were writ- 
ten : for example, by Eliezer ben Nathan in Mayence 
(fl. 1130 — 1150), Ephraim ben Jacob of Bonn, and others, 
upon the massacres of the crusaders ^^; by Sohemtob 
Palquera (cir. 1250) and Chisdai Crescas, upon the 
persecution in the year 1392 ^^^; and by a contemporary of 
Jacob Levi (about 1449), upon the times of the Hussites.^^ 
Consolatory epistles and dissertations in times of general per- 
secution were written by K. Maimon, his son Maimonides, 
and Joseph Ibn Aknin (12th cent.). Many elegies were 
written for Divine Service, or were used afterwards for that 
purpose (§ 19.). Besides this, much material, valuable for 
history and biography, is contained in the ethical Testa- 
ments (§ 12.), in occasional poems of all kinds, partially 
collected in Diwans (§ 20.), and in the Halachaic jud(/- 
ments (§ 9.), and generally in titles, prefaces, dedications, 
and signatures (for genealogy), and catalogues of writings 
by authors themselves, for example, by Ibn Caspi.^^ As a 
recent discovery of our own it may be mentioned here, 
that Mazliach Ibn ol-Bazak, judge of Sicily, on coming 
from Babylonia to Spain, presented to Samuel Nagid a very 
interesting treatise, describing the manners of Hai Gaon 



§10.] ' HISTORIES OF LEARNED MEN. 79 

(ob. about 1037), quotations from which, by authors of the 
twelfth century, excite our regret for the loss of the whole. ^^ ^ 
The two chapters of the Arabic Poetics of Moses Ibn Esea 
(1130 — 40) are most interesting, and have been only 
recently made use of by Munk and the author. They treat, 
historically and critically, of the older linguists and poets of 
Spain (cf. § 20.), and seem to have been the source from which 
Jehuda Charisi (cf. § 20.) drew the substance of his more 
aesthetic chapters on the same subject. They were not impro- 
bably used also by Abraham ben David (cf § 20.). The 
work was certainly known, although perhaps through a He- 
brew translation, to Abraham Sacut, of whom, with some 
others belonging to the end of this period, we shall speak in the 
following period (§ 29.), because they form a connecting link 
between the two. The same Moses Ibn Esra also wrote a trea- 
tise on celebrated men of another class, probably famous for 
their study and promotion of " literae humaniores," and " no- 
blesse," of which the author has but recently discovered a 
quotation, and the Arabic title (li^lK^K bn>< b^K2i5 •^sn'rxpr) 
nKDnK^Kl), furnished by Ibn Esra himself in the work above 
mentioned. 

The chronological system ^^ which had been developed in 
the earliest times from the necessities of civil and religious life 
was now gradually changed, on account of the extension of 
writing, and the alteration in external circumstances, — not 
however without injury to our computation of time. The 
Seleucidic or " Greek " sera (D^l-^^n )inwn), called also 
j^ra Contractuum (mitotz; ]^DD, nntoti'b), or the cessation of 
prophecy ^"^^ was adopted as the general date for MSS. 
even by the Karaites. This however involved the difference 
of one year, which depended upon older Jewish dates (the 
departure from Egypt), and was retained in the different 
countries and schools, as may be gathered from the books 
of the Maccabees. ^^ The reckoning from the destruction 
()l"inb) of Jerusalem (3828 of the world, A. D. 68) was less 
often used. ^^ We meet first with the sera of the creation 
{uh^v n>im'7, ni^mV) in the work of Sabbatai Donolo 
(in Italy, 950) and in the book Tana dehe Elijahu.'^'^ The 
date of the world in Sherira's Decisions (986) was intro^ 
duced by European transcribers. The use of this tera by 



80 JEWISH LITERATURE. LPeriod II. 

the old Gematria (i<ntDD:i) ^^ is found first in Charisi (1204). ^9 
When it became more general after the year of the world 
4000, the 4000 years were gradually omitted, as had been 
the case already after the year 2000 of the Seleucidic sera.^^ 
This system of mentioning only the hundreds and lower 
numbers was called ^^ the small aera/' ()top tonsV, abbreviated 
p"2h), in contradistinction to the full numbering (Vnu tois), 
so that at the beginning of the sixth 1000 years, there 
are still instances of the use of the small number, as 1002 
( = 5002), &c.^^ Amongst the Jews under the dominion of 
the Arabs we sometimes find the Muhammedan computation 
of time (D^V^^PTDtL'^n ]in:i'n)^^ and also the Spanish aera, 
^^Alzafav^'' i. e. the Christian. ^^ The dating from the birth 
of Christ is found in Hebrew writing only as an exception.^'' 
Moreover researches concerning chronology are connected 
with astronomy (§ 21.). 

. Information important for universal history and ethnogra- 
phy is furnished by the Jewish Travels, Letters, &c., which 
are generally distinguished by an ingenuous observation, 
and a description of the writer's own experiences, or of tradi- 
tions, views, ideas, and manners found in the countries visited. 
They do not however generally contain much original mat- 
ter, being often older accounts newly embellished. The 
greater number of Jewish authors may be classed as 
travellers. ^^ The instruction in reading and writing, which 
had prevailed amongst the Jews from very early times, made 
even the least learned capable of keeping a journal of travels, 
&c. Moreover, to the Jews of old no less than of the 
present time, the hard lot of necessity has been the hurricane 
on which the seed of knowledge was borne over all countries ; 
while, on the other hand, learning, as a garment of honour, 
has protected and enveloped the wandering beggar. The 
Dispersion, and trade, as well as meetings for the preser- 
vation of their educational institutions, promoted travelling 
for both business and pleasure. The astonishingly rapid 
and wide extension of Jewish literature can be explained 
only by these circumstances. One principal object of the 
pilgrims was their ancient father-land, and the graves of 
their pious, learned, or brave forefathers. Accounts of 



§ 10.] HISTOBIES OF LEARNED MEN. 81 

these had come from various sources ; they had been mul- 
tiplied after the Oriental manner, by their pious or super- 
stitious descendants ^^, they had become more attractive as 
places of pilgrimage, and had also arrested the attention of 
literature. On this account, these and many other Jewish 
sources of information are important to the Geography and 
History of Palestine^ Another and particular inducement 
to travelling and epistolary correspondence lay in the sym- 
pathy of the Israelites with one another throughout the 
whole world. On this subject Gentiles have always ex- 
hibited ignorance, partiality, and want of sympathy, by 
filling up their own deficiency in knowledge and experience 
with the most absurd, and often the most deplorable opinions 
and prejudices ^^ drawn from questionable sources. The 
country inhabited by the ten tribes, who did not return 
to Palestine, forms a particular subject of discussion, in- 
volving also the consideration of the nations and lands in 
which the Jews lived. Thus, Ethnography was represented 
by polemics ^^, by the mutual relations of the literature of 
different countries and of particular branches, and lastly by 
cosmography written after the Arabian style, with a purely 
scientific view. 

The most prominent authors of Travels are^°, — Isaac, a 
member of the embassy of Charlemagne to the Khalif 
Harun er-Easchid (802), perhaps the first who effected a 
communication between France and the Babylonian Gao- 
nim; Eld ad Hadani (cii\ 900) ''^; Jacob ]n^:)i:), whose 
accounts of the East and the Sultan of Singiar (?) are in- 
serted by the Karaite Jehuda Hedessi (see § 15.) in a 
work containing some historical and cosmographical in- 
formation; the celebrated Benjamin of Tudela (1160 
sq.), of whom very different estimates have been formed, 
and whose travels have been recently, for the first time, 
critically edited ^^; Petachja of Eegensburg (1170 — 80); 
Samuel ben Samson of France (1210), apparently the 
precursor of more than 300 French and English Babbies who 
travelled to Palestine (1211); Menachem ben Peeez of 
Hebron (a. d. 1219), a somewhat fabulous account of whom 
has been recently discovered by the author in the Bodleian 



82 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

Library; the poet Jehuda Charisi (1216 — 18) (see § 20.); 
Jacob of France (1257); Elia of Ferrara in Palestine 
(1438); an anonymous writer *of .Maghreb (cir.1473); and 
Obadiah di Bertinoeo (ob. between 1500 and 1510), a 
fragment of whose epistle has been recently found by the 
author in the Collectanea of Jochanan Allemanno. The fol- 
lowing works also belong here : — The correspondence of 
Chisdai ben Isaac with the king of the Chozars (959)^^; 
the Cosmography of Gerson ben Solomon Catalano of 
Aries (13th cent.), perhaps grandson of Nachmanides ; the 
important work of Esthori (not Isaac) Parchi (1322), 
recently reprinted, but miserably incorrect; the Hebrew 
translation of the Image du Monde (1245); and a part of the 
pretended letters of Prete (or Petro) Joan to Pope 
Eugene or Frederic TV. (1442— 1460.)44 At the end of 
the fifteenth century Portuguese Jews occupy no unimport-. 
ant place in the history of geography.^^ 

§ 11.] Conflict between Science and Haggada, 

In the earlier periods we found, in contradistinction to the 
Halacha, the Haggada usually developed in the form of Mid- 
rash ; and, by way of a simpler study of the Bible, the Ma- 
sora, with its censorship of the text ; and, finally, the textual 
expositions of the Chaldee, Greek, and probably also Per- 
sian Targumim (Paraphrases). The Haggada comprised the 
objects of the most various sciences ; not however in a scientific 
form. The philology of the Bible was fotmded upon a view 
of the Hebrew tongue derived from actual life and tradition, 
and not upon any elaborate theory. We must now consider 
its ramifications corresponding to those of the Halacha in this 
period. At an early stage of the conflict between the social 
system then in process of formation, and the restrictions of 
the Law, the authority of faith was obliged (especially on ac- 
count of the communication with foreign nations and religions, 
and with the corresponding parties and sects in Judaism 
itself), to seek for support and guidance in the definitions of 
pure thought. But in the collision between Judaism and 
the religious and philosophical opinions of heathens and Chris- 
tians,^ the Alexandrine School alone grew into a syncretical 



§ 11.] SCIENCE AND HAGGADA. 83 

system. The scattered precepts of the national Haggada did 
not, like the Divine jurisprudence of the Halacha, take the 
form of a distinct theory, but were moulded by their con- 
nexion with the Bible into the Midrash ; and since Judaism 
must stand or fall with the authority of Scripture, all parties 
within its circle, even the Sadducees, appealed directly to the 
letter of the Law. So long, moreover, as the doctrine and 
law of Judaism had to fight against the derivative religion 
of Christianity (a religion which in general confirms, but in 
special matters abrogates, Judaism) with weapons furnished 
by the Midrash, such subjects as the motives of the laws, 
the exposition of the text, and the truth and meaning of le- 
gends, did not lead to a system built upon mere laws of thought. 
Men guarded themselves rather against error by secret oral 
teaching, without devoting much attention to the Haggada. 
When through the agency of Arabian science Muhammedan- 
ism began to discuss the highest religious questions in a rationa- 
listic manner, and even Judaism thence became conscious of a 
severance between faith and knowledge, the essence of the 
Midrash (the natural justification of doctrine and law by their 
connexion with the all-comprising Bible) was for the first time 
set free ; and its contents, disengaged from the tangled web of 
the Haggada, were formed on a scientific foundation. The 
Midrash and Haggada were radiations of the national spirit 
through the prevalent oral tradition. With the Graeco- Ara- 
bian civilisation individual minds came forward ; and at this 
period there arose for the first time writers, composers, and 
separate sciences, properly so called. This opposition between 
the national and individual elements could not fail to give 
rise to a conflict, which beginning in Arabia was renewed 
wherever they came into contact. A clear insight into the 
essence of this struggle was not indeed attained until the 
most important separate parts of Jewish literature had been 
affected by it. 

From the contest about the validity of the Halacha, on 
which depended the whole form of Jewish society, the sect 
of the Karaites arose (a. d. 750) ; but, with the practical 
value of tradition, tradition itself, as well as the importance 
of its supporters the Rabbies, was called in question. A 

G 2 



84 JEWISH LITERATUEE. [Period II. 

strong feeling thus arose for going back to tlie Bible, and 
making a verbal and real exegesis, independent of Midrash, 
on the foundation of grammar and the philosophy of religion. 
But it was necessary at the same time also to establish the 
philosophy of religion upon its own basis by a new interpre- 
tation, irrespective of the general value of the Haggada, which 
was now nearly closed. 

In the last instance there arose the question which runs 
through the whole history of religion, concerning the rela- 
tion between Reason and Revelation; only that here the 
exposition of the Bible and the Haggada gave the first im- 
pulse. In this case, as in most others, it is difficult to distin- 
guish the first germs of the movement ; we know, however, 
that this contest of thought with the simple Haggada had 
begun during the last days of the Midrash. Saadja, for 
instance (ob. A. D. 941), contends for the use of Reason.^ 
At the time of Samuel ben Chofni, when the reading of 
Arabic works had become general, various views respecting 
the value of the Haggada were brought forward^ by Hai 
the Gaon, Chananel, and their pupils ; but, on account of 
the decline of Oriental civilisation, they did not exercise any 
important influence. 

In Spain, in the twelfth century (probably through the 
oppression of the Almohadi), some Jewish philosophers, espe- 
cially editors of Arabian works, appear either actually to 
have apostatised, or at least to have become estranged, from 
Judaism : as the neophyte Petrus Alfonsi (see § 20.) ; 
Johannes Hispalensis, or Abenbehut, perhaps the 
same as (Ibn) David ; and Andreas, whom Roger Bacon 
states to be the real author of what Michael Scotus published 
as his own works. The translations by Johannes Hispalen- 
sis, of Arabian works, amongst others that of Albenzu- 
BRUN (see § 12.), and the celebrated work De Causis, the 
Arabic text of which, although still extant, escaped the notice 
of Jourdain, were interdicted as " Aristotelian" by the Uni- 
versity of Paris (a. d. 1209).^ We find other men of this 
class amongst the Arabs ; as for instance, the persecuted poet . 
Ibn Sahl (see § 20.). Others, once renowned amongst 
the Jews, figure as illustrious Arabians amongst Christian 
scholastic authors on account of their Arabic writings^; 



§ 11.] SCIENCE AND HAGGADA. 85 

e. g. Ibn Gabirol himself, whom even Leo Hebraeus 
(§ 23.) seems to know only from Christian authorities, 
although he calls him '' our Albenzubrun." About the end 
of this century the Aristotelian philosophy had struck so 
deep a root in Judaism, that Averroes found his immediate 
pupils only amongst Jews (see § 12.).^ Lastly, the Karaites 
tried, but in vain, to take a more important position in the 
Peninsula (§ 14.). 

In strong contrast to this stands the simple faith of the 
Northern Franco- German (Halachaic) school, ignorant of 
the Arabic language, isolated, and consequently free from 
the conflict of opposing elements, which first made their ap- 
pearance, through Maimonides (ob. in Egypt A. D. 1204), 
in Provence. He first combined considerable Halachaic 
power with a philosophical basis. His work on the Law, 
written in Hebrew (§ 9.), begins upon a religio-philosophical 
foundation^ ; his commentary on the Mishna, written at an 
earlier period in Arabic, contains the famous Thirteen 
Articles of Belief and a fragment on psychology ; and his 
philosophical Exegesis , especially the More Hanehuchim 
{Doctor perplexorum), intended for his pupil Joseph Ibn 
Aknin at Haleb and the initiated, and translated into Hebrew 
in his lifetime, carries out to its consequences the principle 
taken up long before by Saadja and many Karaites^, that 
the Bible must be explained metaphorically by established 
fundamental truths in accordance with rational conclusions. 
He also employed the same course of procedure to some 
extent in the Haggada. This spiritualism, to which the 
French Jews appeared in the light of anthropomorphisers^, 
necessarily became involved in all kinds of disputes. Thus, 
for example, the doctrine and exegesis of Maimonides' school 
in general, misused by the Mystics (§ 13.) and deformed by 
exaggerated rumours ^°, gave great offence to the pious people 
of France and Provence ^^, as will be shown more in detail 
hereafter. 

Provence, from its peculiar position, was a meeting -point 
for Arabian science and civilisation and French Talmudical 
lore.^^ There dwelt the last collector of the Haggada (§ 9.); 
there (as in Italy, since the end of the thirteenth century) 

G 3 



86 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

laboured many translators from tte Arabic ^^ beginning 
with Jehuda Ibn Tibbon, the "Father of the Trans- 
lators" (a. D. 1160), who in conjunction with Joseph Ibn 
KiMCHi translated the Ethics of Bechaji (Bachia) for 
MeshuUam ben Jacob at Liinel (ob. a.d. 1170), teacher of 
Abraham ben David (§ 9.), and later (a. D. 1167—1186) 
also the writings of Jehuda Halewi, of Gabirol (for Asher, 
son of MeshuUam), of Ibn Gannah, and of Saadja. In like 
manner his son, Samuel Ibn Tibbon, and at the same 
time the poet Jehuda al Chaeisi (beginning of the 
thirteenth century), translated the Moreh and other writings 
of Maimonides. To this great and illustrious family of 
translators belonged among others Jacob Anatoli, pupil 
of his father-in-law Samuel Ibn Tibbon; and probably 
also of the Christian Michael Scotus (a. d. 1217), who 
worked, like the last, at Naples (a.d. 1232), under a com- 
mission from Frederick 11. When the controversy about 
philosophy broke out, he translated, at the request of his 
friends at Narbonne and Beziers, the middle Commentary of 
Averroes (Ibn Roshd) on Aristotle's logical writings.^* He 
also delivered a course of philosophical homilies on the Pen- 
tateuch, entitled Molmad, which were much approved in 
Provence, and consequently became the object of various 
attacks. His father-in-law Samuel Ibn Tibbon published a 
Commentary on Kohelet (as yet known only by catalogues 
and some quotations), to which he added, as an appendix, a 
translation of Averroes' treatises on the Intellect; and he 
also wrote a philosophical work on the Creation, &c. It 
seems that the contest, which had begun in the life of Mai- 
monides, came to its height through these and similar works, 
in consequence of their being accessible to a large class of 
readers, and having been written for them by the authors 
whose translations had introduced the Arabic writings of 
Maimonides into Provence and France, The differences of 
opinion were thus developed from single dogmata to the 
principles of religious philosophy. 

In this attempt to give a short survey of a struggle the 
results of which have influenced Judaism to the present time, 
we can neither enter into the questions themselves, nor trace 



§ 11.] SCIENCE AND HAGGADA. 87 

the systems and opinions represented even by the individuals 
who took a prominent part in it. We must however, ac- 
cording to the general purpose of this essay, draw the atten- 
tion of our readers to the literary documents in which the 
debate found its expression, although the subject deserves a 
separate treatise. On the other hand, the documents bear- 
ing upon the controversy are far from complete or sufficient. 
Some of them, belonging to about A. D. 1232, are collected 
and inserted in the Kesponsa of Maimonides by an anony- 
mous writer, whose understanding was unequal to his task, 
or was dimmed by partiality. A considerable number of 
poems, mostly satirical or laudatory, might be collected ; but 
they are rather unintelligible from our ignorance of the facts 
alluded to in enigmatical phrases. "We shall mention^n their 
proper place other works but recently published ; a collection 
of valuable supplements, belonging to successive periods, and 
deserving a more thorough investigation, has been lately dis- 
covered by the author among the manuscripts in the Bodleian 
Library. Some of the following statements are extracted 
from it. 

The first seeds of dissension were certainly sown by the 
introductory part of the great Hebrew Codex of Maimonides 
(§ 9.) called the book Madda. Soon after this work became 
known in Provence, the learned Talmudist Abraham ben 
David (ob. a. d. 1198), in his glosses to it, defended the 
simple believers in the Talmudical creed against the rigorous 
spiritualism of Maimonides (§ 9.). His style is short and 
abrupt, and his views are, after all, not far removed from 
those whose exclusive authority he condemns. 

Meir Abulafia (Halevi) of Toledo, a man of more 
general knowledge, but no philosopher, went a step further. 
As soon as the book was published in his country he took 
offence at Maimonides' Eschatology, perceiving how it bore 
upon the general theory of miracles, &c. He wrote a letter 
to Jonathan Kohen, the celebrated head of the learned 
at Llinel, imploring him, as it seems, to defend the orthodox 
belief with the authority of his learning. But he received a 
sarcastic reply from Aaron ben Meshullam of Liinel, 
who objected that he did not properly understand the system 

G 4 



88 JEWISH LITERATUKE. [Period II. 

of Maimonides^ and that for a long time previously E-abbis of 
high authority, such as Saadja and Hai, had not considered 
a literal belief in the Haggada sentences of the Talmud 
necessary. Meir replied briefly, and addressed a circular to 
all the learned men of Provence (perhaps also of Northern 
France), appealing to them to decide between the opponents. 
He seems to have met with more sympathy from the French 
Eabbies ; and the learned Samson ben Abraham of Sens 
combated the theory of Aaron ben MeshuUam with argu- 
ments drawn merely from the Talmud. He always remained 
an opponent of Maimonides (see below). 

At the commencement of the thirteenth century the theory 
of Maimonides began to be better understood through the 
translation of his Moreh, and the more popular works men- 
tioned above. Hence a serious conflict arose ; both parties 
being engaged in a struggle for life or death during the 
space of about thirty years. This time the head of the as- 
sailing party was Solomon ben Abraham of Montpellier ^^ ; 
one of the Northern French School, who had earned a great 
reputation as a Talmudist. It may be considered as certain 
that he first directed the attention of the French Rabbles to 
the obnoxious works of Maimonides ; and that he was assisted 
by his pupils Dayid ben Saul and the famous Jona ben 
Abraham Gerondi.^^ The latter was sent to France to 
canvass for his teacher, who had met with great opposition 
in his own neighbourhood, principally at Beziers. Solomon 
and Saul, in an unpublished letter said to have been written 
to Nachmanides (although at the very beginning it appears to 
address Rabbi Samuel ben Isaac as an old friend of 
Solomon), profess the highest respect for Maimonides himself 
and his Talmudical views and decisions, and accuse their 
opponents, especially an old man called "the bearded" (hl^Ti 
]p'\'n, perhaps David Kimchi (?), see below), who travelled about 
on behalf of the other party, of having forged the letter of 
Solomon to the French Kabbies, whom they affirm to have 
been impelled by their own zeal against the book Moreh, &c. 
The answer to this letter is quite favourable to Solomon, but 
written in a pacific spirit. It further cannot be denied, that 
the most zealous of the orthodox party had anathematised 



§ 11.] SCIENCE AND HAGGADA. 89 

the study of the accused works, and that their opponents in 
Provence, even in Montpellier and in Spain, had replied with 
a counter anathema; a copy of which still exists, dated A. D. 
1332, at Saragossa, where Bechai beist Moses was the leader. 
The latter also endeavoured to propagate their opinions in 
France and Spain. Their spokesman and delegate was the 
celebrated grammarian and interpreter of the Bible, David 
KiMCHi, then advanced in years, who during his journey 
entered into a controversy with the revered physician Je- 
HUDA al-Fachar of Toledo, a man of spirit and indepen- 
dence, who, notwithstanding his respect for Maimonides, 
defended Solomon and his pupiFs opinion. The younger 
Samuel ben Abraham Saforta (or Sporta) ^^ addressed 
to the French Eabbies a respectful but zealous epistle, 
still unpublished, proving by learned arguments and quo- 
tations that the Haggada passages of the Talmud are not 
obligatory in their literal sense, defending the opinions of 
Maimonides, and urging those who condemned them to show 
reason for so doing. 

The position of Nachmanides (Moses ben Nachman of 
Girona) in this struggle is not yet accurately ascertained; and 
the passages throwing any light upon it appear to have been 
in some degree altered by the editors. His mystic system 
(cf. § 13.) was strongly contrasted with the sober philosophy 
of Maimonides; and it seems therefore that he as well as 
many others defended the high personal authority only, 
not the system, of the great Talmudical teacher, whose 
memory was not to be insulted by the interdiction of his 
works. It appears that Nachmanides disapproved no less of 
the anathema against Solomon ben Abraham, whose cause 
he pleaded in a letter to Meir Abulafia. This letter has 
been in part published ; but was erroneously interpreted by 
the editor, as having been written on behalf of Maimo- 
nides. Meir Abulafia himself, already advanced in age, 
and surrounded by people of different opinions, now declined 
to take any prominent part. He is alluded to by Abraham 
Ibn Chisdai, in a letter to Jehuda Alfachar, as having 
lowered himself by mixing with people of inferior rank. 

Veneration for Maimonides seems to have been the turning 



90 JEWISH LITERATUEE, [Period II. 

point; and before several of the letters were written, 
the orthodox and fanatical party, deserted by the more 
moderate, inconsiderately took a further and fatal step ; 
one which has been subsequently repeated, even up to the 
present time. They submitted the Jewish Creed to the 
judgment of Christians ; they denounced the pupils of Mai- 
monides as heretics ; and they brought the accused books to 
the stake. By this however they did not benefit themselves ; 
some of them, perhaps Solomon himself, having been, as it 
seems, convicted of libel, were punished, according to the 
barbarous laws of the time, with the loss of their tongues, and 
finally expiated their crime with their lives (before A. d. 1235). 
This excited the zeal of the Christian clergy, who made it a 
pretext for a war of extermination against Jewish literature 
in general. According to a recently published letter of the 
physician Hillel ben Samuel, whom we shall have 
occasion to mention hereafter, it was only forty days after 
the auto da fe of Maimonides' works, that the Talmud and 
other books, commentaries, &c., to the number of about 
12,000 volumes, were publicly burnt at Paris. Thus the 
ashes of both were mingled, and on the same occasion the 
blood of more than 3000 Jews was shed in France. Accord- 
ing to Zunz however the latter event took place on the 
17th of June, 1244, after the bull " Impia " of Inno- 
cent ly. dated 9th March, 1244, partly at the instance of 
the convert Dunin (Jona), or Nicolaus, whose disputation 
will be mentioned below (§ 13.). Hillel, who at a subsequent 
period attended during three years the lectures of Jona at 
Barcelona, tells us that this man was the chief leader and cause 
of the catastrophe, but that he repented publicly, and vowed 
a pilgrimage to the grave of the ofiended Maimonides. He 
delayed the performance of this vow ; but having eventually 
set out, he was detained on his passage through Toledo, by the 
wish of some who asked him to deliver his lectures. There he 
died, but the piety of Hillel towards so pious and learned a 
man forbids him to describe his end. Its suddenness was attri- 
buted to his sin, for others who kept their vow better were 
spared. By this statement the identity of the leader Jona (who 
had a cousin Jona ben Josef) with the renowned moralist 



I 



§11.] SCIENCE AND HAGGAD A. 91 

(§ 12. B.) Jona Gerondi (ob. A. d. 1263), first conjectured by 
Kapoport, is placed beyond doubt. A controversy such as this 
could not but lead to personal attacks and defamations of 
various kinds. Solomon the son of Nachmanides bad married 
the daughter of Jona, and according to Abraham Sacut they 
were themselves first cousins (sons of two sisters); at all 
events they seem to have been kindred. When therefore 
some ten learned men of Beziers tried to cast a stain on the 
extraction of Jona and his family at Girona and Barcelona, 
by insinuating that a marriage, which took place some 130 
years before, was illegal, Nachmanides was provoked to take 
energetic measures against the calumniators. He demanded 
an anathema, and directed a circular to all the synagogues 
of Provence ; and perhaps this odious affair was not without 
its influence upon his emigration into Palestine. Never- 
theless about the year 1373 the same calumnies again pro- 
duced a sharp controversy, part of which is still extant in 
MS., although Solomon Aderet and his son Astruc did not 
attach sufficient importance to the attack to prevent their 
uniting themselves with the calumniated family. 

In the East also, at an earlier period (1190), Samuel 
Haleyi, head of the school at Bagdad, attacked Maimonides' 
doctrine of the resurrection^^, and called forth a refutation of it. 
He was perhaps protected by an anathema of the Prince of 
the Exiles, David ben Hodaja, at New Nineveh, against the 
adherents of Maimonides and the opposition Prince of the 
Exiles, Samuel (?). Daniel the Babylonian, a pupil of 
Samuel Halevi, soon after the death of Maimonides, ani- 
madverted upon his great Talmudical work and the Boohs of 
Precepts, partly in Hebrew and partly in Arabic, in the form 
of queries to Abraham, the son and follower of Maimonides at 
Kahira. He answered, with an allusion to the little foxes 
and the dead lion, censuring the new and arbitrary method 
of certain people, but admitting some errors which Maimo- 
nides himself had corrected in his own copy. This Daniel, 
and the above-mentioned Samson of Sens ^^ who removed 
to St. Jean d' Acre, carried on the controversy, principally on 
the subject of Demonology, &c. For this reason, Maimo- 
nides' pupil, Joseph Ibn Aknin^^, mentioned above, de- 



92 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

manded an anathema from Abraham. He, however, as a 
party concerned, satisfied himself with a controversial work 
against all previous attacks (1235), while the Prince of the 
Exiles, David, fulfilled the wish. When afterwards some 
German and French, of whom Solomon Petit (?) mentioned 
by Hillel seems to have been one, tried to force their way into 
the East (1286-90), a new interdict of the head of the school at 
Damascus, ISAi ben Chiskia, to whom others at Acre, &c., 
joined themselves, put an end to the conspiracies.^^ Copies 
were sent to Barcelona, &c., and called forth an apology for 
the Moreh, perhaps by Schemtob Palquera. 

In the meantime Arabian science gradually found more 
adherents in Provence and Italy, while the translators, many 
of whom lived in Christian Spain, facilitated the study. On 
the other hand, the French school forced its way into the 
North of Spain and Castile, which had been freed from 
the Arabs ; and even thus early a mystical school, as yet 
orthodox, began to be formed (see § 13.). The contention 
broke out again about the year 1300; and a new element 
is observable in it, viz. the employment of Astrology ^^, 
which, like all superstitious usages of the kind, had been 
opposed by Maimonides himself with a rigour remarkable 
for that time. But the example of Abraham Ibn Esra, 
and other influences (see § 21.), made even his school 
infidel in that respect. To this period probably belongs 
the defence of Aristotle's doctrine of providence, partly 
accepted by Maimonides, the author of which is a certain 
Kalonymos.^^ Generally speaking, the subject of contro- 
versy was no longer the person Maimonides, but rather 
the philosophical exposition of Scripture, which, having 
been laid down in writings like those mentioned above ^^% 
made its way in lectures and sermons (see § 12.) as an ex- 
planation of Scripture and Haggada. Amongst the authors 
most violently attacked appear Levi ben Abraham, a 
poor travelling teacher of philosophy and astrology ; the 
renowned astronomer (§ 21.) Jakob ben Machir (called 
Prophiat); and Tibbon of Montpellier (ob. cir. 1309), 
whose allegorical and astrological explanations of the Bible 
are quoted without mention of his name. In this new field 
the contest was carried on with more distinct consciousness 



§ 11.] SCIENCE AND HAGGADA. 93 

of the relation between Philosopliy and Revelation. As a 
party-leader against philosophy^ and yet also an opponent 
of astrology, we find at this time at Montpellier Abba- 
Mari ben Moses, called Astruc of Lunel -^, author of a 
collection of controversial writings {Minchat Kenaot), who 
declared only three articles of belief (unity and incorpo- 
reality, creation ex nihilo, and Providence) to be essential. 
Amongst his principal opponents, besides those mentioned 
above, was Jedaja Penini, author of an interesting 
apologetic epistle to Solomon Aderet. Many Proven9als 
likewise took a position diflferent from that of Astruc.^^ 
This man tried to obtain from the celebrated Rabbi at 
Barcelona, Solomon Ibn Aderet, pupil of Jona Gerondi 
and Nachmanides, an interdict against too early a study of 
philosophy. Ibn Aderet struggled long, in the expectation 
that those who were of the same opinion as himself in Pro- 
vence would take the lead ; but he finally determined — at the 
same time that the Council at Vienne interdicted Ibn Roshd's 
writings — to forbid the study of " philosophical works" (ex- 
cepting medicine) before the age of twenty-five for the next 
fifty years.^^ Among others, Asher ben Jechiel, then 
chief Rabbi at Toledo, also joined in this determination. ^^ 
On the other hand, a rival interdict was brought forward 
by the opposition, which was followed by a host of disserta- 
tions and epistles, pro and contra", amongst which is one 
of Menahem Meiri, answered by Don Duran, younger 
brother of Abba-Mari, in a long unpublished ^dissertation. 
While however at Montpellier each interdict strove for the 
sanction of the law, the government (1306) drove aU Jews 
out of France ; and the pastoral persecution in Navarre, which 
followed soon after (1320), laid waste the North of Spain. 
This was fatal to the position previously held by the North of 
France in Jewish literature, while that of Provence was gra^ 
dually transferred to Italy. Political events, the newly formed 
Kabbala, the revival of classical literature in Italy, the decline 
of Jewish civilisation in Christian Spain, and the greater 
interest in Christian literature occasioned by the polemics 
of both parties, turned the thoughts of individual minds 
in different directions. Still not only are the traces of 
those two characters preserved : Sefaradi (Spanish-Portu- 



94 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

guese, Arabian, scientific) and Ashkenasi (German-French, 
[Zarfati], Komanesque, &c.), but the controversy about 
philosophy is connected, in the offshoots of this period, 
e. g. in the Kabbalist Shemtob Ibi^ Shemtob (ob. A. D. 
1430) and his opponent Moses Alashkar (about the end 
of the fifteenth century), and even down to the present time, 
with Maimonides and his opponents.^^ A curious instance 
may be drawn from a manuscript of the Oppenheim Collection 
at Oxford.^^ We now pass on to the individual branches of 
this literature. 

§ 12.] Theology and Philosophy. 

In respect of the origin, tendency, and form of the theolo- 
gico-philosophical literature, there are but slight foundations 
for a division of the subject during the period anterior to the 
twelfth century ; up to which time only names, titles, or frag- 
ments, or at most incomplete translations from the Arabic, have 
come down to us. The first systematic philosophy of religion 
in the East appears to have followed, as regards at least its 
method, the Arabian scholastics {JSIutakallimun), and in par- 
ticular the Mu'tazelites. This is demonstrable in the case of 
the Karaites and the oldest known rabbinical religio-philo- 
sopher Saadja^ and also the older Spaniards Joseph Ibn 
Zaddik and Abraham ben David (see below). At a later 
period the peripatetic school of Farabi and others obtained 
the preponderance in Spain through the agency of Maimo- 
nides. Soon afterwards the Jews began to follow the opinions 
of Averroes (Ibn Roshd); whose system {Averroism) and 
works became the centre of a great movement in scholastic 
philosophy and theology, and were carefully preserved and 
propagated by the Jews, as is now generally acknowledged. 
But this and other points, such as the comparison of 
Averroes with contemporary Jewish writers, Joseph Ibn 
Aknin and Maimonides for instance, deserve further in- 
vestigation. Opposed to this was a kind of orthodox senti- 
mental theology, e. g. that of Jehuda Haleyi ( a. d. 
1140), and subsequently the Kahhala; both of which, in 
the controversy with " the Philosophers ^," availed them- 
selves of the ambiguous polemics of the Arabian Ghazali. 



§ 12.] THEOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY. 95 

According to the arrangement of Aristotle generally 
adopted ^ the rational sciences are preceded by the " Or- 

ganon" or Logic (miin DTDDn i^^'-^\ A^ or y^^yn, which ex- 
pression occurring once in the Talmud, and signifying 
something wrong, has been made a topic for controversy 
between the different parties mentioned^ § 11.). They are, 
moreover, divided into 1. Prefatory or Mathematical (§ 21.), 
2. Physical (§ 22.), and 3. Metaphysical or Theological 
(nvn'?}^). The works of the last class are : — 

I. Editions (Translations, Explanations, Commentaries, 
Super-Commentaries, and Kefutations) of Arabian writers : 
the principal of whom are Farabi (870 — 950) ; Avicenna 
(Ibn Sina) (980—1037); Ghazali (ob. 1111 or 1126), of 
especial influence in ethics; Ibn Saig, or Ibn Bage (ob. 
1138); Ibn Tofeil (about 1150); Averroes (Ibn Eoshd) 
(ob. 1198); and others from whom a knowledge of the 
Greek philosophy, especially that of Aristotle and his Greek 
expositors, and Plato, &c., was derived ; e. g. the translator 
Honein (809—873), and his son Isaac (ob. A. D. 910—911). 
Later also the writings of Christian Scholastics were edited ; 
amongst them those of the translator Constantinus Afer, 
Michael Scotus, Vincent Bellovacensis, ^gidius, Albertus 
Magnus, Petrus Hispanus (whose compendium of logic 
has been translated several times), Occam, Robert of Lin- 
coln^*, Thomas Aquinas, Thomas Bricot, and even some 
things of Augustine, AUessandro Piccolomini (1550), and 
others. In these works of course various kinds of altera- 
tions of the texts were made on account of religious differ- 
ences ; on the whole, however, the translators from Arabic, 
Latin, &c., proceeded with some knowledge of the sub- 
ject and scientific enthusiasm, if not always with careful 
philological fidelity. They were very skilful in using and 
enlarging the powers of the Hebrew language for new con- 
ceptions, although at first they fell into a somewhat hard 
and obscure style.'' Many works otherwise unknown, and 
many interesting data, have been preserved in this way^; 
but it is to be regretted that scarcely any of them have been 
printed, and that none of the numerous MSS. in the public 
libraries of Europe have been used for the history of medias- 



96 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Perioi> II. 

val philosophy. We will here mention only two examples. 
The errors about Michael Scotus' translation of the Liber 
Animalium, committed by Buhle and Schneider^, might easily 
have been avoided if the Hebrew translation in the Oppen- 
heim Collection had been known. Supposing the Hebrew 
title to be correct, this MS. contains the Commentary of 
Averroes ; to which neither Jourdain, nor Renau in his great 
work on Averroes, makes any allusion. Another Hebrew 
MS., now at Oxford, contains a work by Robert of Lincoln, 
De Anima (unknown to Tanner), in which Albertus Magnus 
is quoted. A complete answer to those who imagine all 
Jews in the Middle Ages, except the Arabians, to have been 
trades-people and privileged usurers, is found in the prefatory 
remarks of Jehuda ben Moses of Kome (beginning of four- 
teenth century); who professes to have translated various 
short dissertations by several celebrated Christian authors, in 
order to show his brethren that " the Christian nation is not 
destitute of all true science," as some of them believed. The 
Jews have never been entirely excluded from the scien- 
tific pursuits of their contemporaries, except by force ; the 
general ignorance respecting that part of the literature of the 
Middle Ages is shown by the fact, that a Hebrew translation 
of a work by Thomas Aquinas has been recently introduced 
to the public as a great curiosity, and ascribed to a special 
motive of no value. 

The most important Translators and Commentators of 
Arabian works (by Arabs or Jews) are, — the family Tibbon 
(mentioned at § 11.) of Grenada at Ltinel; viz. in a direct 
Hne, JuDAH BEN Saul (1160), Samuel (1200), and Moses 
(1244 — 1274); and as collateral branches, Jacob Anatoli 
(1232) and Jacob ben Machir (1289—1303); moreover, 
Jehuda ben Cardinal (1211 ?), Jehuda Charisi (ob. 
before 1235), Abraham ben Samuel Ibn Chisdai at Bar- 
celona (1230), Solomon ben Joseph Ibn Ajub of Grenada 
atBeziers (1240 — 1265), the physician Solomon ben Joseph 
Ibn Jaakub at Saragossa (1298), Jehuda ben Solomon 
Cohen of Toledo in Tuscany (1247), Shemtob ben Isaac 
of Tortosa (1264), Shemtob Palquera (1264—1280), Se- 

RACHJA BEN ISAAC BEN ShEALTIEL HaLEVI at RomC (1284 



§ 12.] THEOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY. 97 

— 1294); Seracpija Halevi, called Saladin (141*2); 
Isaac Albalag (1307), who savoured of heresy*^; Kalo- 
NYMOS BEX Kalonymos of Arles (nat. 1287), at Avignon 
(1311—1317), Eome (1320), and in Spain, who also trans- 
lated into Latin'', and was versed in many languages; Isaac 
BEN Joseph Ibn Polkar (Alfasi?) in Spain (about 1300); 
Chajim ben Joseph Ibn Bibas (1320); Levi ben 
GePvSON, or Gersonides, at Perpignan (1320—4), whose 
attacks on Ibn Boshd were afterwards refuted by Sabbat ai 
Cohen ben Malkiel of Crete (1473) and Elia ben 
Medico (1491); Samuel ben Jehuda of Marseilles (1321 
— 1326), Joseph Caspi (1330), Kalonymos ben David 
Theodorus (at Nar bonne?), Theodorus Theodorosi of 
Aries in Trinquetaille (1337), Isaac ben Nathan of 
Cordova (Xativa?) (1348), Moses Narboni, called Ma- 
estro Vidal mti^Vl (1344 — 1362), Jehuda ben Solomon 
Nathan in Provence (1354), Moses ben Solomon of 
]'hfU in the South of France (not Xilon) (before 1390), 
Salo3ION Ibn Labi, Manoah Shuali, and others.^ 
All these were acquainted with Arabic, though in their 
works they availed themselves of their Hebrew, and after 
the thirteenth century also of their Latin, predecessors. 
Others took as the foundation of their editions the Hebrew 
translations and the Christian Scholastics above mentioned : 
Jehuda ben Moses ben Daniel Eomano (nat. 1292)^, 
Samuel Benveniste (at Saragossa?) translator of the 
book De Consolatione Philosophias by Boethius (about 
1320?), Jechiskija ben Chalafta in Provence (1320)^^ 
Abraham ben Meshullam Abigdor (1367) at Mont- 
pellier^S and Jehuda ben Samuel Shalom (about 1400). 
The Ethics of Aristotle was translated from the Latin of 
Boethius (who lived in the thirteenth century)* by Don 
Meir Alguades (1405), physician to King Henry III. of 
Castile; and this translation was commentated by Joseph 
BEN Shemtob at Segovia (1455). Michael Cohen in 
Crete (1448 — 1451), the physician Menahem Zebi ben 
Natanel of France in Sinigaglia (1474), Eli ben Joseph 

* Boethius, the translator of the Ethics, is not the older author of that 
name, as has been proved hy Jcurdain. 

H 



98 JEWISH LITEEATHRE. [Peeiod II. 

Habillo (Xabillo) of Mongon on the borders of Aragon, 
(1470), Baruch Ibn Taish ben Isaac (1485), David 
BEN Samuel Ibn Shoshan (of uncertain date), Abraham 
BEN Shemtob Bib ago In Aragon (1489) and his opponent 
Isaac Arama, Abraham ben Joseph Ibn Nachmias 
(1491), Isaac Abravanel (see below), Elia Misrachi at 
Constantinople (1490), Elia ben Joseph be Nola (1538), 
and Moses Almosnino at Salonichi, form, with contem- 
porary translators into Latin, the transition to the next 
period (§ 23.). 

Between these and the following class we may place those 
who composed larger systematical or encycloptedical works 
from foreign sources, either directly or indirectly ; as Samuel 
Ibn Tibbon, whose Opinions of Philosophers is scarcely 
yet known, and will be described in the catalogue of the 
MSS. of Ley den; Gerson ben Solomon (§ 10.); and 
MosE Di Gaggio di Eieti, whose Italian work in the same 
library has been described as a system of ethics by all biblio- 
graphers, not excepting Dukes. 

II. The more independent writings are partly, — 
A. Dogmatic Theology, or Philosophy of Religion : investi- 
gations respecting the rational grounds, the importance, and 
duration of the law (a kind of philosophy of the Halacha) ; 
the authority of the Bible and tradition ; the essence, object, 
and necessity of revelation and prophecy in relation to the 
mental and moral nature of man; the essence and attri- 
butes of God, and his relation to the world ; the principal 
doctrines of the Jewish faith, such as Monotheism, Crea- 
tion, Eschatology, &;c. ; e. g. the works of the Spaniards 
Solomon Ibn Gabirol, i. e. Avicebron (eleventh century), 
whose system is original; Moses Ibn Ezra (1138)^^; and 
Joseph Ibn Zaddik of Cordova (ob. a. d. 1 149), whose dog- 
matical work Mikrokosmos, on the system previously adopted 
by the celebrated Arabic Society, The Brethren of Purity 
QjiA\ ^\y>-\)i did not much please Maimonides ; the reasons 
for this opinion, however, owing to a mistake in the translation, 
have been hitherto misunderstood by every one, not excepting 
the editor (a. d. 1854). The dogmatic treatise by Abraham 
ben David (the historian, § 10.) has been described by Gug- 



§ 12.] THEOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY. 99 

genheimer, and edited with a German translation only within 
the last few years ; the refutation of Ibn Gabirol is perhaps 
the most interesting part of it. About the same time Joseph 
Ibn Aknin (ob. at Aleppo, a. d. 1226) wrote at Maghreb 
(as has been proved elsewhere by the author) the greater 
part of his profound and learned works, founded on the Ari- 
stotelism of Alfarabi, &c. Later he became a pupil of Mai- 
monides, whose works (e. g. the Thirteen Articles of Belief, 
and especially the Moreh) form a kind of epoch, and constitute 
the centre of religio-philosophical activity down to the present 
time. Of the many commentators of the Moreh ^^, we will 
mention the translator himself Samuel Ibn Tibbon and 
his corrector Shemtob Palquera (1280), Joseph Ibn 
Caspi (1330), Moses Narboni (1362), Prophiat Duran 
(Ephodfeus) (1394), Shemtob ben Joseph ben Shemtob 
(1488) grandson of the opponent above mentioned (§ 11. fin.), 
AsHER ben Abraham Bonan Crescas, Don Isaac 
Abrayanel, and Dayid Ibn Jahja. There soon appear 
also Kabbalistic interpreters, as Abraham Abulafia 
(1280)^"^, and G-erman commentators, as Menahem, brother 
of Abigdor Kara (about 1439).^''^ By the way, it is an in- 
teresting fact, that some general philosophical passages of 
the Moreh, as well as of the great Halacha work of Maimon- 
ides (the latter translated into Arabic, against the intention 
of the author), found commentators even amongst the pro- 
fessors of Islamism, probably in the thirteenth century, and 
were disseminated amongst Christian scholars in the same 
century by means of Latin translations. Other writers on 
the philosophy of religion are : Moses (Levi) Abulafia 
(ob. 1255), author of an essay on the Primum Movens ; 
Jehuda Ibn Sebara, probably at Montpellier (subse- 
quently to 1293), author of a tract upon the resurrection; 
Chajim ben Israel (1272 — 1277)^^ ; Levi ben Abraham 
BEN Chajim, the leader of the liberal party in Provence 
(§ 11.)'; David ben Jomtob Ibn Billa (Bilia, Villa?) 
(1320), who wrote on the Thirteen Articles of Belief ^^; Cha- 
NOCH BEN Solomon al-Constantini (about 1350), who 
stood in bad repute with the orthodox ; Moses Nathan ben 
Jehuda(1354); the original Jehuda ben Joseph Corsani, 

H 2 



100 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

imprisoned in Fez (1365)^^; Elnathan ben Moses Kilkes 
(1368), who engaged in a dispute with the Karaites, hut 
was no critic; and the celebrated Levi ben Gerson (1329), 
who had the audacity to confess the eternity of matter, so 
that his philosophical work. The Wars of God, was ironically 
called The Wars with (against) God. Chisdai Crescas 
(1377), and his pupil Joseph Albo (1425), attacked Mai- 
monides' Articles of Belief, and reduced them to three, — The 
Existence of God, Revelation, and Retribution; the for- 
mer writer was opposed by Simon Duran in Algiers (ob. 
1444). HiLLEL ben Samuel at Rome (thirteenth cen- 
tury) wrote a Psychology and Eschatology in the sense of 
the philosophers — although in respect of Halacha strictly 
orthodox, — and boasts (bk. i. chap. 3.) of being acknow- 
ledged by Christian scholars, who adopted his views in their 
writings. A work on Eschatology, attributed to Machir, 
but really written by Moses de Leon (a. D. 1290), expresses 
a diametrically opposite opinion. It is found only in a mis- 
cellaneous collection, printed under various titles, and vari- 
ously edited and translated. We may here remark, that the 
different views of Jewish theologians about the future state 
of the Gentiles are given in an interesting essay by Zunz. 
Joseph ben Shemtob (a. d. 1442) tried to reconcile the 
substance of the orthodox creed, and even the mysteries of 
the Law, with the formal principle of Aristotle, that the 
highest good is speculative and not practical; a striking 
proof of the influence exercised by ancient study and learn- 
ing upon later times, until external oppression had given rise 
to ignorant bigotry. The same author propounds the ques- 
tion how far the study of pagan philosophy is lawful for 
Jews, and decides in favour of its lawfulness ; but he advises 
restrictions as to the age of the students (conf. § 11.). He 
intended to publish a selection of such passages of Aristotle 
as are opposed to the Jewish creed, together with a refutation. 
Abraham Bibago (1489), Abraham Shalom ben Isaac 
Catalano (ob. 1492), and Joseph Ibn Jahja (ob. 1539) 
complete the period; to which also belong Joseph KiLTithe 
Greek, author of a Logic (1450 — 1500)^^ and many others. 
B. Ethics ("iD^^n n?D:Dn) never attained to any independent 



§ 12.] THEOLOGY AXD PHILOSOPHY. 101 

scientific treatment. External duties and jurisprudence con- 
tinued to foiTQ an integral part of the Halaclia^ and grew 
more severe and ascetic in practice ^^ : wliile the theory was 
elucidated by the above-mentioned Solomox bex Gabirol 
in a celebrated Arabic treatise, which might perhaps be 
also called a practical Psychology. It gives a systematical 
survey of the different virtues in connexion with the human 
senses, short remarks upon each, and a collection of sen- 
tences taken from the Bible, from the old philosophers, and 
from anonymous authors, interwoven, according to the taste 
of those times (§ 20.), with quotations from Ai'abic poems 
(omitted in the Hebrew translation, but extant in the Ai'abic 
MS. in the Bodleian Library). Among the latter we may 
perhaps reckon a work mentioned under the name of Kuti, 
hitherto unknown, but apparently written by a Jew named 
Chefez AL-Krxi, who was probably the composer of an 
Arabic paraphrase of the Psalms in rhyme cited by Moses 
Ibn Esra, by whom he is called once Al-kuti, and once Alfuti, 
a variation easily explained by the Arabic characters. The 
aim of Bechaji bex Joseph at Saragossa (circa 1050 — 
1100), in his Arabic work The Duties of the Hearty was to 

construct a system (]1£)l*?2n n?2Dn ^^ ' ^- ?) -° out of the 
ethical Haggada (§ o. 2 a.), which system was probably 
overthrown by the important discussion on the fundamen- 
tal doctrines of the Philosophy of Religion. Ethics there 
fore appear either as a new treatment of the Aristotelian, the 
abridgment of which by Averroes was first translated from 
the Arabic about the year 1321, by Samuel bex Jehuda 
of Marseilles, and thence again abridged by Joseph Ibx 
Caspi (1330), or else as an exposition of the Haggada, and 
especially of the Talmudical treatise Ahot.-^ This treatise 
was explained not only by those authors who included it 
in their commentaries upon larger portions of the Talmud, 
but more especially by those who selected it for the sake 
of its subject matter, and the various du^ections which it 
gave suitable to different countries, general views, special 
philosophical systems, &c. Some of the later writers lose 
themselves in digressions and introductory disquisitions ; 
for instance, Maimoxides wrote, as an introduction to liis 

H 3 



102 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

Commentary, the celebrated ** eight chapters" on psychology, 
Menahem Meiri a historical and methodological essay 
(§ 19.), and Simon Duran a philosophical or dogmatical 
work, much larger than the Commentary itself. Amongst 
those which are still extant one is ancient, and one commonly 
occurs under the name of Kashi (Salomo Isaki) ; they 
have been variously altered and ascribed to different authors. 
Others were made by Jonah Gerondi, Isaac ben So- 
lomon Israeli (cir. 1300), and others. Moreover, we find 
ethics as a component part of Halacha and exegetical works, 
and in certain lesser writings, in the form of parcenetic epistles 
{'')'Dyt2'n m:iK), among the Sefardim; e. g. those by Abraham 
BEN Chijja (1130), Jehuda Ibn Tibbon (1170), Maimon- 
ides (1200), Nachmanides (1260?), Shemtob Palquera 
(1260), Joseph Ibn Caspi (1330), and Solomon al-Ammi 
in Portugal (1415) ^^, partly addressed to the sons of the 
authors, and consequently appearing as testaments (n><12S), 
which, especially in Germany, form a part of popular litera- 
ture.^^ Finally, ethics were introduced into poetry, rhetoric 
(§ 20.), and homiletics, affording but few names and titles for 
particular mention : such as in Germany Eliezer ben Isaac 
of Worms (1050); Jehuda ben Samuel, '^the pious" (Cha- 
sid), of Regensburg (cir. 1200), who was acquainted with 
Ibn Ezra, and with the translation of Bechaji's Ethics, and 
probably also with Maimonides, and to whose school belongs 
the renowned Book of the Pious (D'^T'Dn 'd), which Wulferus 
compares with the Ethics of Marcus Aurelius and Seneca ; 
his pupil Eliezer ben Jehuda of Worms, Jona Gerondi 
the Spaniard, and Menahem Meiri of Perpignan (before 
1287), all of whom wrote essays on penitence; Bechai ben 
AsHER, who composed an alphabetical work on ethics and 
asceticism (1290)^^ ; Serachja Hajevani (the Greek), 
author of the book on ethics (before 1387) ascribed to R. 
Tam from an interchange of similar titles ("iti'TT "Df^ -, 
Jechiel ben Jekutiel ben Benjamin Anaw at Rome 
(cir. 1287)^^; R. Matatia (1430); the anonymous author 
of the figurative Orchot Zaddikim ; and Isaac ben Eli- 
ezer at Worms (cir. 1460 — 1480) : the last two wrote ori- 
ginally in German. The compilation of Jehuda Calaz, 



§ 12.] THEOLOGY AND PHILOSOPHY. 103 

edited by his grandson (1537), is not popular in Germany. 
The Menorat Hammaor of Isaac Aboab of Castile (ob. 
1493, in Portugal) is one of the principal works of the next 
period. With these are in some degree connected the 
Spanish Flores de Derecho, compiled by order of Alfonso (son 
of Alfonso the Wise) by Jacob de las Leyes, or his 
attendant Moses Zarfati, and the Lihro de Dichos de 
Sabios e Philosophos^ a compilation from the Old and New 
Testaments and ecclesiastical authors, &c., by Jacob Ca- 
DiQUE (i. e. Zaddik) of Ucles (middle of the fourteenth 
century). 

C. Exegesis and Homiletics. The former, the develop- 
ment of which can be treated only in connexion with Hebrew 
philology (§ 17.), will be mentioned here merely as a field of 
literature, in which, especially since the time of Maimonides, 
the Philosophy of Religion principally flourished ; thus, one 
Alexandri (?)/in the tenth century, wrote a long commen- 
tary on the chapter on the creation ^^ and his contemporary 
the physician Isaac Israeli ^^ a similar treatise on Gen. i. 
20. The biblical commentaries of Ibn Ezra (ob. 1168), 
Tanchum of Jerusalem (cir. 1250, in Arabic), Levi ben 
Gerson (1327 — 38), Ibn Caspi, Immanuel of Rome and 
his Roman contemporaries (cir. 1300)^^ Ibn Billa (1320), 
Shemarjah of Negropont or Crete (Ikriti) patronised by of 
Robert of Anjou (1328), Isaac Aboab, Abravanel (ob. 
1506), and others ; many of the innumerable super-conmaen- 
taries on Ibn Ezra^^, e.g. by Jedaja Penini (cir. 1300), 
Moses ben Jehuda of the Roman family of Nearim (cir. 
1300), Solomon ben Chanoch al-Constantini (1325), 
Joseph Ibn Caspi who introduced the form of double com- 
mentaries, separating the "Mysteries" from the rest (1300 — 
30), Joseph ben Eliezer Tob-Elem (Bon-fils, cir. 1335) ; 
that in Arabic by Solomon Ibn Jaish at Seville (ob. 1345), 
translated into Hebrew by Jacob ben Solomon Alfandari 
for the well-known super- commentator Ibn Zarza, and those 
by Solomon Franco (attacked by Abraham ben el Tabib, 
but used by Ezra ben Solomon Astruc Ibn Gatigno 
(1372) 31), Shemtob ben Isaac Shafrut (1385), perhaps 
also Prophiat Duran (Ephodasus), and others, are as im- 

H 4 



104 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II, 

portant for philosophy as the many Kabbalistic Commen- 
taries for the discipline of that school. 

To this class likewise belong the Sermons (D^l2;n% DW^iy^, 
for the most part on the various sections of the Bible, espe- 
cially the Pentateuch, which explain Scripture and the Hag- 
gada in a philosophical manner ; and works in which biblical 
commentary and theology are interwoven : e. g. by Jacob 
Anatoli (§ 11.), Nissim, Joshua Ibn Shoeib (1300-30), 
Jacob ben Chananel Sikeli in the East (cir. 1400) 3^, 
Joel Ibn Shoeib at Tudela (1469), Joseph ben Shemtob 
and his son Shemtob ben Joseph (1489), the Spanish 
exiles Isaac Arama and Isaac Karo, and others. The 
Arabic homilies, favourites even with the Karaites in Egypt, 
and attributed to David grandson of Maimonides, stand 
at the limit of this period (1503).^^ The theory of Homi- 
letics is treated by Joseph ben Shemtob (cir. 1440), and 
Ehetoric in general by Jehuda ben Jechiel, called 
Messer Leon of Naples, at Mantua (cir. 1454), with re- 
ferences to Cicero and Quinctilian. Finally, we may mention 
philosophical expositions of Midrash and Haggada, by Moses 
Ibn Tibbon and Jedaja Penini, &c. ; Maimonides in- 
tended to write a work of this kind, but it became merged 
in the Moreh. 

D. The Terminology of Philosophy, in its widest sense, 
was treated by Maimonides, who wrote on Logic in 
Arabic (ante 1160); by the author of the ]n mi^^; by 
Menahem Bonafoux Perpignano, in the form of a lexi- 
con ; by the author of the )!i"i"in nSD ^^ ; and in glossaries 
appended by Samuel Ibn Tibbon (who used the celebrated 
^j^\ c— ;bs^ of Al-Chalil), in his translation of the Moreh 
of Maimonides, and in the preface to his large work on the 
Views of the Philosophers. We know of no special work 
on Methodology, &c. ; but some essays are to be found 
inserted in several works, e. g. by Joseph Ibn Aknin 
(before 1180), Prophiat Duran (1403), &c. 

§ 13.] Mysteries and Kahbala} 

We have above (§ 5 c.) given the essence of the olden 
Mysteries, and traced the commencement of a special litera- 



§ 13.] MYSTERIES AND KABBALA. 105 

ture in that period (cir. 800), when the two principal subjects, 
the History of Creation and Theophany (Theomorphy), 
began to be transformed into Physics and Metaphysics by 
the introduction of Science, and when the Haggada passed 
from oral tradition to writing, accessible as yet only to the 
initiated. The Mysteries were transformed into Kabbala 
first in Europe, and subsequently in the East. The principal 
difficulties in the historical development of this comprehen- 
sive and important field of literature consist in the frequent 
occurrence of Pseudepigraphy, and the prejudice and super- 
ficial views to which it has given rise. Another difficulty 
is the obscurity, intentional or otherwise, of the language ; 
and, lastly, another is to be found in our scanty information 
respecting the Oriental Mysticism, with which the Jewish 
is connected. We must here confine ourselves to what is 
necessary for establishing our views on the historical develop- 
ment of this literature. 

The following points must be carefully attended to, 
if we would avoid falling into errors, and into anachro- 
nisms especially : — 1. The date of a written composition 
must be clearly distinguished from that of the origin of 
the doctrine, which has often been orally preserved. We 
can only form a definite judgment on the writings in 
their present shape ; and in so doing more weight is 
given to language and style, quotations and reminiscences 
from writings whose dates are known, and the like, than 
to the indications to be gathered from the contents; but, 
nevertheless, whole groups of investigations and leading 
ideas, as the doctrines of Spheres, the Trinity, &c., form 
important landmarks. — 2. Titles and quotations from 
writings which cannot be found have often only a negative 
value, on account of the frequent Pseudepigraphy and direct 
forgeries. The Pseudepigraphy may be explained by the 
author's fear of giving his own name, or by the desire for 
the sanction of antiquity for new ideas, to which the usual 
explanation of Scripture (Midrash) afforded but slight foun- 
dation. This abuse, however, which reached its height at 
a later period, appears to have been influenced by non- 
Jewish apocryphal writings, e. g. those of Christian Gnostics, 
and especially those of Muhammedans, whose doctrine of pro- 



106 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

phets and legends, though partly constructed by Jewish and 
Christian renegades, doubtless called into existence a pro- 
phetic literature of this kind.^ At all events, we must first 
investigate whether the few quotations, &c., which occur in 
older writers are not merely Hebrew translations of Arabic 
titles^; and, if they refer to Jewish works, whether these 
works are not entirely different from later forgeries bearing 
the same titles ; as for instance, the book Tagin ()*'Jri), on 
the ornamental crowns, &c., in the rolls of the Pentateuch, 
&c. (§ 16.) — 3. We must not start with the premiss, that the 
Mysteries were a definitely developed philosophical system, 
and that the principal doctrinal statements in them were, 
unless obviously the reverse, older than Christianity. In 
certain individual cases the Kabbala has been united with 
a philosophical system ; but in general it rather designates a 
kind of Haggada or Exegesis, forming a kind of Midrash 
applied to the Mysteries and common philosophy.'^ Par- 
ticular connexions between such systems and other philo- 
sophies or religions, Parseeism for instance, are of no use as 
criteria for the age of the writings^, since many older Gnostic, 
Philonic, and Persian doctrines were not intruded upon the 
Jewish literature until a later time.^ Some valuable sugges- 
tions have lately been made by 8. Sachs, who traces the 
two opposite philosophical systems, " Transcendentalism " 
and ^^ Immanence " (combined in the Kabbala with Emana- 
tion), in the Jewish philosophers of the Peripatetic school, 
and in the peculiar philosophy of Ibn Gabirol and Abra- 
ham Ibn Ezra, from whose influence he derives the Kab- 
balistic system of Nachmanides. But the subject requires 
further investigation before we can estimate the value of 
any general remarks. The 'practical Kabbala, on the other 
hand, belongs to astrology, magic, &c. ; which certainly 
made their first appearance in the shape of a left-handed 
science in Jewish literature through the instrumentality of 
Arabia^, and which together with the prevalent superstitions 
did not find their way till a much later period into the Syn- 
cretism of the Kabbala (§ 12.). 

The Secret Science is in fact nothing else than Meta- 
physics in the garb of the Midrash and Haggada; an 
intentional obscurity in which, down to a late period, the 



§ 13.] MYSTERIES AND KABBALA. 107 

teachers of liberal philosophy were in the habit of enveloping 
them, lest they should oiFend the multitude.® It treated prin- 
cipally of the old subjects. Creation and the Celestial Hier- 
archy. Philosophy and Secret Science fought respectively 
in the ranks of Spiritual Theology and Oriental Sensualism. 
On the one hand, the Aristotelians sought to bring their clear 
system of vovs (hD^l/), and the spheres enlivened by Intelli- 
gences (D^V:ib:i, DoVd, cli^li), into harmony with the Bible 
and Haggada, by means of allegorical interpretation ; and 
on the other, the Secret Doctrine lost itself among fantastic 
images and exaggerations, and took possession of everything 
that is inexplicable in the world of nature and spirit.^ An 
instance of this is to be found in the descriptions (if we may 
use such a term) of the " body " of God, called SMur Koma 
{p'ry\'p mx^^ti'), satirised in verse by Salmon ben Jerucham 
(tenth century). Hence with this school even the plainer 
miraculous legends of the Haggada gave an agreeable oppor- 
tunity for further embellishments. The ordinary Midrash 
deduces a manifold signification from the mere letter of the 
Bible, considered as divine, and also uses a play upon letters 
by way of memoria technica (v. sup. § 5.) ; but here we meet 
with a mystical treatment of letters in general, with reference 
to their sound, form, and numerical value. ^° The Book 
Jezira (H'T'SJ'' 'D, i. e. Book of the Creation, or DnnnKl DTTni* 
l^**!*^ Letters of Abraham the Patriarch^, which opens the 
literature of the Secret Doctrine, enunciates as a fundamen- 
tal idea, that the ten digits (n"n''3D) and twenty-two letters 
(the thirty-two paths of wisdom, HT^rDH niK^VlD mn-^ns l^'V) are 
to be considered as the foundation of everything. ^^ The 
following writers gave a philosophical explanation of this 
work : Saadja. (ob. 941), Isaac Israeli (ob. 940 — 953)^ 
and Jacob ben Nissim (?) at Kairowan, aU in Arabic ^^ ; 
Sabbatai Donolo in Italy (born about 913), Jehuda ben 
Barsillai in Provence (cir. 1130), and Jehuda Halevi 
in Spain (1140). The third and fourth chapters of the Bo- 
raita of R. Eliezer (§ 5 B.), the greater and lesser Hechalot 
(nfe'^n), said to be written by R. Ismael (cf. § 5. p. 48.), 
the old book Raziel ('^K'^n), attributed to Solomon, extant 
only in detached portions, the Midrash Konen (]3ir5 'n^y^, and 
likewise the lost Hajashar (erroneously ascribed to R. Akiba), 



108 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

and Juchasin, are the principal works on the old Secret Doc- 
trine. ^^ One of them, the Alphabet of K. Akiba ('"n 1"^^ 
m^pi^), older than the tenth century, lays great stress upon 
the letters, and gives a preference to the knowledge (nD"*!) 
over the practice of the Law, thus opening the door to a con- 
troversy between a new kind of Gnosis and the Halacha. 

The Secret Doctrine, originally unfettered as a part of 
the Haggada, was first stamped as Kahhala (jlh'l'p) or Tra- 
dition ^^; this occurred in Europe, and at the point of contact 
of the two principal intellectual tendencies frequently men- 
tioned above, in Italy and Provence, a fact, which is cha- 
racteristic of its development and of its subsequent position 
with respect to Halacha. The oldest traces of this movement 
point to Apulia and Northern Italy (Lucca) ; although no 
historical value is due to the names and conflicting traditions 
to be found in later authors, and still less to the legends and 
fables, according to which, for instance, Eleasar of Worms 
makes a journey through the air into Spain, to teach Nach- 
manides, &c. From Northern Italy we have the name of one 
Kashisha^^, a descendant of the Gaonim, as the author of 
a Kabbalistic work written for his pupil Jehuda or CoR- 
BEiL, of whom Eleasar of Worms is said to have been a 
pupil. The latter however traces back his Secret Doctrine 
through various stages up to one Abu Harun, who migrated 
from Lucca, and was son of the Babylonian Prince Samuel. 
His pupil Moses ^^ and his family are said to have brought it 
back to Germany, and finally handed it down through Elea- 
sar OF Spires, his son Samuel, and his grandson Jehuda 
the Pious (cir. 1200), who like Nachmanides is called *^ Father 
of Wisdom," to his great-grandson David. Perhaps from 
this quarter issued also the Kabbala of Provence and Spain, 
although it claims origin immediately from the Prophet Elias 
(see below). Mention is also made in connexion with it of 
a Doctor Nehorai of Jerusalem. 

At this point, the Doctrine of Mysteries enters upon a 
new course. The Haggada had, as early as the First Period, 
exhausted itself in the Midrash; this again on the one 
hand had undergone a poetical metamorphosis in the Franco- 
German Pijjutim (§ 19.), and on the other evaporated into the 



§ 13.] MYSTERIES AND KABBALA. - 109 

Arabising Philosophy. In the North, social and political 
circumstances, and the spirit of the surrounding nations, 
fostered a tendency towards feeling and superstition, which 
are always associated with the embodiment of the spirit 
in the traditional letter. In the South, Magic, Chiromancy, 
Demonology, &c., were added as a kind of philosophical sequel 
to the highest sciences ; and the Oriental Mysticism of the 
Sufi found a resting-place in the old remains of Judaeo- 
Christian gnosis. The Crusades and other political revolu- 
tions brought all intellectual tendencies together. Thus was 
developed a fresh Jewish Theosophy^^, in which first the 
letter, and afterwards also the practice of the Law (Halacha) 
were degraded to a mere husk of the Mystery (no) contained 
in it.^^ This again was carried back to antiquity by means 
of Pseudepigraphy, by the imitation of the external forms 
and expressions of the old Midrash, and finally by the after- 
thought of pretended Inspiration and forgery. But the in- 
termixture of well-known foreign elements made it evident 
that the so-called " Kabbala" was the reverse of that which 
its name (Tradition) designated. In such a wide choice of 
thoughts and means for exegesis a large field was open to the 
subjective element ; and hence " the number of the systems 
and expositions was nearly as great as that of the writers." ^^ 
E. Isaac the Blind, called the " Father of the Kabbala," 
son of the celebrated Abraham ben David of Posquieres (§ 9.), 
is perhaps to be considered as the founder of the new mystic 
literature.^^ To him Landauer ^^ ascribes the book Bahir 
("l^nin 'd), or Midrash Nechunja Ben ha-Kana'^^ (at all 
events belonging to this age), in which the ten Sefirot 
(numbers) of the Book Jezira were brought into connexion 
with the attributes (dHTD) and fingers, or members, of God. 
A foundation was thus laid for the doctrine of the Sefirot, 
which was finally merged in the Aristoteliari spheres, and 
introduced by way of interpretation into the Book Jezira. 
His pupil Ezra (ob. 1238 ?) is said to have been the teacher 
of Nachmanides (in Spain) ; but, although much has been 
written upon the subject, it is not yet clear whether he is not 
the same person as Azriel (ben Solomon, or ben Menahem ?) 
mentioned as a pupil of Nachmanides. ^"^ According to Moses 



110 JEWISH LITEKATURE. [Period H. 

ben Solomon ben Simon of Burgos, a not very trustworthy 
author of the thirteenth century of whom we shall speak 
hereafter, a work called Masoret, by a K. Elchanan, is one 
of the sources whence Nachmanides drew his system. About 
the same time lived Joseph ben Samuel, a fragment of 
whose Exposition of Genesis is inserted by Jacob ben Sheshet. 
K. Eleasar of Worms (1220) in Germany was author 
of many Kabbalistic works ; among others of a Commentary 
on the Book Jezira and on the Prayer-book, and also of 
the K'ln •'HID, a compendium of which is called the Greater 
RasielJ^^ To his numerous pupils belong, among others, 
Abraham ben Alexander (or Achselrad) of Cologne, 
and the author of the pseudo- Saadianic Commentary on Je- 
zira ^^; a certain Men ahem however seems to have been 
a pupil of Nachmanides. 

To the thirteenth century, especially the latter half of it, 
belong some important men, whose writings still require 
thorough investigation for the history of the Kabbala ; and 
also a mass of pseudepigraphical writings^'' which became 
more numerous in the fourteenth century, and were ascribed 
to Patriarchs, as Adam, Enoch, Abraham ; to Prophets, as 
Moses, Elias, Jeremiah, &c. ; to Doctors of Talmud, as Akiba, 
Ismael ben Elisha, Nechunja ben Hakana, Simeon the Just^^% 
Simeon Hapekuli, especially Simeon ben Jochai ; to Gaonim, 
as Saadja, Sherira, Hai ^®, and the fictitious Chammai ^®* and 
Dositai ; and also to later learned men, as Ibn Ezra^^, and even 
Maimonides.^^ Lastly, appeal was made to forged or ficti- 
tious names and titles, as by the notorious Spaniard MoSES 
BoTAREL, who wrote a Commentary on the Book Jezira, 
nominally for a Christian named Maestro Juan.^^ The per- 
sons first mentioned, principally Spaniards, are divided by 
Landauer^^ into four schools, — I. The Orthodox School of 
Ibn Aderet ^^, which cultivated the doctrine of the Sefirot 
according to the Book Bahir, and the Commentary on the 
Pentateuch by Nachmanides (finished a. d. 1267 in the 
East). The following are representatives of this school : 
ToDROS Halevi ABULAFiAat Toledo (ob. 1283 at Seville), 
erroneously called " Tedacus" by Reuchlin ; the notorious 
Shemtob ben Abraham Ibn Gaon (Jaen?), who calls 



§ 13.] MYSTERIES AND KABBALA. Ill 

himself a pupil of Aderet; Isaac ben Todros (1325 at 
Safet)^^% and his colleague Isaac of Akko (i. e. St. Jean 
d'Acre) (see § 17.); Bechaji ben Asher at Saragossa 
(1291) ; perhaps also some less known, of whom we shall 
speak hereafter ; and, according to Landauer, Menahem de 
Recanati in Italy ^^ ; but we must place this author later 
(see below). Among those more independent of Nachmanides 
were Perez, the supposed author of the famous Maarechet 
ha Elahut^^, the pseudo Chammai Gaon, and others. — 
II. The Aristotelian Kahhalistic School (called by Landauer 
"Kabbalistic Philosophical") of the ambiguous Isaac Ibn 
Lathif (1280, not 1244), who expounded the mystic doctrine 
philosophically, and consequently incurred censure and per- 
secution. — III. The Philosophical Kahhalistic School of 
Joseph Ibn Chiquitilla (Gekatilia, erroneously also 
Karnitol), and his teacher Abraham Abulafia, who 
viewed the Kabbala as the foundation of Philosophy, but 
nevertheless gave greater prominence to the literal Kab- 
bala than to the Sefirot. Hence was developed — I Y. The 
Zoharic School, which forms a new and important phase. 

The famous or infamous mystical Midrash on the Penta- 
teuch ascribed to Simeon ben Jochai, entitled Zohar ("iniT, 
splendour )^^, certainly dates no earlier than the thirteenth 
century, when there was an intimate connexion between 
Judaism and Christianity, and when false prophets and 
soothsayers appeared everywhere. ^'^ Its advocates themselves 
acknowledge that it was unknown even to the great Kahhalistic 
authors before that time. This work developes the sexual dis- 
tinctions in respect to the Deity given in the Book Bahir ^^ ; 
and also the older Sefirot doctrine, by means of a literal 
Kabbala, into a Trinitarian doctrine ^^, nevertheless openly 
attacking Christianity ^^ as well as Talmud and Halacha."^^ 
Anti-Kabbalists and critics have hitherto considered Moses 
BEN Shemtob de Leon of Guadalaxara (1287 — 93) as 
the author of it ; and the researches commenced by JeUinek 
seem to confirm the opinion that this author, who is known 
to have been guilty of plagiarism, was concerned in the 
forgery, if indeed he was not the principal actor in it. From 
want of good critical grounds, although not without some 



112 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II 

tippearance of probability, Landauer came to a different con- 
clusion. In the course of the discussion, however, some 
interesting particulars have come to light respecting an 
author of that time, previously but little known, Abraham 
Abulafia ben Samuel (nat. 1240 at Tudela)'^^, a cele- 
brated fanatic, who has since become the subject of special 
researches. He had been taught the Book Jezira "^^ by 
twelve expositors, and himself composed a pseudonymic 
commentary on it (1289). He understood Arabic (Grreek?) 
and Latin, had studied Plato^'', gave himself out as a 
prophet and " Messias " or considered himself such^^, went 
by Barcelona to Capua, and is said to have tried to convert 
the Pope (Martin TV.) at Rome (August 1281/6; but he 
was persecuted for his opinions, and forced to seek an 
asylum at Cumino in Malta. ^^ He was the author of more 
than twenty Kabbalistic (and grammatical) works; part of 
which he calls " prophetic," frequently adopting the ana- 
grammatic name Raziel. Amongst others, there is a 
Commentary on the Moreh (1280, 1291), and a book called 
Zacharia or mKn(the sign or wonder), composed A. r>. 1288 
at Cimiino. In this he affirms that Jesus was a prophet, 
but not yet acknowledged ; reminding us of a similar opinion 
expressed 150 years before by the Karaite author Jehuda 
Hedessi (§ 14.). Whether some of the substance now 
forming the great body of the Zohar was taken from his 
writings is a question which cannot be answered until both 
have been more thoroughly investigated. The Zohar, which 
like many works of that time was intended to be written 
in pure Aramaic, fell back to some extent upon Hebrew. 
It has been since edited in Aramaic ^^ ; but the language 
is inelegant, and neither pure nor correct. This fact, 
proved by Luzzatto, may be considered as a complete 
answer even to those who explain, by means of a miracle, 
all the objections to the antiquity of the Zohar raised 
on the score of improbability. They can hardly assert 
that Simon ben Jochai wrote a book in a style and 
language used by no one except the followers of the 
forgery, amongst whom all grammatical knowledge of 
Hebrew and Aramaic was extinct (comp. § 16.). Our 



§ 13.] MYSTERIES AND KABBALA. 113 

various editions contain different original elements and ad- 
ditions, and without the assistance of manuscripts a critical 
history is out of the question.^^ 

In Spain, where the forgery did not impose upon every one, 
we have the only certain and almost coeval witness against 
it, in an account given by the above-mentioned Isaac Akko, 
and the book never attained to great authority or popularity 
in that country. Landauer goes so far as to suppose that 
it was never brought there at all.^^ But the author has 
recently found it quoted as a work of Simon ben Jochai, in 
a book by Moses de Leon, and in another remarkable pas- 
sage of Joseph Ibn Wakkar, of whom we shall have occasion 
to speak hereafter. This author, in mentioning the books 
which are to be relied upon, recommends of the "latter" 
only Moses Nachmanides and Todros Abulafia; "but," he 
adds, " the book Zohar is full of errors, and one must take 
care not to be misled by them." This is an impartial and 
indirect testimony that the Zohar was recognised scarcely 
fifty years after its appearing as one of the " latter " works, 
and not attributed to Simon ben Jochai. Through what 
circumstances it so soon found its way into Italy is not 
explained, if we reject Landauer's conjectures. His adoption 
of the older statement about the date of Menahem de Ke- 
canati cannot in any case be admitted ; for the latter wrote 
his Commentary on the Pentateuch (which is, in fact, little 
else than a commentary on the Zohar), not in 1290, but 
about 1330^^, when Immanuel ben Solomon of Rome makes 
mention of that book. From Italy a knowledge of it spread 
among the Jews to the north and east, and subsequently also 
amongst the Christians. There also the first opponents of its 
genuineness arose at the end of this period ; during which 
individuals of the Spanish Philosophical School, and even 
Germans, as Lippman of MtJHLHAUSEN (cir. 1400), himself 
an author of Kabbalistic works, took up the cudgels against 
some doctrines of the Kabbala as un-Jewish.^^ 

Amongst the Spaniards of the latter half of the 13th cen- 
tury there are several authors whose works and even whose 
names are scarcely yet known, although they are honour- 
ably mentioned by writers who flourished shortly afterwards. 

I 



114 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

Many of them were, or represented themselves to be, pupils 
of Nachmanides ; and they were perhaps the real authors of 
some anonymous and pseudonymous works of that period. 
Some of them quote, as ancient, writers and Avorks which 
either never existed, or had been forged by themselves. 
Further information is therefore necessary for the history 
of this interesting period, into the literature of which we 
have as yet been able to obtain but little insight. We may 
mention, as examples, David Cohe??, quoted under the 
anagram •'Kmi?:^ (Mardochai) ; Abistee, supposed to be the 
apostate of Burgos^ and subsequently celebrated as Alfonso 
OF Valladulid (conf. § 13.); Jacob ben Shesiiet of 
Girona, who wrote a work against Samuel Ibn Tibbon, 
and an epistle, more zealous than argumentative, against 
the philosophers ; Jacob Kohen ben Jacob the Spaniard 
(Sefardi) of Soria, probably the same as Jacob Chiqui- 
tiLLA Avho died at Segovia : and his younger (?) brother, 
Isaac Kohen, both of whom were at one time in Pro- 
vence. The latter wrote, amongst other things, an essay 
containing explanations of the book MaJhush (pyzh'd). He 
certainly belongs to the class of suspected authors, and 
whether himself misled or not, his statements are calculated 
to mislead others. He mentions a Kabbalistic essay by a 
fictitious author, Mazliacii ben Pelatja of Jerusalem, 
brought to Aries by one Gerson of Damascus; and he 
quotes Joseph ben Abitur and Isaac Ibn Gajjat as 
Kabbalists, &c. With these brothers we must class their 
pupil Moses (ben Solomon) ben Simon of Burgos, who 
quotes Jehuda ben Jakar and Isaac Halaban, &c. 

In the 14th century Joseph Ibn Wakkar ben Abra- 
ham made an attempt to reconcile the Kabbala with philo- 
sophy. He Avas the author of a short unpublished essay on 
the principal doctrines of the Kabbala, which is perhaps the 
best introductory compendium of the subject. He abeady 
complains of differences respecting the classification and ex- 
position of the names of the ten Sefirot — much to the disgust 
of Shemtob ben Shemtob, the defender of the traditional 
Kabbala, — and, as mentioned above, cautions his readers 
against the use of the book Zohar. At the same time the 



14.] KARAITIC LITERATURE. 115 

philosopher Jehuda ben Moses of Rome identified the 
Ideas of Plato with the Sefirot of the Kabbalists ; and not 
long afterwards the Kabbala obtained so firm a footing, that 
philosophers attempted to explain it by means of philosophi- 
cal exegesis ; e. g. Moses N'arboxi, &c. 

The Kabbalistic literature of the 14th and 15th centuries, 
principally anonymous or pseudonymous, and as yet but 
little investigated, consists chiefly of editions of older works ; 
biblical commentaries, e. g. by Bechai ben Asher (end of 
13th cent.), and Joshua Ibn Shoeib (cir. 1330); and super- 
commentaries on J^achmanides, e. g. by Isak ben Samuel 
ex Acco, and by Jacob ben Asher, who substituted for the 
speculative passages of Nachmanides the trifling but popular 
explanations of Gematria, &c. ; and also on Ibn Ezra, e. g. by 
Samuel Motot (1412). Commentaries on the book Je- 
ziRA were composed by Jehuda ben Nissim Ibn Malka 
(in Arabic) (1365), Joseph Sar Shalo^i^^, Pseudo Abra- 
ham BEN David (1390) ^^, Botarel (1409), Samuel 
Motot (1412), and others. The Liturgy (§ 19.) also 
became the object of Kabbalistic exposition as early as the 
beginning of the 13th century; we will here mention only 
a few authors of monographies of that kind : Eleasar of 
Worms and Ezra mentioned above, Menahem Becanati, 
Isaac ben Todros, Samuel Motot, and Meir Ibn 
Gabbai. We conclude this paragraph with the names of 
some authors in Germany and France : David ben Abra- 
ham IIalaban (cir. 1300) : Hiskia ben Abraha3I, author 
of the Malkiel ; Sa^iuel ben Simeon (1400); Abigdor 
and his brother Menahem Kara at Prague (1439) ; Me- 
shullam ben Moses ; Solomon, father of Joseph Kolon 
in France (cir. 1450).^^ Johanan Allemanno, Jehuda 
Chajjat in Italy, and others, form the transition to the 
next period. 

§ 14.] Karaitic Literature. 

In opposition to the adherents of the Halacha and Hag- 
gada, or Rahhiiiism (Talmudism) as it is called, there stands 
at this period a party which is distinguished from the Sad- 

I 2 



116 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period IL 

ducees of Period I. by a theory carried out in an elaborate 
literature. This party thus forms an actual sect, the essence 
(Karaism) and development of which however will be here 
treated of only from a literary point of view.^ From the 
fact of their principal residence being in the Crimea, recent 
events have drawn public attention to them; but the 
accounts which have been lately given of them are mere re- 
petitions of older works. It seems that no advantage has 
been taken of this opportunity of enlarging our very small 
store of Karaitic literature ; and there is but little hope that 
amongst the warlike trophies of Sebastopol any Hebrew 
parchments will be found. 

The retiring character of Karaism prevented its ever attain- 
ing a position of such immediate importance in the general 
history of literature as Rabbinism, nevertheless it assisted 
materially at the period of its origin (750 — 900) in the re- 
formation of Rabbinical literature ; so that perhaps this ob- 
scure and incomplete section of the history of the latter is 
itself to be cleared up and completed by the fragments of 
the former. The subsequent separate formation of the Ka- 
raitic literature has, however, some peculiar attractions for 
the student. 

Whatever we may think of the connexion of Karaism 
with similar Jewish tendencies of an earlier date, the Ka- 
raitic literature and sect begin apparently with Anan ben 
David (cir. 760); for the long genealogies of precedent 
Karaitic heads of schools are taken from a Midrash.^ But 
the later Eabbinites also were claimed by the younger Kara- 
ites as belonging to them, because they are quoted as autho- 
rities by the founders of the sect ; e. g. the proselyte David 
BEN Mervan Al-Mukammez, author of a dogmatic work, 
the information on Jewish (Christian and Muhammedan) sects 
contained in which appears to form the foundation of the 
accounts given by the Arabians Makrisi and Shahristani * ; 
Jehuda Ibn Koreish; Ibn Ezra, and others; also a 
funereal inscription for the converter of the king of the 
Chasars, Isaac Sais^jari, was forged, and a great number of 
rabbinical works were counterfeited.'' On the other hand, 
there are certain peculiarities in this literature with respect to 



§ 14.] KARAITIC LITERATURE. 117 

the arguments and metliocl ; for instance, a freer exegesis, in 
opposition to tlie Halaclia, which is however by no means 
a safe criterion for the Karaism of the author.^ 

Karaism soon became connected >yith the earliest sect (in 
the narrowest sense) of the Muhammedans which arose at 
that time, viz. the Mu'tazUe, and with the Mutakallimun 
( ^^^'j^, Hebrew DniTiri) in general, who, starting from 
the Word ( Ji' ) of God, the Logos ^% tried to bring phi- 
losophy, the atomistic not the peripatetic, into harmony 
with revelation ^ ; entering next upon the fundamental doc- 
trines of religion ( ^,}x\ J^^ U^"^^"^, Q^^pX^)^ and thence 
receivino^ the name ( ^^^L CJ^^^^'iti') ^^ Kadicals," or more 
properly, '^ Doctrinaries." ^ On this account the Karaites 
were the first to reckon the number of the (10) Articles of 
Belief^, and are proportionately rich in dogTaatic literature. 
Muhammedanism also in general influenced their dogmatic 
theology ^, and even their religious practice ^°, thus giving 
occasion to the conversion of many Karaites to Islamism ^^ ; 
and this again provoked a reactionary controversy (§ 15.). 

The opposition of Karaism was directed against the Ha- 
lacha- and Haggada-^Iidrash ^ ^ *, and consequently promoted 
a simpler exegesis and grammatical study among the Kab- 
binites themselves. But whilst the philosophy of the latter 
expounds even the Haggada-Midrash in a philosophical man- 
ner, the Karaitic was obliged to throw itself solely and 
wholly upon the Bible, and finally could not help having 
recourse to the intermediate elements of the sagas and 
legends of the Babbins, with some modifications received 
from Muhammedanism. ^^ In religious practice there ap- 
pears in the place of the despised tradition of the Halacha 
a not dissimilar but often false tradition (npnrn) or inhe- 
ritance (niz^n^n bno) ^^, and a closer reference to dogmatics 
and philosophy ; e. g. in the rules for slaughter ^^, and also 
in the Liturgy. ^'^ Levi ben Jefet tells us that Abu Solei- 
MAX David ben Hassix introduced into his Litui-gy so 
much of exegesis, demonstrations, and polemics, that the 
Hymns can scarcely be recognised as such. At the same 
time their religious poetry loses the jMidrash materials of 

I 3 



118 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

the Pijjutim (§ 20.) ; and finally the fantastic and mystic 
tendency of the secret doctrine and Kabbala could not fail 
to dissolve entirely in the firm grasp of rational knowledge. 

Karaism, when fully elaborated, was thus opposed to Rab- 
binism as a theory and dialectical exercise keeping itself 
aloof from the natural deyelopment of the nation, having 
been called into existence by external circumstances, and con- 
tinuing to propagate itself by its own resources. Happier 
in attack than in defence, wherever the direct words of the 
Bible did not afford a firm footing for the new intellectual 
movement, Karaism could not fail to be aware of a contradic- 
tion and harshness in the Law ; to their own interpretation of 
which, however, they inflexibly adhered. ^^ But from its very 
origin Karaism was broken up into sects or schools, some of 
which professedly separated themselves on account of peculiar 
and unrecognised customs, while others maintained their con- 
nexion with the prevailing tendencies of the time merely by 
means of doctrinal statements. ^^ Writings are expressly 
ascribed to the individual founders ; e. g. the Pseudomes- 
sias Abu Isa Abdallah (Obadja), Ishak ben Jaakub 
EL IsFAHANi (754 — 775), Ismail el Okbari in Irak (833 
— 842): and with some degree of probability also to others; 

e. g. the camelherd and Pseudomessias Judsoan {^^^y^l 
Abu Amran (not '^ Omran ") MusA (Moses) el Saaf- 

RANi (^']/^jy^ Al-Tiflisi, contemporary of Okbari, and 
probably identical with Moses ben Amram Ha-parsi, or 
Jehuda (Al-Jehudi?) Haparsi^^; and Mesue (Moses) of 
Balbek, at Bassra (afterwards baptised). All their writings 
must be considered as lost. But the whole Karaitic literature 
is so little known and so inaccessible, that any attempt at 
its internal history appears, to the writer of this work at 
least, too bold an undertaking^^, particularly since the chro- 
nology brought forward by some of their own more recent 
authors is both arbitrary and contradictory. The foundation 
of it seems to be an incidental passage of Elia ben Abra- 
ham MiSRACHi, who, in his work upon the differences be- 
tween Karaites and Babbinites, enumerates, although not in 
chronological order, about forty names, which he pretends to 



§14.] l^HAITIC LITERATURE. 119 

have met with ; the list however is neither correct nor free 
from repetitions. It is again given by Joseph Bagi ben 
Moses, who is the authority for a passage in "Warner's Col- 
lectanea at Ley den ; and hence Wolf has inserted the names 
in the thii'd volume of his Bibliotheca. Another list of teach- 
ers, piu'porting to be chronologically arranged, was borrowed 
by Mardochai ben Xisax from Moses Bashiatshi (ob. 
1572), and is the foundation of again another list by Si:m- 
CHA Isaac, which is arranged geographically. But even 
the latter is not much more trustworthy than the former, the 
part which traces the names up to Anan being, as already 
observed (p. 116.) an evident forgery. We must therefore 
content om'selves with some o-eneral remarks. 

The writings of the Karaites now known to us are princi- 
pally^^ religious, and in the form of dogmatic treatises, biblical 
exegesis, books of the Laws (mi^iT^n 'd), religious poetry, 
and a few grammatical works. Some works on medicine 
and other subjects (§ 22.) have been partly preserved by the 
Arabians. Anan and some of his followers, e. g. Ben- 
jamin BEN Moses Xehawendi ■-^, in editing their law 
works, wrote in the Halacha idiom of the time ; for, on ac- 
count of the tendency to dogmatic polemics having become 
prevalent, the Hebrew and Ai'amaic had fallen into the back- 
ground, being ill adapted to the new conceptions, and un- 
wieldy in poetry, as we find in the rhyming prose of Salman 
ben Jerucham and Jehuda Hedessi. Moreover, since 
the Karaites lived for the most part in countries where Ara- 
bic was spoken, Arabic became their principal dialect ; and, 
as they thus had less occasion for translations than the Kab- 
binites (§§ 8. 11.), the development of the Hebrew fell into 
arrear, and a more Arabising type was stamped upon it. 
Subsequently (in the 14th century) their writers learnt of the 
Eabbinical school, and transplanted a still greater niunber of 
Tahnudical expressions into then- works. -^ The foi-m and 
disposition of their works are strictly scientific, even to pe- 
dantry. Their relation to the Masora also is worth notice.--^ 
The most important writers, especially those whose works 
are still extant, are the* polemical contemporaries of Saadja, 
Chiwi al Balki or Belki, and Ben Suta (?) ; Sal4Man 

' I 4 



120 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

BEN Jerucham ; Menahem ; Joseph ben Jacob (Abu J.) 
EL KiRKissANi EL Bassir {jf^'^, Hebrew n>^nn) ^^, called 
also after his work Hamaor (^)/-^^ ?) (910 — 930); Joseph 
BEN Abraham (Ibn Zadakab ?) Cohen Haroeh^ and Ms 
pupil Jeshua (Abu Ali Isa) ben Jehuda ; Japhet (Abu 
Ali Hassan el Basri) Halevi (953), and bis son Levi 
(Abu Said). Munk identifies Jesbua ben Jebuda with 
Abu 'l Farad j Forkan ben Asad, the author of an Arabic 
translation or exposition of the Pentateuch; but, amongst 
several authors named Jeshua who occur in the confused lists 
mentioned above, there is a Jeshua Aaron or Abu 'l 
Faradj Harun, from whom Mose Bashiatshi quotes some 
Arabic passages belonging to an exposition of the Pentateuch- 
The Arabic name Forkan being only a translation of the 
Hebrew Jeshua, it is not quite so evident as Munk supposes 
that Jeshua ben Jehudah is the Abu '1 Faradj whose pupil 
Ibn Al-Tarras introduced his work into Spain (see below). 
Moses Ibn Ezra seems to imply that Abu'l Faradj of Jerusa- 
lem changed his faith, which however might be interpreted 
that he went from the Rabbinites to the Karaites. We may 
mention also Abu Sari Sahal ben Mazliach ; Jacob 
BEN Eeuben (1098 — 1099) ^^ ; and Jehuda ha- Abel 
Hedessi (of Edessa) at Constantinople (1149), whose po- 
lemical work on the commandments in Hebrew rhyming 
prose is a great authority for the earlier history of Karaism. 
About this time (1150) Karaism had made an ineffec- 
tual attempt to extend itself in Spain, where Ibn Ezra^^ 
Jehuda Halevi (1140), and Abraham ben David 
(1161) ^^ at the same time as Maimonides and his son 
Abraham ^^ in Egypt, encountered it with the weapons of 
the Peripatetic school. Aaron (the elder) ben Joseph, 
a physician at Constantinople (1294) weU acquainted with 
Rabbinical works, tried to oppose it in a way different from the 
old dogmatics of the Kelam ; he however proved unequal 
to the task.^^ On the other hand, Aaron ben Elia the 
Nicomedian, with the most comprehensive learning ^^, wrote 
in opposition to the principal works -of Maimonides on phi- 
losophy and law a Karaite dogmatical system, Ez Chajjim 
(1346), a Codex of Law (1354), and a Commentary on the 



§ 14.] KARAITIC LITERATURE. 121 

Pentateuch (1362). But little is yet known of his contem- 
porary and compatriot the Rabbinite Elnatan Kilkes, and 
his polemics against Karaism. Once more at the end of this 
period the Karaites at Constantinople fell into a controversy 
with Rabbinism.^^ The attacks of Eli a Misrachi were 
refuted by Elia Bashiatshi (ob. 1490). The mediaeval 
Karaitic literature of the East, so far as it is known to us, 
ends with his pupil and brother-in-law Kaleb Afendopolo, 
the polyhistor ^'^ ; the physician and biblical commentator 
Abraham ben Jehuda ben Abraham at Constantinople, 
whom the bibliographer erroneously refers to the year 1527, 
when his grandson Jehuda ben Elia Tishbi finished a 
copy of his work; the poet Jehuda Gibbor (1502), and 
a few others. The MS. remains of this period are to be 
found in the Crimea ^^, at Kahira, and also in the library at 
Leyden. 

Subsequently a literary movement of no great importance 
appears at Constantinople, in the Crimea, and in Galizia, the 
principal representatives of which are : the dogmatist Moses 
Pozzi Maroli ; the writer on Law Jehuda Poki, grand- 
son of Elia Bashiatshi ; the great-grandson of the latter, 
Moses Bashiatshi ben Elia ben Moses, who is said to 
have composed two hundred and forty-five works before he 
was sixteen years old, but who on account of persecutions 
retired into the East, and there met with an early death in 
his eighteenth year (1572) ; Elia Rabbenu ben Jehuda 
Tishbi, who wrote his Expositions of the Introductions to 
Joseph ben Aaron's Commentary on the Pentateuch, under 
the title Peer (crown), in the year 1579, and who by an incon- 
ceivable mistake of some bibliographers has been supposed to 
be the son or grandson of Abraham ben Jehuda, mentioned 
above ; Serach ben Nathan Troki, the friend of del Me- 
digo (cir. 1620); the traveller Samuel ben Dayid (1641)^^; 
MoRDECAi BEN NiSAN, the Correspondent of Trigland 
(1698), to whom has been ascribed an unpublished essay, 
which seems to belong really to a Rabbinical KabbaHstic 
author; the polemical writer Solomon ben Aaron Troki 
(1710); and Simcha Isaac ben Moses (1757), author of an 
alphabetical catalogue of Karaitic works (D'^pniiS m>«, Vienna, 
1830). 



122 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

The following persons wrote on Grammar: (Abu) JussUF 
Hasaken (Haroeh ? y^ ; Sahl ben Mazliach^^; Aaron 
BEN Joseph, who borrows from the celebrated Kabbinites 
Jehucla Chajjug, Jonah Ibn Gannach, and Moses Cohen 
Chiquitilla^^ ; and subsequently Solomon Troki and 
MoRDECAi BEN JSfisSAN. The oldest of these authors are 
only known by quotations, but a more accurate insight into 
their grammatical views would be interesting. 

15.] Polemics,'^ 

The various tendencies of Jewish theology and philosophy, 
hitherto treated of, manifest an influence from foreign schools 
and religious sects, and an internal contest which a contact 
of this kind always calls forth. In closest connexion with 
this stands the polemical tendency of the whole of Judaism 
against what was external to itself. The treatment of this 
part of Jewish Literature must therefore be kept free from 
external references and prejudices, calculated to influence the 
discussion of it; such, for instance, as would arise if any 
one were to view all Jewish dogmatism and exegesis only 
with reference to Christianity, and to set down as "po- 
lemical " ^ every divergence, however natural, or to consider 
every occasional expression about persons or things not 
JcAvish only as a hidden attack, instead of as a contribution 
to the history and characteristics of this nation and religion.^ 
It must moreover not be overlooked, that renegades, pro- 
selytes, and neophytes are the principal representatives of 
the ever-changing polemical literature ; that many works 
are known only from the quotations of opponents'^ ; and that 
many are mere fictions^, or rest upon misrepresentations.^^ 

Besides this, scientific criticism meets with both external 
and internal difliculties ; such as the peculiar, frequently ill- 
defined, and uncertain designation of nations and religions 
in the Hebrew language^, the suppression and mutilation 
of manuscripts and printed works from fear or necessity 
(§ 23.), and the connexion of entire polemical literatures, 
requiring a knowledge as comprehensive as it should be 
sound. Finally, the, polemics are important, inasmuch as 



§ 15.] POLEMICS. 123 

the external fate of the Jews was made dependent upon their 
religion. 

The First Period (that of the Talmud and Midrash), in 
accordance with its general character, presents no particular 
work to be noticed here (except the apologies of JosE- 
pnus and Philo, whicli are quite peculiar) ; although, from 
the very origin of Christianity to the present time, there 
could have been no lack of attempts at conversion both by 
books and oral teaching ^^; and also many fathers of the 
Church and later theologians had Jews for their instructors. 
The necessity to take notice of Cliristians might indeed be 
perceptible in the Ilalacha, in so far as Christianity, fed in 
a great measure from Paganism, might be regarded in the 
same light as Paganism, or the Sadducees, Kutheeans (Sama- 
ritans), or other sects. What particular legal definitions in 
the Talmud are to be referred to this head requires further 
investigation, since the name Nazurites (DmilD), subse- 
quently in use, does not occur in our editions printed un- 
der censorship^; and other names, subsequently given to 
Christians, admit of various explanations.^ Even the dates 
respecting Jesus and his disciples, which are in general very 
scanty, have not been critically established.^ 0n the other 
hand, unquestionable remains of particidar conversations be- 
tween learned Christians and Jews, and also of others with 
heathen philosophers^^, traces oi Institutes for disputations^*, 
and some allusions to Christianity and the relation of the 
then Christian Church to the Jewish are preserved in the 
Talmud and Midrash.^^ The accounts of disputations, such 
as that of Rabbi Julius of Pavia with Magister Petrus 
(790)*^, are older than the eTewish literature of Europe. 
Even Muhammed, with his learned weapons the Koran and 
Sunne, wages war against Judaism as well as Christianity ; 
and these works contain fragments of similar disputations, 
which, throughout the whole of this age, have the character 
of simple Midrash. 

In the Second Period (that of Exegesis and Philosophy) we 
first meet with really coritroversial y^viiing^i while in general 
Dogmatics and Exegesis^ in their scientific foundation, become 
unavoidably involved in polemics on every side. Exegesis is 



124 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

concerned principally with the " Messianic passages " of the 
Bible; amongst which Isaiah, lii. 13., stands foremost: so that 
we find monographies in explanation of these passages ; for 
instance, by Nachmanides, Solomon Astruc of Barcelona, 
David de Rocca, Saadja Ibn Danan, and Isaac Elia 
Cohen. Philosophy of Beligion, on the other hand, treats 
of the three principal groups : — 1. The unchangeableness 
and rational foundation of the Law and Tradition, against the 
Karaeans : 2. The theory of Revelation and doctrine of the 
prophets in connexion with the criticism of human (natural) 
knowledge in general, against Muhammed and the Sufi^ and 
subsequently against the Kabbala^^, and in connexion with 
Eschatology and the doctrines of the Messiah, against Mil- 
lennianism and Pseudomessias^^: 3. The doctrine of the Deity, 
Monotheism and Spiritualism, against Christianity and the 
Kabbala. Lastly, the despised and scorned Ecclesia pressa 
retaliated and indemnified itself by means of sarcastic and 
sometimes poetical sallies (§ 20.), against its apostate oppo- 
nents, and also by means of pictures of manners and compari- 
sons which deserve to be noticed.^® The Gospels, and in a less 
degree the other books of the New Testament, were treated 
critically. Among the libels on the life of Jesus, the famous 
Toldot, or Maase Jeshu (composed before 1241), was dissemi- 
nated in many recensions and under various titles (e. g. nti'X^n 
I^Vin, ^'hri)y even amongst the Karaites, and was interdicted 
by Benedict XIII. (1405) ; it was never used by Jewish con- 
troversialists, and was even rejected by them as a spurious 
and mischievous work.^^^ In matters of this kind, forgeries 
easily recognised by the learned, but often a stumbling-block 
to the class of readers for whom they are intended, will never 
fail to recur. Thus, while some recent Christian writers 
about the life of Jesus were ignorant of the real Jewish 
authorities, the author of a German book published in 1853, 
whose aim seems to be to give a popular account of their views, 
pretends to have drawn his information from a manuscript 
work by a converted Jew of the 11th century, the description 
of which is alone sufficient to convince every one who knows 
anything about Jewish literature, that it is a mere fiction. 
Apologies in answer to accusations hostile to the Jews(§ 2a.) 



§ 15.] POLEMICS. 125 

are brought forward in this period in rare and occasional 
remarks, such as those on the pretended effusion of blood at 
the festival of Easter (1260).^^^ Under this head we may 
also mention the scornful and often ignorant abuse of pas- 
sages of the Talmud (resembling the strictures made by 
Eisenmenger and others at a later period) which were ap- 
parently favoured by the mystic explanations of the Kabbala; 
such passages were philosophically explained by Moses Ibn 
TiBBON, Shemtob Shafrut, and others. It is remarkable, 
that even Christian ideas appear to have been impressed upon 
Judaism by means of controversy ; for example, that of the 
Messias ben Joseph. ^^•^ On the other hand, Jewish converts 
did not scruple to interpolate the Hebrew originals. A 
survey, however, of the tendencies of any age, when de- 
rived from controversial writings alone, is seldom impartial. ^^ 
We divide the controversies into those : A. Against Christi- 
anity; B. Against Muhammedanism, 

A. "We know of no entire Jewish work written in the 
East against Christianity, although Saadja (as early as 
913^^) devotes to it one chapter of his Dogmatics, and the 
Karaite Jehuda Hedessi (of Edessa? 1148-9, at Con- 
stantinople) two of his Polemics against Rabbinism ^^, appeal- 
ing to many older Karaites. Perhaps the works of David 
MuKAMEZ and Samuel ben Choeni contained also some 
remarks upon Christianity. On the other hand, anti-Jewish 
works in Arabic by Christians are still extant; e. g. by 
Abraham ben Aun (fl. 854); Isa ben Zeraah at Bagdad, 
addressed to the Jewish mathematician Bashar (997) ; Sabar 
Jesu (cir. 1000) ; Daniel Ibn al-Chattab (end of 12th cen- 
tury); Jesu-Jabas Bar Malkon, archbishop of Nisibis (1190) ; 
the apostate Abd al-Massih at Kahira (1241); and Tekriti. 
"We have also the disputation of the monk Tabarani, and 
some anonymous writings ^^; and some Syriac works by 
Theodorus, Abukara, and others. ^^ 

Concerning the intercourse between Jewish and Christian 
authorities in Babylon, we are able to quote an authentic 
anecdote, related by Mazliach in his description of the life of 
Hai Gaon (comp. § 10. p. 78.). When this Rabbi discussed 
in his academical lectures a difficult passage of the Psalms of 



126 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

David, and no satisfactory explanation was given, Hai ordered 
inquiry to be made of the " Katholicos " regarding what he 
had learned about it. Upon Mazliach expressing his astonish- 
ment at such a thing, Hai demonstrated that, according to 
the Talmud, we must seek information from everybody. 

In Europe Moses, christened (1106) Petrus Alphoxsi, 
wrote Dialogues against the Jews.^^ But the earliest strictly 
polemical work known is the Book Cusari of Jehuda 
Halevi (1140), which, however, is directed against the 
Muhammedans, Aristotelians, and Karaites, and is defensive 
rather than oiFensive.^^ The oppression of the Arabians 
after the battle of Tolosa (1212), and the diversion of the 
fanaticism of the Crusaders towards the west, form here an 
epoch. Direct refutations begin at the end of the 12th 
and the commencement of the 13th century, when the 
General of the Dominicans, Baymund of Pennaforte, in- 
troduced Oriental studies for the conversion of the Saracens 
and Jews.^^ About the same time the persecution of here- 
tics led to the establishment of the Inquisition ; in France 
Jewish writings (1244 — 1254), in Germany Jews themselves 
were given up, and regents and popes instituted actual dis- 
putations (DTTir)'^'!) ^^, the history of which would be worth a 
monography. 

The most important authors of independent and recognised 
works belonging to this part of the subject, the majority of 
which were scientific treatises of the Spanish school, and nar- 
ratives of disputations 2^ are: Joseph Kimchi (cir. 1160); 
Jacob ben Beuben (1170), whose work however seems to 
have undergone some alterations, and needs a more special 
disquisition^^*; Jechiel ben Joseph, who, together with 
JuDA BEN David, Samuel ben Solomon, and Moses of 
CouCY, held a public disputation with the neophyte Nicolaus 
at Paris (1240)^7; Meir ben Simon disputed with the Arch- 
bishop of Narbonne (1245), and Nachamides with FrA 
Paolo, in the presence of Baymond Martin (author of the 
Pugio Fidei) (1263); MoRDECAl BEN Jehosepha probably 
wrote against the same Paul (1270— 1280)27a; Moses Nar- 
BONI (fl. 1344 — 1362) translated a controversial work by 
Ghazali from the Arabic, and defended freewill against a 
fatalistic essay by Alphonso of Valladolid, formerly 



§ 15.] POLEMICS. 127 

called Abner of Burgos (conf. § 13. p. 114.). The latter, 
whose anti- Jewish work is the source of Alphonso de Spina, 
is perhaps the same as Alfontius Bonihominis, who is 
said to have translated from the Arabic (1339) the letter of 
the pretended neoi>hyte Samuel Marokki ^^ against the 
Jewish faith (see below, B.), a forgerj^ which was refuted by 
various authors. Polemics against Alphonso were written 
by Isaac Ibn Polgar (before 1339), Joseph Shalom, 
and Isaac NathAjS^ (1437), author of the Concordantia, 
Other authors are Chajjim Gallipapo, a liberal author 
(after 1348), who relates the accusations against and per- 
secutions of the Jews; Moses Cohen Tordesilla(?) 
(1379)'^^% who wrote against a neophyte of Avila ; Jonah 
E.AFA (Bofe?), who composed (1380) a keen satire against 
the Christian (Catholic") festivities at the Carnival and Easter, 
in the form of a parody of the Easter Haggada (§ 5. b. a) ; 
David be Eocca Martica (?) on Original Sin (1370 — 
92?); Abraham Boman, against the Bishop CyrilKs Lu- 
caris (before 1410); and Shemtob Shafrut (1385), who 
translated ^^ the Gospels into Hebrew : an apostate monk 
Nestor may also be placed among these authors. Pro- 
PHIAT DuRAN had, in 1397, composed a polemical work, 
and subsequently the well-known satirical epistle Alticaho- 
tica (commencing "^^miK^ Tin Vi^,) against the neophyte 
Bonet Bongoron.^^ The latter part of the 14th century, 
and the beginning of the 15th, seem to have been the 
most productive period in polemics ; the complicated rea- 
sons for which circumstance are to be found partly in the 
history of the Jews, and partly in general circumstances. 
The above-mentioned work of Prophiat was popular, and 
is the unacknowledged source whence Simon Duran drew 
much of his materials (see below). It was dedicated to the 
celebrated teacher Chisdai Crescas (conf. § 12.), who 
himself wrote a short essay in Spanish, attacking the prin- 
cipal articles of the Christian faith on mere philosophical 
principles. A copy of the Hebrew translation of this work 
by Joseph ben Shemtob has been recently discovered by the 
author in the University Library at Leyden. About this 
time several learned Jews relinquished their faith ; a later 
writer, Joseph ben Shemtob, believes that these persons. 



128 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

being^ led by tbeir rationalistic views to despair of future 
happiness, were induced to seek at least earthly prosperity 
and ease by embracing Christianity, Amongst them were 
Solomon Levi, afterwards Paulus de Burgos, and 
Joshua Lorki, afterwards Hieeonymus de Santa Fide. 
There is still extant a correspondence in Hebrew between 
them, in which the latter, still retaining the faith of his 
fathers, though already beginning to waver, asks the former 
his reasons for deserting it. Under the auspices of Peter de 
Luna, Pope Benedict XIII., Hieronymus held in 1413 a 
disputation at Tortosa (not Girona), celebrated for both its 
length and the numbers who attended it. Shortly afterwards 
he published his main objections to Judaism in two small 
books, and thus provoked a literature extending to the end 
of the 15th century. His opponents were Joseph Albo,. 
Moses Botarel, Isaac Nathan, Solomon Duran 
(1437), YiDAL BEN DON Benveniste BEN Labi, and 
others, and also Isaac Abrayanel. One of the most im- 
portant essays upon the scientific and fundamental criticism 
of Christianity and Muhammedanism is to be found in some 
chapters, printed separately, of a theological work by Simon 
Duran (1423), parts of which were introduced by transcri- 
bers into the writings of Abraham Farissol (1472). It 
has been asserted, as we have already observed, that he 
mainly followed Prophiat Duran ; but why the name of the 
latter was not mentioned is not certain, unless it may be, 
that the liberality of his opinions caused him to be disliked. 

A discussion and detailed refutation of Christian doctrines 
and attacks are to be found in many chapters of dogmatical 
works, such as those of Maimonides, Levi ben Abraham 
(1299), Albo (1425), and others. This is still more the 
case in exegetical works ; since the Christian evidences, 
after the example of the New Testament, were principally exe- 
getical. This tendency also consequently found its way into 
the German-French school ; on which account the Vulgate 
met with especial attention (§ 17.).^°* Scattered passages 
are to be found in the biblical commentaries of Rashi, 
Joseph Kara, Ibn Ezra, Kimchi, Nachmanides, Levi 
ben Gerson, Beghai ben Asher (1291); Jacob ben 



§ 15.] POLEMICS. 129 

AsHER, Abravaxel, Arama, &c.2^ Collections of such 
passages, or oral biblical expositions partly arising out of 
disputations, form the greater portion of the productions of 
the German-French school, which bear the title Xizzachon 
(pnsiD). ^^ The most famous of them was that by Jomtob 
LiPPMAXX MtJHLHAUSEN (1400) ; to which may be added 
the collections from Joseph and Dayid Kimchi's writ- 
ings, ^^ Finally also the prayers and hymns contain allu- 
sions to the fortunes of the peo]3le of IsraeP^; which how- 
ever generally end in lamentations and petitions on account 
of persecutions, or in praises of their preeminence and the 
glory of their future redemption. Minds hostile to Judaism 
have always dwelt upon this fact ; and, in spite of all history 
and criticism, have discovered in it a hatred of Christianity, 
as in the prayer Alenu, composed by E,ab at Babylon. ^-^ 

B. The polemics against Muhammedanism ^"^ differ from 
those against Christianity in some important points. The 
former, from its strict monotheism, its numerous ceremonial 
laws, and the Oriental character of the nations which re- 
present it, approaches more nearly to Judaism. The political 
and social position of the Jews among the Arabians, the 
share which they took in their civilisation and science, 
and the ignorance of the Arabians respecting Jewish litera- 
ture, and even the Bible ^'', were in general less favourable 
to polemics. The literature of Islam (Koran and Sunne) 
begins indeed with disputations ^^ and attacks on Judaism ; 
among which, the accusation of tampering with the Bible 
plays a principal part.^^ But unlike Christianity, Islam with- 
drew its records and disputations from the mockery of the 
Jews, who from the first considered them only as imitations 
and distortions of their own^^, and were occasionally even 
forbidden the use of Arabic literature. "^^ Thus Maimonides, 
who generally prefers the monotheism of Islam to Christianity, 
which he regards as mere Pagan polytheism, forbids the 
teachino; of the Jewish law and the Bible to the believers 
in the Prophet, because they deny the authenticity of the 
Jewish text ; while he allows it to Christians, who might be 
convinced of their misinterpretations. The Muhammedan 
attempts at making converts were fewer and of a more poli- 

K 



130 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

tical character than the Christian, so that their controversial 
writings were for the most part connected with legal definitions 
on the political existence of Tributaries ( i[^ jj^ \j^\ ), and on 
the toleration of synagogues and churches/^ One might be 
inclined to suppose that the contact of Islam with Christian- 
ity, during the Crusades, first provoked the persecution of 
the fanatical Almohades, and called forth various polemical 
writings against the Jews and answers to them. "^^ Although 
David Mokammez (in the 9th century) and the Karaite 
Joseph ben Abraham (920) give some information about 
the Muhammedan sects, and Saadja (913) and the Karaite 
Japhet (953) occasionally touch upon Islam in a contro- 
versial manner ; still the first important notices of Muham- 
medanism appear in Jehuda Haleyi (1140) and Maimo- 
NiDES, whom the Moslems, probably by way of retaliation, 
charge with double apostasy. Samuel ben" Jehuda (Jahja) 
Ibn Abbas, who had migrated to the East with his father 
on account of the Almohades, and there (1163) went over 
to Islam ^*, wrote an interesting refutation of Jehuda Halevi, 
from which apparently Alphonso (see above, p. 127.) forged 
his famous letter of Samuel of Marocco.^^ Subse- 
quently we find in the East many Arabic works, directed 
against Christians and Jews alike, by Ahmed ben Idris es 
Sanhagi (ob. 1285), said to have been a learned Hebraist; 
Abdallah ben Ahmed el Nesefi (ob. 1300); Ibrahim ben 
Muhammed, and others unknown.^^ Only one refutation of 
the Jews in particular, by Ala-ed-din Ali ben Muhammed el 
Bagi (ob. 1314), is mentioned under this head by the well- 
known bibliographer Hadji Chalfa (No. 5421.) ; but Ave may 
add a most interesting Arabic MS. work in the Bodleian, 
treating of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam, by Saad ben 
Manssur Ibn Kemunat (1280), who pretends to be a 
Muhammedan, but was certainly a Jew by birth (as will 
be proved elsewhere). This work is in some way a state- 
ment of the objections made to each of these religions, and 
the answers preferred by their advocates, and may be cha- 
racterised as an answer to the celebrated book De Trihus 
Impostoribus, if such a work ever really existed. It was sub- 
sequently answered by Sarigia el Malathi (ob. 1386). Simon 



§ 16,] HEBREW PHILOLOGY. 131 

DuRAN (1423), in liis above-mentioned controversial work^^, 
professes to know of no other special refutation of Islam, 
except the few paragraphs of the Book Cusari, by Jehuda 
Levi. After the expulsion of the Arabians from Europe 
there ceased to be any occasion to make mention of Islam 
in Christian countries. Perhaps, on account of his con- 
nexion with the Turks, E. Jacob Levi (ob. 1636 in Zante) 
translated a Latin version of the Koran, together with an 
introduction, into Hebrew.^ ^ Lastly, an Arabic controversial 
work by the Samaritan Elmakin Abul Hassan of Tyre makes 
mention of the Karaites.''^ 

§ 16.] Hebrew PUlolocjy} 

The literal text of the Hebrew Scriptures became the 
object of great activity in hermeneutical and exegetical 
studies, such as in translations, grammars, lexicography, and 
notes both critical and explanatory accompanying the text ; 
though at the same time there was but little scope for his- 
torical elucidation ^, owing to the high authority of the bibli- 
cal records. After the Hebrew had ceased to be a vernacular 
language it was still employed in learned works, poetry, and 
rhetoric ; and in this use philology exercised a powerful in- 
fluence upon it. At the same time the languages of other 
countries were advanced by the employment of them for 
biblical expositions. It is important also to observe the con- 
nexion, often hostile, of the philological study of the Bible 
with that of the Halacha and Haggada.^ 

The " Translation," or rather rendering of certain diffi- 
cult passages and words, first into Aramaic (Chaldaic and 
Syriac), and later (cir. 280 — 200 b. c.) into Greek and Per- 
sian, combined with public explanations and instructions for 
youth, is at least as old as the Midrash. These must have 
been collected and compiled, like the Midrash itself, from 
oral tradition, and from marginal notes on manuscripts of 
the Bible, &c.^ Subsequently, as the oldest interpretation 
{Targum), they were the representatives of the simple 
verbal exposition (Peshat), in contradistinction to the varied 
interpretations given by the Midrash and Haggada. On this 
ground, Saadja, the first well-known Arabian translator 

K 2 



132 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Pekiod H. 

and interpreter of the whole (or nearly the whole) of the 
Bible ^ frequently appeals to the Targum ^, and Koreish 
(cir. 900) strongly recommends the Chaldee. But Saadja's 
translation, made after the manner of the Targum, keeps 
clear of anthropomorphism, changes names into those bet- 
ter known in Arabic^, uses Hebraisms in his Arabic, and 
in the notes supplementary to the translation® makes a be- 
ginning of a philological and philosophical exegesis. This 
important translation was used by all the Jews who spoke 
Arabic, and was not easily superseded by another even 
among the Samaritans ; the subsequent Arabic exegesis and 
lexicography of particular passages was subsidiary to it. 
The necessity of similar aids was felt also in other countries, 
particularly in the case of women and children.® Hence 
arose Glossaries accompanying the Bible®*, and running 
translations, particularly of the Pentateuch ; among which 
one in Persian is said to have been composed many centuries 
before Mahomet"^, and another in Russian (Slavic) in the year 
1094 (?). 1 ^ Those in Modern Persian, French, Italian, Spanish 
(which last is falsely attributed to David Kimchi ^^*), Modern 
Greek, and perhaps also that in the Tatar language (of 
the Karaites), date from the middle ages.^^ The Hebrew 
translations of the Chaldee portions of the Bible in some 
respects belong to this part of our subject. Centuries before 
Leusden they Avere inserted in the Commentaries of Levi 
BEX Gersox and that of the Karaite Abraham ben Je- 
HUDA, whose work is extant in the Library of Ley den. 

The grammatical (i. e. linguistical) treatment of the He- 
brew text is later than the time when Hebrew and Chal- 
dee flourished in the numerous schools of learned men in 
Palestine and Babylon, and later than the exclusive supremacy 
of the Midrash.^^ It began with grammatical terminology, 
which, although afterwards adopted by the schools, is not to 
be found in the Talmud and older Midrash, even for the 
common distinctions of language.^"* The first things which 
required attention were the preservation and committal to 
writing of the traditional and practical knowledge of the Bible. 
The text consisting of consonants alone, had indeed the ad- 
vantage of being anxiously guarded even by the earliest 



§ 16.] HEBREW PHILOLOGY, 133 

copyists {Soferim, § 4. n. 12.) and readers (D^><"ip Kardim) 
of the Bible, many centuries before the rise of gramma- 
tical study. Hence, exclusiye of the variation between 
the " Eastern and Western lands " (Babylon and Pales- 
tine), but few have their origin in older times. ^^ But there 
was no particular literature on this subject. The rules 
which were then applied to the copying and reading of the 
Bible belonged to the Halaclia (see §§ 4. and 9.); as tra- 
ditional were also Cdll^di Masora {7^^^V[i, DmDp npnrn)^^; 
and their history is identical with that of the Halacha in 
general. They were originally very short sentences, and 
were subsequently extended to their present length in the 
Masora Magna; and even now a part of them is to be 
found in those sections of Halachaic works which treat 
of the synagogue rolls of the Pentateuch, &c. (see below). 
We may here mention the titles of some books, quoted 
by old authorities, which perhaps belong to the earliest 
works containing Masoretic (and grammatical?) rules. The 
Book of the Croiuns (]"^Jnn ^D), or ornamental letters, is 
older than Saadja Gaon (beginning of 10th century), and 
perhaps still extant ; but it must not be confounded with 
the spurious and anonymous Kabbalistic work Tagin (see 
§ 13. p. 106.). The Book of the Sounds {^::j\Z^\y Hebrew 
mblpn) is attributed by Abu'l WaUd to the Soferim. The 
Book nVlDNT nVD>^, probably so called because it begins with 
these two words (like one of the first sections in the Masora 
Magna, which may indeed be taken from the former), is 
highly commended by Joseph Ibn Aknin (about 1180), 
and Elia Levita (1538) considers this " small " work to be the 
only one extant on Masora ; no manuscript, however, bearing 
this title seems to be known at present. 

The division of the verses and a kind of intonation and 
gesticulation^^ are also as old as the exposition of the Bi- 
ble ; and even in early times there existed a variation in 
the number of the verses, corresponding to the difference in 
the course of readings between Palestine and Babylon. ^^ 
But this period of old tradition did not require the assistance 
of any written signs ; and certainly the formation of the 

K 3 



134 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

system of the accents (pyy^y:, D'^DI^r)), originally intended as 
aids for pronunciation, and afterwards for syntax, belongs 
to the second period. Besides the various Aramaic names 
of the signs in the later schools ^^, we find in authorities 
of some antiquity ^^ mention made of the different accents 
and vowel points of Tiberias, of Babylon (Assyria), and of 
Palestine.^^ The Haggada of the Talmudic and Gaonic age 
mentions neither the sounds nor the signs of the vowels 
(milpD, i. e. points, T]Vy^r\ = ^_f^ motio'^'^, which, as well as 
the accents, were never marked in the liturgical rolls of 
the Pentateuch) as separate elements of the language^^; 
while they form abundant matter for the later Kabbalistic 
Midrash, and are even made the subject of philosophical 
allegory.^^ But the greatest grammarians and exegetes 
(until the 11th century) exhibit variations in their vocalisa- 
tion^^, division of verses, and accentuation.^^ All this indicates 
the formation of a simple system of accents and vowel points 
suggested by the method of writing and reading practised 
(Halacha) at the time of the first Gaonim, in Palestine, 
particularly in Tiberias, always famous as a place where 
the old "natural" language was preserved, and where seve- 
ral authors of Avorks belonging to this section are said to 
have lived; for instance, Jahja [Jehuda] ben [Abu?] 
Zacharia al-Katib (i. e. the scribe).^^ The invention or 
introduction of pointing (T^p^D, comprising also accents) was 
followed by the use of points by transcribers of the Bible, 
and afterwards by grammatically instructed punctuators.'^^ 
When and how the old Masora, i. e. the determination of 
the original text, became independent of Halachaic literature 
(see § 5. n. 21.), was assimilated with the rules of accents 
and vowels, was treated in anonymous monographies and 
memorial verses, and finally was changed again into glosses 
on the margin of the text, has not yet been sufficiently in- 
vestigated. From the want of historical criticism, the expres- 
sion Masora seems to have been extended over the whole of 
this literature perhaps as long since as the 11th century ; and 
modern students and writers on the subject have designated 
all monographies or chapters of grammatical works upon 
accents and vowels as MasoreticP Some minor variations 



§ 16.] HEBREW PHILOLOGY. 135 

with regard to punctuation were collected by Ben Asher 
(said to have been of Tiberias) and Ben Naphtali, whose 
place, date, and names are doubtful, but who were certainly 
not later than Saadja Gaon. According to Luzzatto^^ they 
were Bible punctuators who arranged on certain principles 
the results of codices then extant.^^'^^ The codex said to 
have been corrected by Ben- Asher, which is Maimonides' 
standard, was still in existence at the end of the 15th cen- 
tury, according to a note of Saadja ben David. 

According to the unanimous judgement of those who 
have inquired into the subject, grammar properly so 
called, that is etymology and syntax as an indej^endent 
literature, took its origin in, and was imitated from, the 
Arabian ; so that the oldest remains which have been pre- 
served are written in Arabic. ^^ On the other hand, lexicons, 
or collections ()n:i>?)^'* of Hebrew words, intended as sub- 
sidiary to and explanatory of grammar, or subordinate to 
it, were preceded by similar lexicons of the Talmud (for 
example, that of Zemach, see § 91.), which were indeed 
explanatory rather than etymological. The oldest work of 
the kind is a small one, which has lately been edited four 
times ; namely, an explanation of 70 — 90 Hapaxlegomena of 
the Bible (for the most part explained from the Talmudical 
Hebrew) by Saadja ; who also wrote ^^ a comprehensive 
alphabetical dictionary, forming perhaps only a part of his 
grammar written in Arabic; this, however, being only a 
collection of words, contained nothing Arabic. He even 
took the trouble to calculate and count all the forms which 
mio'ht be derived from one root, and found them to be 1169. 
The undeniable influence of Karaism upon this developement 
of philology has been already described above. ^^ 

The general contrast of the tendencies of Palestine, early 
Italy, Germany, and France, on the one hand, and of Baby- 
lon, Africa, Spain, and later Italy, on the other, is here par- 
ticularly prominent. The grammatical writings and lexicons 
of the latter were, until the 12th century, almost entirely 
Arabic. The most important authors are Saadja (ob. 
941-2), '^ the chief of the speakers " in every kind of study ; 
an anonymous writer of Jerusalem, author of the work 

K 4 



136 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Pebiod II. 

j^^'iLa^W, who admitted the biliteral roots ; Adonim ben 
Temim the Babylonian (at the end of the 10th century) ^^; 
Samuel ben Hofni (?), and his son-in-law Hai Gaon 
(ob. 1038), apparently the author of a lexicon ^^ ; in Africa, 
Jehuda Ibn Koeeish (not Karish) of Tahart (cir. 900), 
who established the principle of the comparison of lan- 
guage ^^ ; and DuNASH Ibn Librat, in Hebrew Ado- 
NiM "^^ Halevi of Fez, author of a Hebrew work against 
Saadja, afterwards refuted by Ibn Ezra, and of a partly 
metrical criticism of a dictionary written in Hebrew by 
Menahem Ibn Saruk of Tortosa, at Cordova, the fallen 
favourite of the minister Chisdai (cir. 950). This dictionary 
contains an introductory grammar, and even Hebrew voces 
memoriales, but adopts no fixed terminology. He admits 
only of biliteral roots ^^ ; while the uncertain author of a 
commentary on the book Jezira (conf. § 13.) recognises 
even roots of one letter. The Hebrew writings of both 
Dunash and Menahem were already known throughout 
Italy and France, when Jehuda ben David, called Abu 
Zakaria Jahja Chajjug of Fez, "the father of the 
grammarians," led by the analogy of the Arabic, first 
carried out in Spain the principle that the roots in weak 
branches have three letters ; he also established seven vowels. 
He was favoured by Samuel the Prince (ob. 1055), the 
pretended author of twenty-two grammatical writings, but 
was vigorously opposed in particular cases by the physician 
Jonah or Abulwalid Merwan Ibn Gannah (disciple of 
Isaac Chiquitilla). Jonah was intimately acquainted 
with the Arabian grammarians, and was celebrated as the 
founder of the complete grammar and lexicography, soon 
also as the "great teacher ;"^^ but he was even at that time 
regarded with enmity by those who distrusted a method of 
criticism opposed to the ancient Midrash treatment of the 
language, and substituting for it the simple meaning of the 
words.^^ Abu Ibrahim Isaac Ibn Jasos Ibn Saktar, 
whom Moses Ibn Ezra quotes, together with Abu'l Walid, as 
" the Sheikhs " of the Hebrew, is the same as the physician 
Isaac Ibn Castar, whose linguistic works were known to Ibn 
Abi Oseibia. The author has but recently ascertained this 



§ 16.] HEBREW PHILOLOGY. 137 

identity^ and thereby established the year of his death, 1057, 
as given in the MS. of Oseibia. Solomon Ibn Gabirol 
of Cordova, who was born at Malaga, educated at Sara- 
gossa, and died at Yalencia, wrote a Hebrew didactic poem 
on the letters of the alphabet ; since which time the Hebrew 
language, already much cultivated and improved, begins to 
supplant the Arabic in this department of literature. The 
taste of the French and Italians for translations cooperated 
in this change. For them Moses Hakohen Ibx Chiqui- 
tilla of Cordova, and Abraham Ibj^ Ezra at Eome(1140 
— 1167), translated the writings of Chajjug, and Solomon 
Parchon of Calatayud at Salerno (1161) did the same 
for the lexicon of Abu'l AYalid ; this last was also translated, 
together with the grammar, by Jehlda Ibn Tibbon (1171) 
for Provence.'*^* Jehuda Ibn Balaam of Toledo wrote a 
lexicon called Homonymik ((^^-j^ss'), some small treatises 
upon particles, &c. (D'^3^3Pn nvm>?, ^"^-J^-^ (— 5\^), verba de- 
nominativa, and one on accents in reading, which are still 
extant ; in them he compares Hebrew with both Arabic 
and Persian.^'* We know scarcely anything but the name of 
Abraham Ibn Kambel (Kamnial ?). After Abraham 
Ibn Ezra (1093 — 1168), who, like Jehuda Halevi, reduces 
the Hebrew vowels to the three used in Arabic, we find 
the following Hebrew writers upon grammar and lexicogra- 
phy : Joseph Kimchi (fl. 1160 — 1170), perhaps Jehuda 
Charisi (see § 18.); Isaac ben Elasar Haleyi^^ and El- 
KANA in Spain ; and Jacob ben Elasar (not Eliezer)^^, 
apparently a contemporary of Moses and David Kimchi. 
The last of them, a schoolmaster in Provence, by his method 
threw all the earlier works on the subject into the background 
(particularly those in Arabic which had not been translated), 
and caused them to be forgotten ^^^ ; so that the attention of 
inquirers has not until lately been again directed to those more 
critical and ingenious founders of the study of the Hebrew 
language. His reputation also warded off the attacks of his 
critics ; for example, those of Samuel Benyeniste (cir. 
1300), and that of the philosophical Ephodjeus ("'''isx), 
more properly Isaac ben Moses, called Prophiat Duran 
(1403y^, who was the first to recognise in his grammar the 



138 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

true application of the form Niphal, but his arguments 
were contro verted by Elisa ben Abraham ^^^ as were also 
the critical remarks of Elia Levita upon Kimchi, by a 
Pole named Sabbatai (of Przemislaw § 27.). A few gram- 
matical works, mostly belonging to the 13th century and to 
authors of Provence, are preserved in anonymous MSS ; e. g. 
mtD npV, nm nna mto, h^w, n^n^'o; n^, &c. In the East, at 
the same time, Tanchum of Jerusalem, the biblical inter- 
preter, quotes his own grammatical work, probably in Ara- 
bic, which has not hitherto been noticed by the writers on 
this author. 

The study of the Hebrew language began with that of the 
Bible ; but at the same time many independent works were 
composed, requiring skilful transcribers. In Spain there appa- 
rently were, up to the 12th century, very many Bible scribes 
who were at the same time general writers, Masorets and 
philologists; the technical names for grammar and philo- 
logy, and for their representatives generally (p"Tp"172 P"'"fp'^)^ 
were taken from exactness, subtilty, and correctness, thus 
signifying properly Criticism and Critics.^^ Hence the 
Spanish copies of the Bible were famed for the correctness 
of their punctuation, and were used even by the Germans 
and French.^" "^ As in the East the Codex of Ben Asher (conf. 
supra, p. 135.), so in Spain and Provence the Codex Hilali 
(commonly derived from a man's name, Hillel) was con- 
sidered of high authority. Meir Abulafia and Menahem 
Meiri endeavoured to gather correct data for a normal codex. 

From Spain the study of the Hebrew language spread to 
France and Germany, and (perhaps also from Northern Africa) 
to Italy ^^ ; but only by means of Hebrew works, from Seruk 
and DuNASH (950) to Parchon (1060), which alone were in- 
telligible there. The researches which had been carried on 
between those periods were introduced into these countries 
by Ibn Ezra and Kimchi. However, this science continued 
to be employed principally upon the ritual and in exegesis. 
Hence grammar was used only by exegetes; and most of the in- 
dependent writings belonging to this period, except the stan- 
dard codices of the Bible, are to be referred, for the most part, 
to the province of the Masora and the Halacha. They are : 



§16.] HEBREW PHILOLOGY. 139 

{a) Technical rules for the writing and reading of the rolls 
of the Pentateuch, pimctuated Bibles with the Masora, &c., 
partly in rhyme, and commonly entitled 'V^^'^^i {punctuatiori), or 
directions for readers, and the like ; the authors of which are 
therefore generally ^Q^igw^iedi punctuators (D^np^), or correct 
ivriters (D^.p^n).^^ We possess writings of this kind by Chaj- 
JUG^-% Jehuda Ibn Balaam, and Joseph Kimchi.^^ (b) 
Grammatical Treatises, (c) A^^Qy^ Dictionaries (mniTlD).^^^ 
The most important authors of the first class are Jacob 
BEX Meir, called Tam (ob. 1171), author of a Kassidet 
upon accents in forty-five strophes ; Samuel Xakdax ; 
Joseph bex Kaloxtmos, the Xakdan (1230 — 50), author 
of a long acrostic poem upon the accents, with a commen- 
tary (discovered in MS. by the author); jNIoses Chasax 
of London (perhaps Bex Joseph Kattab °^), author of 
some printed rules upon points and accents^ and acquainted 
with Chajjug, Ibn Ezra, and Parchon ; Samsox (circa 
1240) ; and, moreover, Jekutiel bex Jehuda Hakohex 
(Salmax) of Prague (1250—1300). In the middle of the 
14th century the ^N^akdanim disappear, and the later scribes 
content themselves with the extant rules of their prede- 
cessors.^^ Grammatical writings, on the other hand, were 
composed by Abraham ha-Babli, who was probably older 
than Abraham Ibn Ezra, and whose country is unknown (a 
small but interesting essay of his, containing some striking 
grammatical and etvmoloo^ical remarks, has been discovered 
in the Bodleian Library, and will be published by the author) ; 
the above mentioned Tam, who took the part of Menahem 
Seruk against Dunash Ibn Librat °^ ; Moses bex Isaac 
Haxxesia of England (in the 1 3th century) ; and Joseph 
Chasax of Troyes. There are also several anonymous 
writings, amongst which is ^ti'l ''p'np% an explanation of the 
grammatical parts of Rashi's commentary on the Pentateuch 
(cir. 1400). Finally, dictionaries were composed; for exam- 
ple, by Mexahem bex Solomox (1143), perhaps in Italy, 
who was unacquainted with Chajjug-^^ ; Sa:msox of Germany 
(circa 1200), who, although acquainted with Parchon, admits 
biliteral and uniliteral roots ; Moses Haxxesia, who endea- 
vours to surpass Parchon in arrangement and completeness ; 



140 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

and Joseph ben David Jewani, " the Greek/' who dedi- 
cates his work to Elia ben Chananel, and must therefore 
have lived about 1350; he introduces in his grammatical 
compendium some mystical observations respecting the form 
of the letters. Also the fragment of a German-Hebrew 
dictionary seems to have been preserved ^^, while the above- 
named lexicons and some commentaries (§ 17.) give expla- 
nations in the language of the country. 

Kimchi's very accessible editions of the earlier independent 
works on the subject left but little to be done by the intel- 
lects of Spain, France, and Germany, which either became 
relaxed or were occupied elsewhere. The few grammari- 
ans who have yet to be named lived in Provence and Italy, 
where the revival of classical philology prepared a new phase 
for the study of Hebrew. Meir ben David (probably 
about 1300) criticised, and Joseph Ibn Caspe commen- 
tated Abu'l Walid. Ibn Caspe, who grounded his compen- 
diaria on logic ^®% wrote a lexicon, as did also Immanuel 
of Rome, arranging it in a peculiar manner ^^ ; Abraham 
Bedarshi in Provence (1280), and Solomon Urbino in- 
Italy (1480) wrote upon synonyms. A Hebrew- Arabic- 
Romaic alphabetical glossary (^pTll """^P^) appeared in Italy 
about 1488, but its Hebrew- Arabic part is certainly older. ^^* 
Isaac Nathan (1437) composed a concordance after the 
example of Father Arlot (1290). Works upon grammar 
were written by Solomon Jarchi (i. e. of Lunel)^° who 
states the seven conjugations of verbs now generally given 
in grammars; Aaron Alrabbi of Catania; Joseph Sarek 
ben Jehuda (or Sarko) (1429) ^^ ; Menahem ben Moses 
Temar (1449, not 1524) ; Messer Leon Jehuda ben 
Jechiel, Rabbi in Mantua (1454) ^^ ; David Ibn Jahja ; 
Moses ben Chabib of Lisbon, in Naples (1486); and 
others, who form the transition to the following period (§ 23.); 
such as Elia Levita, Abraham de Balmez of Lecci, 
and Kalonymos ben David (1523), who completed Abra- 
ham's work, and whose grammar is written in Hebrew and 
Latin. The Karaites have been already noticed above (§ 14.). 
As writers upon the Masora we must also mention Meir 
Abu'l afia ben Todros (ob. 1244); Menahem Meiri 



§ 17.] EXEGESIS. 141 

(1306) ; and Joseph Sason (ob. 1336 ?y^ The well-known 
verses upon the number of the single letters in the Bible are 
erroneously ascribed to the Gaon Saadja ; the real author 
was probably Saadja ben Joseph Bechor-ShoPw (about 
1200), in France. 

§ 17.] Exegesis.^ 

The form of commentary is of frequent occurrence in Jewish 
literature ; but this fact must not be regarded as indicating 
a want of independence of mind, when compared with the 
middle ages in general.^ The exception in this case rather 
forms the rule ; the many changes occasioned by external 
circumstances, which may be traced through a long period, 
in the cultivation of Jewish literature, required and obtained 
sanction by being connected, in the way of explanation, with 
the old sacred records. This homiletical character, essential 
to the old jMidrash, passes during the second period from an 
oral to a written form. As during the first, the law (Ha- 
lacha), ethics, secret doctrine, sagas, and the undigested 
matter of the Haggada, generally centred in the exposition 
of Scripture (Midrash), and took the form of special exposi- 
tory Haggada ; similarly, during the second, philosophy, 
Kabbala, and polemics form the subject of explanation in 
INIaimonides' Moreh ^, the Sohar, and the Xizzachons ; and 
these again gave rise to supercommentaries. But in the old 
Midrash, as well as elsewhere, the consciousness of a simple 
meaning of the text was never entirely lost ; it was kept 
alive by means of the polemics of the Sadducees, Christians^ 
and Mohammedans, in opposition to the Jewish tradition 
and interpretation of Scripture, although both parties were 
really equally fettered in their vieAvs.^ In this contest Kara- 
ism boasted of its superiority to Rabbinism in objective exe- 
gesis ; although, as regards its own philosophical, dogmatic, 
or other premisses, it is not less constrained.^ It is difficult 
for us to decide how far the origin and first struggles of this 
sect were the cause or the effect of their more independent 
treatment of Scripture by means of grammar, etymology, and 
Arabian and Syrian science.^ This treatment, however, ren- 
dered the contradiction between exegesis and the Halacha- 



142 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

and Haggada-Midrash only tlie more apparent, and the only 
resource was to acknowledge, beside the simple sense of the 
text, the Halachaic in its practical application % and either to 
restrict the Haggadaic to ethics and homiletics, or to explain 
it in a philosophical manner (§ 11.). Thus finally we have 
four principal tendencies in exegesis, afterwards designated 
by the acrostic Pardes (di~i£3) ^, viz. the simple philological 
explanation of words (tOt^3), the allegorical (jcn), the etliico- 
homiletical (iZ/m), and the mystic (lID) ; amongst Avhich the 
Halachaic, as the one not generally attacked, had no par- 
ticular designation.^ This division, as might be supposed, 
cannot be strictly carried out, and various transitions and 
combinations are discoverable, as in the case of the Midrash 
of the first period. TTe have abeady mentioned the allego- 
rico-philosophical, the ethico-liomiletic, the Kahhalistic and the 
Karaitic exegesis, in theu' proper divisions of literature ; and, 
as far as exegesis is concerned with polemics, we might have 
also added a polemical (conf. § 15.). There now remains 
little besides the grammatico-critical, which also originated 
in the East, and which in Europe took its peculiar forms 
from the several countries so frequently mentioned above. 

The grammarians and lexicographers of the Arabian 
school, from Saadja to Kimchi (900 — 1250), were not 
merely exegetical expounders of words (linmsn ''ti^:^^ 
nD''nJ~n3) ^°, but many of them were likewise authors of 
actual commentaries (Arab, ^^-i ^^r—^'j Heb. tL^in^i), "TiK^n, 
of which the nomen agentis is D'^ti'lS?:), D'lIK^?:)); so that it is 
often doubtful which kind of work is alluded to in the cita- 
tions of them by later writers. Pure exegesis was emancipated 
from the philosophical influence of the Orientals (§ 12. n. 27.) 
first in Spain. From the time of Saadja some attention was 
occasionally paid to historical criticism ^^ ; but the growing 
respect for the Masora deprived conjectural criticism of the 
little ground it had previously gained. Even Abraham Ibn 
Ezra, whose doubts respecting the authenticity of the Penta- 
teuch (noticed by Spinoza) have become celebrated, condemns 
in strong language the arbitrary emendations of Joxah Ibn 
Gajs'XACH. The oldest commentary on the Pentateuch still 
extant is that of Jehuda Ibn Balam (about 1070—90) in 



§ 17.] EXEGESIS. 143 

Arabic ; two books of which have been discovered by the 
author in the Bodleian Library. Its great peculiarity con- 
sists both in explaining the text grammatico-philosophically, 
and almost Halachaically, and also in criticising the Arabic 
translation of Saadja, even as regards the Arabic lexico- 
graphy. 

In Germany and France the literal exegesis of the Bible 
was connected principally with the practical requirements of 
oral teaching, biblical lectures chiefly on the Pentateuch, 
and polemics. The Haggada (Midrash) was not idealised 
by philosophy, but taken in a simple and literal sense, and 
thus it could not fail to come into collision with simple 
biblical exegesis. When, therefore, the philology of the 
Hebrew writers Menahem ben Seruk and Duxash Ibx 
Lib RAT found its way into the above-named countries, the 
Darshanim (D''3t2/"n), who explained by means of the Haggada, 
were opposed by the literal exegetes (D"'3Dti'3) ^^, as authors 
of commentaries (D^'ii'Ti^S, D'^pl?:)^]),, following the develope- 
ment of the Halachaic exegesis (§ 9.). The Bible, like the 
Talmud, was at first treated objectively, and mostly ex- 
plained orally in a natural way. The simple view which 
had been preserved by the Targums and even by the Mi- 
drash and tradition, was continued by common sense; to 
which, even now, appeal is made for conjectural criticism.^^ 
This (and doubtless also the gradual influence of the Spaniards) 
not only led the lexicographers by means of compilation and 
comparison to the results of modern philology ^^, but also in- 
duced individual exegetes to make critical notes, and finally 
brought about a systematic limitation in the use of the 
Midrash. ^^ The Aramaic Targum being no longer of any 
use for general exposition, the language of the country was 
adopted both for the explanation of particular words, and 
for connected translations (§ 16.). 

Beside the Darshanim of the 11th century, Jehuda 
Darshan, Simeon Kara, and Tobia ben Eliezer (of 
Mayence) in Palestine (§ 21.), and later probably in Provence 
Machir ben Abba-Mari ben Machir ben Todros, who 
collected from all the earlier and later Midrash his Jalkut 
upon the prophets and the three hagiographa (Psalms, Job, 



144 JEWISH LITEEATURE. [Period II. 

Proverbs)^ and whose writings have been preserved, we may 
consider the lost works of Joseph Tob Elam (Bon-fils) at 
Limoges, Meir ben Isaac, Menahem ben Chelbo^^% and 
many others, as forming a transition from the Midrash to 
exegesis. The latter received a peculiar character from the 
famous Solomon ben Isaac, called Kashi (^'^li'i), of Troyes 
(ob. 1105) ; but his works, which arose partly out of lectures, 
have not yet been critically examined. The important and 
independent exegete Joseph Kara (cir. 1100)^ nephew of 
Menahem ben Chelbo, mentioned above ^^, edited and com- 
pleted Rashi's commentary, particularly the part on the 
Pentateuch ; and some transcriber (p'^np7:)n) of the great 
school of the latter made additions (^Tosaphot) to his own 
copy^'' after the manner of the Halacha (§ 9.), from which 
the commentaries entitled Tosaphot in the 13th century 
arose. 

In the 12th century there may be mentioned Samuel 
BEN Meir (1085 — 1153), a sober exegete who appeals to 
the " intelligentes " ^^ ; Meshullam the Great (i. e. 
elder) ; Saadja, author of the commentary on Daniel attri- 
buted to the Gaon ; the lexicographer Menahem ben So- 
lomon (1130 — perhaps in Italy), who was acquainted with 
Chananel's commentary, and corresponded with Solomon ben 
Abraham, nephew of Nathan ben Jechiel at E-ome ; besides 
many Halacha Tosaphists : also Jesaja de Irani the elder 
in Italy ; Jacob ha-Nasir at Liinel (§ 13. n. 21.) ; Joseph 
Bechor Shor (cir. 1170) in France i^; Jacob Tam of 
Orleans (killed in London 1190); Shemaja of Soissons; 
and Menahem ben Simon at Posquieres, pupil of Joseph 
Kimchi (1191), and therefore more approaching to the 
Spanish line.^° But although towards the end of the 12th 
century the writings of Parchon and Ibn Ezra were well 
known, still about the same time the Kabbalistic tendency 
of Northern Italy and Provence became apparent in the 
exposition of the meaning of letters and numbers, and the 
Halacha discussion {PilpuT) of the Tosaphot was transferred 
to exegesis, especially to that upon the legal Pentateuch. A 
great number of super commentaries were written here on 
RasW^^, as in the Arabian school on Ibn Ezra (§12.); after- 
wards mere compilations, until in the 14th and 15th centuries 



§ 17.] EXEGESIS. - 145 

biblical studies were obliged to give way entirely to the 
Halachaic and Kabbalistic triflins^.^i » But few names cf im- 
portance are therefore connected with the German-French 
exegesis of this period^ and these have been for the most part 
already classed as Kabbalists (§ 13.) We may here however 
mention ^^ Elia Samuel bex Eliezer ; Moses Coucy 
(1235 — 1245), author of some short expositions (CDtZ/S) ; 
Ephraim ben Samson, who had a profound respect for Mai- 
monides, although he did not imitate him ; IS'athan Offi- 
cial; Joseph Chasan at Troyes; the anonymous authors of 
the Nizzachons [^ 15.); Hiskia ben Manoah of France, 
author of a commentary ^^ compiled from twenty others, among 
them that of D. Kimchi; Elieser of ^ID (1270) ^^ ; Meir 
Rothenburg -^ ; and Isaac Haleyi ben Jehuda, author 
of a compilation rich in authorities. Of the 14th and 15th 
centuries, Jehuda ben Eliezer in France (1313) ; a con- 
siderable number of anonymous Midrashim and Scholia 
(^l^b:!?); AsHER ben Jechiel and his son Jacob (1340) 
at Toledo, who introduced German exegesis into Spain ^^^ 
and from whose commentary on the Pentateuch the bad 
taste of succeedino' centuries has extracted nothino; but some 
worthless verbal trifling, often quoted and held up to ridicule 
by Christian critics, the entire work having been published 
only in the last century; Jacob de Illescas; Jacob of 
Vienna; Lippmann Muhlhausen (1400), acquainted 
with Latin (see § 15.); Samuel of Spiers; Solomon 
KuNKEL at Mayence and Spiers (ob. ante 1426); Abigdor 
Kara at Prague (ob. 1439) ; the Kabbalist Menahem 
ZiUNi of Spiers; Israel Isserlein of Marpurg in 
Neustadt (ob. post 1452); Johanan Luria at Worms; 
Joseph Kolon at Pavia (1466) ; and others. 

We conclude with the names of some important exegetes, 
especially of Provence and Italy, whose writings, hitherto 
known principally from catalogues of MSS., have not yet 
found a definite place in any arrangement: Jehuda ben 
Saadja, a Spaniard (13th century?), who explained the 
book of Job philosophically, and wrote in Arabic at Toledo 
some smaller essays, which he subsequently translated into 
Hebrew at the request of the physician Israel Kohen ^^ ; Ra- 

L 



146 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

PHAEL Zarphati (clr. 1280) 2^; Nathan beis^ Samuel 
TiBBON (Rofe) (1307), whose short exposition of the Pen- 
tateuch is ethical, philosophical, and allegorical^^; Benja- 
min i^^'nn (perhaps an abbreviation) ben Jehudah of Rome 
(still living in 1312), who represents the sound and simple 
exegesis of the Spanish school, and whose commentaries, 
abounding with quotations from Jonah Ibn Djannah, Ibn 
Gikatilia, Ibn Balam, Ibn Ezra, Joseph Kimchi and David 
Kimchi, are of considerable interest for the history of exe- 
gesis ; Joseph Ibn Nahmias (1330) ; Solomon (Astruc) 
of Barcelona, author of a homiletical exposition of the Pen- 
tateuch ; Isaac ben Jacob de Latas (Lattes), who 
wrote a philosophical and Halachaic commentary on the 
Pentateuch (1372) ; Don Abraham ben Isaac Leyi (ob. 
1393), erroneously called Tamach, who explained the Can- 
ticles literally and allegorically ^^ ; Moses Gabbai and his 
son-in-law Aaron ben Gerson Alrabi (1430) of Catania, 
whose rare supercommentary on Rashi contains passages of 
extravagant hypercriticism ^^ ; Abraham ben Jehuda Cha- 
DiDA (?), according to De Rossi a Spaniard of the loth 
century; Jehuda Ibn Shoshan ben Isaac at Magnesia 
(about 1500) ; and the Portuguese writers Joseph Chajcn 
and Dayid Ibn Jahja ben Solomon at Lisbon (cir. 
1492), whose Maecenas, Shalom ben Abraham, figures 
among bibliographers as author of their commentaries, and. 
is confounded with his namesake of the 16th century. 

§ 18.] Poetry, Rhetoric, Stylistic} 

The history of the later Hebrew poetry is most peculiar. 
It is but recently that it has been made the subject of 
inquiry, and it has been regarded in the most various ways. 
Seldom has poetry been developed to the same extent in 
any language whose existence was dependent on literature 
alone, thus bringing it into such close connexion with 
philology, grammar, and exegesis.^ The Hebrew language, 
even after it Avas excluded from common life by the various 
local dialects (Aramaic, Greek, and Persian), had always 
been preserved in public worship ; and the older literary 
remains (e. g. the Psalms) were used for poetical purposes. 



§18.] POETRY, RHETORIC, STYLISTIC. 147 

and in particular for prayer.^ Hence, without any foreign 
influence, a kind of oral, and by degrees also a written 
poetry might continue to exist, which, as an instinctive ap- 
plication and imitation of biblical passages, would take r.n 
intermediate position between popular and elaborate poetry 
(or rhetoric). An instance of this may be found in the 
additions to the prayers, belonging doubtless to the First 
Period (§ 6.). The gap between these and the really ela- 
borate poetry (i. e. works which purposely aim at an artificial 
form) written in Babylon, Africa, Spain, Palestine, and Italy, 
and even in Germany and France (from the 9th century), — 
this general gap in Jewish literature, extending to the time of 
the Saburaeans and the first Gaonim, can here be filled up 
only by a few prayers and fragments in the general collection 
of prayers, or citations of beginnings (the rest of the prayer 
being possibly of a later date) in the Midrashim and apocry- 
phal books of the Talmud."* Their external (linguistic) form 
however, as well as their contents, give no certain grounds for 
the determination of dates, unless the general development of 
the Jewish literature (Haggadaand philology) be followed as 
a guide.^ It has hitherto been usual in these researches, 
partly owing to external circumstances, either to confine the 
attention to " religious," or more properly " liturgical " or 
" synagogal " poetry ^, and, starting from the old prayers, to 
exhibit the later artificial forms, even rhyme and metre, as 
possibly an original development ^ ; or else to admit the in- 
fluence of foreign national and literary characteristics, and 
to decide in favour of the preponderance of the Persian®, 
Arabian, or Syrian in the various corresponding periods. 
The person whose position in time and place is made the cen- 
tral point of these different views, and even the interpretation 
of whose name is a matter of doubt, is E. Elasar (ben ?) 
Kalir of " 1BV nnp," author of the rhyming acrostic 
prayers, which are artificial in every respect, except that 
they are not metrical.^ 

We here comprise under the term Poetry (and Rhetoric) 
all literary records in which an artificial form of language is 
adopted intentionally and according to certain rules, inde- 
pendent of the assthetical standard which we have received 

L 2 



14.8 JEWISH LITERATUKE. [Period II. 

from classical literature, and Trhicli is not applicable to the 
Bible and Hao-o;ada.^° Amono^ the Jews, as amono; the 
Arabians, this artificial form of language constitutes the 
essence of poetry and rhetoric ; and we must therefore take 
it in connexion with the history of divine worship as a 
starting point. The assumption of the existence of a litur- 
gical poetry in Palestine ^S such as that of Kalir, at the time 
of the Talmud, needs no refutation. Even the Syrian 
psalmody, which, through the Gnostic and anti-Gnostic poems 
of Bardesanes and Ephrem Syrus, had been reduced to rhyme 
and metre (in the 4th century), can have had no influence 
on Jewish orthodoxy. ^^ It must be admited, for reasons 
given above (§ 6. n. 15.), that the time of the Saburaeans, 
so wanting in independence, produced no essentially new 
form of poetry; the later introduction of rhyme and metre, 
and of the artificial use of the Midrash, will be satisfactorily 
proved below. 

In the second half of the 8th century are to be found 
the first definite traces of new additions to the liturgy, a 
sanction for which could have been given only by the earlier 
Gaonim.^^ But the assertion, that the artificial form of 
poetry began in this department, and thence passed to others, 
is by no means established ; inasmuch as it is doubtful 
whether some instances adduced in support of it, such as the 
enumeration of the 613 precepts or Aziiarot (§ 19.), were 
originally intended for the liturgy. ^"^ Some prayers artifi- 
cially arranged in strophes, but without rhyme ^^, are indeed 
older than the 10th century ^^ ; but we meet with others 
long after the general adoption of rhyme. ^'' In order to 
establish the earlier existence of a liturgical poetry, appeal 
has moreover been made to the expressions Pojetes, Pajtono, 
Pajtan, Pajtani (Dt0^^3, iroirjrrjs, and Aramaicised KlltO'^S, )tD^3, 
"'^D'^^s), which, in some later Midrashim, were confined to 
the authors of hymns. But such a limitation of these ex- 
pressions, and of the Hebrew form Pojjdt (tO''''5), with the 
corresponding denominative Piel, tO^^£3 (like D^^p), nomen 
actionis et acti, t0V£), Pijjut, plur. D^IQT^S, to liturgical 
poetry (also comprised under the general name of ]i;n or 
m^tn, derived from pn, cantor), belongs to a later age.^^ 



§ 18.] POETRY, RHETORIC, STYLISTIC. 149 

The oldest traces of rhyme and metre in Asia and Europe 
are to be found almost as much in didactic as in litur- 
gical works. ^^ It is thus not impossible that the example of 
the rhyming prose, in the didactic memorial verses of the 
Arabians in the Arabic or Persian language ^^j may have exer- 
cised a general influence on the Hebrew style even before the 
Arabic had been adopted as a literary language amongst the 
Jews. Subsequently, the older poetical forms having been 
found insufficient, others were introduced ; and it was not 
until Hebrew philology had made some progress in Spain, 
that the biblical style, and even biblical purism, came into 
general use. In the meantime the ungrammatical French- 
German school, becoming more deeply involved in Midrash 
and Halacha, brought all their elements of language to bear 
upon an almost exclusively liturgical poetry; to the tyranny 
of which over both language and thought, the more cultivated 
philological sense was always opposed. ^^ A stricter theory 
of the artificial style, a system of poetry or prosody, could 
be developed only in the grammatical and scientific school of 
the Jews under the influence of the Arabians ^^ ; who, in 
their philological and exegetical researches, appeal to the 
usages of the "poets" and stylists ^^, in the same way as the 
German lawgivers and exegetes do to the comprehension 
and exposition of the hymnologists^"^, amongst whom Kalir 
was reckoned as a doctor of Mishna (Tannai). 

Before passing on to the particular kinds of poetico-rheto- 
rical literature, we will touch upon the most important of its 
general forms ^^, with their subdivisions ; a subject which, 
however, could be properly treated only in a special work. 
It may be here remarked that some of these forms, such 
as an alphabetical arrangement, are almost peculiar to the 
Jews, while others, such as the use of rhyme and strophe, are 
to be found in their poetry long before they were introduced 
into the modern languages of Europe. 

1. The Acrostic, or arrangement of words, lines, and 
strophes according to initial letters, which may be divided 
into two classes. (A.) With respect to alpliabetical order 
(hence j^t^aiD^n, subsequently ]^tO'^n£), with tlie Arabising 
omission of the Vi^^^*), something analogous to which occurs 

r 3 



150 JEAVISH LITERATURE. [rERiOD II. 

already in the Psalms, &c. (§ 6. n. 10.) ; thus some fragments 
of prayers so arranged may possibly belong to the first 
Period, although we have no definite evidence before the 
second ^^ ; for instance, some Selichot contained in Saadja's 
liturgy. It should be observed that the order of the alpha- 
bet itself underwent various changes, called by early writers 
K'l'ntOTD:! (conf. § 4. p. 16.). Subsequently this conceit was 
carried so far, that religious and moral meditations were com- 
posed, often consisting of 1000 words with the same initial 
letter, generally >? ^^ ; for example, those by Shemtob Pal- 
rjuERA ; Abraham Bedarshi, and his son Jadaja Penini 
(13th century) in Provence; Joseph ben Sheshet Ibn 
Latimi at Lerida (1308) ; Shemtob ben Ardot (Ardotiel, 
not Andrutil) (post 1330) 2^; Elia Ha-levi at Constanti- 
nople (cir. 1500—20); David Vital of Patras(1532— 46), 
and his imitator MoSES ben Isaac of Bisenz in Moravia, at 
Cracow ^^, who composed his prayer of 2150 words at Leip- 
nik in 1591 ; Saadja Longo at Saloniki (MS. in the Bod- 
leian); the Karaite Joseph ben Mardochai Troki (cir. 
1600); Moses Zakut (ob. 1698)29*; Samuel Modon 
(1725) ; and even as late as 1820 by Israel (Nachman) ben 
Joseph Drobiczer. Shorter imitations are to be met 
with in prefaces and epilogues by Isaac ben Jonathan 
of Posen (1595); Jomtob, probably at Prague (1598); 
Isaac ben Solomon Levi at Saloniki (1600); in a letter 
of Solomon Zarfati in Turkey (16th century); in an 
imitation of the arrangement of the 119th Psalm, where each 
letter contains eight sentences (thence called ^3K i^^DTOD), by 
Simon Habillo, as late as the 17th century; and in the 
Seder Aboda of JoSE ben Jose and Saadja Gaon (see § 19.), 
where each letter contains ten sentences.— (B.) Acrostics of 
names, ivords, and sense, to be found first in introductions in 
rhyme prefixed to treatises, in letters, &c., at Babylon, Italy, 
and Spain, from the 10th century downwards, and even in 
the beginnings of chapters of an astronomical work by Jakob 
BEN Samson (1123 — 42) ^o ; also in the prayers of Jannai, 
Kalir, Saadja Gaon, and their successors, many of Avhom 
thus immortalised the names of themselves and others. This 
practice continued until it was censured by subsequent 



§ 18.] POETRY, RHETORIC, STYLISTIC. 151 

writers, such as Isaac Arama towards the end of the 15th 
century ; and even at a much hiter time Moses ben Israel 
Landsberg finds fault with its being still used in epistles. 
There are also acrostics consisting of whole words, passages 
of the Bible, and the like. 

2. Rhyme (nnn, Arab, ^t^sl*, properly a string of pearls, 
a row of lines ^^) appears as an artificial form perhaps first 
in memorial verses on the Masora, and on the 613 precepts 
(§ 19.), and about the same time in the hymns of Jannai 
and Kalir, in some Selichot of Saadja's Agenda ^^, and in 
Italy and Spain during the 10th century in Sabbattai 
DoNOLO, and Menahem Saruk.^^ The German-French 
school, however, cultivated it less artificially than the 
Spanish.^'' The latter followed Arabian models, and con- 
sidered the identity of the consonants preceding the vowel 
in the final syllables of a rhyme as essential : sometimes 
several syllables were made to rhyme (DTlV?:) I'^ti'), but a 
repetition of the whole word was admissible only at the end 
of the strophe. This repetition occurs most frequently when 
the burden of the poem is taken from the Bible. They also 
cultivated homonymous poems ("T7:i3i3 "l^ti', Arab, {j^-^'^r'i ^^) of 
a peculiar kind, and composed, after the manner of the older 
Arabians, poems often of many hundred lines with the same 
rhyme throughout ^^ * ; a performance which is much facili- 
tated by the Semitic inflexion and iambic accentuation. 
This was done by the Karaite Jehuda Gibbor in a hymn 
of no less than 1260 lines; and similarly by Jehuda 
Hedessi, all the strophes of whose huge Karaitic dogmatical 
poem end with the suffix of the second person. To this 
class belong also the poems called by the Arabic name TXVl'^ 
Kassida ( Is^^i ). On the other hand, JoSE ben Jose, in his 
order of TeMot, and Kalir and his followers, made the same 
word recur frequently and often without intermission.^^ The 
metaphor of pearls and necklaces, alluded to above, is also 
carried out in some other kinds of poetry distinguished by 
special names. The Hebrew p:3P denotes alike the gramma- 
tical verses of Gabirol, and the homonymes of Moses Ibn 
Ezra and Charisi. The Arabic term ^^^ {'^)l!^'n) Mu~ 
zcasseh is applied to poems where the rhymes recur every 



152 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

seventh line like pearls in an elaborately arranged neck- 
lace. 

This mixed form is said to have been invented by the 
Arabs in Spain in the 10th century ; not^ however, according 
to Almakkari, by Ahmed Ibn Abd Eebbihi (ob. 940), who 
borrowed it from Mokaddem ben Moarife al-Kabari; and 
amongst twenty-nine writers reckoned excellent in this kind 
of poetry we find Abraham Ibn Sahl of Valencia, probably 
the well-known Jew (§ 20.). It was originally used in 
encomiastic and descriptive poetry instead of the older and 
more simple Kassida ; but although the term occurs almost 
exclusively in the titles of some of the profane poems of 
Moses Ibn Ezra, and Jehuda Ha-Levi, the form itself is 
already applied to religious poetry by Isaac Ibn Gajjath 
(ob. 1089). Also alternative rhymes, unknown in European 
languages before the 12th century, may be found in Jewish 
hymns of at least two centuries earlier. 

The influence of the love of rhyme and metre extended 
even to the titles of books. The Echo ("in) was a favourite 
conceit of the later Italians ^^ ; and internal rhymes, asso- 
nances, and puns of all kinds embellish the rhyming prose 
even to excess. Poems arranged in figures after the Arabian 
taste also occur.^''* To this class probably belongs the Cake 
JVork of Jechiel ben Asher. The theory of such figures, 
labyrinths, &c., is treated by Moses Abudiente. 

3o i^feifre (n^pr)=^J;, hpVjr^i = ^J}^, scans? ; n^D, mir), 
measure) ^® consists of two elements : («.) the syllable with 
the simple sound, nx^IDD (vowel), corresponding to the Arabic 
w»^--M-j ; (Z>.) the syllable with the preceding shewa mobile 
(wanting in Arabic), ITV (peg), SJi^, From the various arrange- 
ments of these all particular metres are formed. ^^ Their 
canonical number, as among the Arabians, is nineteen, but 
Jacob E,oman extends it to fifty-two. The oldest known 
example of metre, which as well as its name is imitated 
from the Arabic, is to be found in Dunash Ibn Librat^^, 
who must bear the reproach of having introduced a foreign 
element into the holy language ; an enormity which had not 
been committed even by Saadja Gaon (ob. 942). But the 
Spanish school of the 10th century at first only imitated 



§ 18.] POETRY, RHETORIC, STYLISTIC. 153 

a few of the Arabian metres; and, in consequence of 
their adhering to the uniformity of the rhyme, Moses 
Ibn Ezra compares them to the old Arabic poets before 
Muhammed. Some of the poetry of the old Spaniards he 
says, especially the religious, was not metrical at all ; their 
Hebrew style was natural and simple, not embellished by 
any artificial means and inventions ; they neither cultivated 
the " literae humaniores," nor did they even adhere strictly 
to grammar. Subsequently most of them introduced mathe- 
matics and Astronomy into their hymns, thus "imposing upon 
the Hebrew language that w^hich it is not suited to bear ;" 
so that devotion degenerated into speculation and disputation. 
After the Berberic invasion (about 1070), which drove many 
Jews into poverty and exile, and impeded the progress of 
learning, especially at Cordova, a new generation arose under 
the auspices of Samuel Nagid, who in his work D^bn ]2K 
composed metrical prayers with music, which, according to 
Ibn Ezra, no one did before or after him. According to Zunz 
he perhaps introduced metre into the synagogue, although 
it is not often met with in the religious poetry even of the 
Spaniards. Metre found its way from Spain into Provence 
and Italy before the 12th century. In the North of France 
Jacob Tam (ob. 1170) was the first to adopt it.''^^^ In 
contradistinction to the essentially metrical poems (h^pv:; ']>'^, 
rarely biti'] or "1^12/, lay, j-^, also 1117170, ligatum), we find 
the rhetorical speeches in rhyming prose (n^^bn, HiJ^'^TD, 
«^^«j) 41^ which substitutes for metre the melody of words and 
artifices of all kinds. The metrical poem consists of verses 
or lines in rhyme (n''2, house, tj:^^)^^ which again are 
composed of two halves {^\ ^, viz. vhl (door), and ^T\V 
(shutter). 

4. The Rhythm and Melody of Hebrew poetry (con- 
ceivable either with or without any particular metre, and in 
the closest connexion with the use of Music) belong to the 
most interesting, but, in consequence of the uncertain ter- 
minology, to the most obscure parts of the history of Jewish 
literature and culture.''^ The Prophets often denounced 
song aild melody at feasts, while the author of the Chro- 
nicles frequently speaks of the music "^"^ which accompanied 



154 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

public worsKij) in the Temple, and the headings of the 
Psalms indicate elements of melody in the old Hebrew 
poetry.^^ These parts of the Bible gave rise to the sen- 
tences in the Talmud and Midrash relatins; to sono- and 
music (j)'^'il/ ~iDT), censuring or approving, according as they 
are used in a frivolous or pious manner. In Bagdad, once 
the seat of the Gaonim, the traveller Petachja of Eegens- 
burg (in the 12th century) heard some traditional psalmody 
with instrumental accompaniment.^^ The lively mode i)f 
expression prevalent in the East, and generally in the in- 
fancy of a nation, which readily combines with a kind of 
cantillation and gesticulation, together with the practical 
use of verse as an assistance to the memory ^^% had esta- 
blished a peculiar mode of reciting biblical passages and 
the lectures of the Mishna at an early period (§ 4.) ; so 
that for both these purposes the Accents (§ 16.) were in- 
vented. A treatise of the Mishna was printed with accents 
as late as 1553.'''^ In what connexion the arrangement of 
the older prayers and the later poems stand to this reci- 
tative, and what influence Arabian music may have had 
upon it, are not known. Down to the 12th century Saadja 
is the only writer, known to the author, of whom any 
fragment on the theory of music is extant ^^; in fact, the 
theory and expression of music (i^p^DlDH DTDrin), or sequence 
of sound (]l^]n ^n), belongs, like all similar sciences, ori- 
ginally to the Arabian school. Among the Arabs (and 
also among the Christian scholastics connected with them) 
music belongs to the sciences, or ^^ seven free arts," and 

poetry (n-^t^n D^i^bt^, K1^tO')n><, ^"-f}^y}) is only a frivolous 
art^^, the best part of which, according to the well-known 
Aristotelian expression, is deception.^^ According to Je- 
HUDA Haleyi (1140) ^^ the enthusiast for everything 
national, who is said to have given up poetry before his 
death, the old Hebrew poetry, constructed upon melody 
alone, was injured by the rhyme and metre of the Arabians; 
his contemporary Abeaham Ibn Ezra states the connexion 
between melody and metre. '^^ According to unexception- 
able testimony ^^, Hebrew liturgical poetry was already 
about this time sung and even composed to profane Arabian 



§ 18.] POETRY, EHETORIC, STYLISTIC. 155 

and Romanic (D^Jibp, 4^^) airs ^"^ ; so that the traditional me- 
lodies (]nh [ ^^]] DPI^ ]"':n3) of some of these (as in the present 
Jewish song-books) are still named after the corresponding 
foreign or Hebrew model airs. Even Israel Nag'ara 
(1587) composed his songs to Arabic and Turkish melodies, 
for the purpose of superseding the original words ; and as 
late as the 17th century a Sabbath hymn by Menahem Zion, 
to the melody of the German lay " Steyermark/' was in- 
serted in the Kabbalistic Sabbath ritual. ^^ Jacob Levi of 
Mayence (ob. 1427) is reckoned the founder of German 
synagogue music, which was previously based upon no 
regular system; and, according to Zunz, some melodies, 
especially those for penitential days, may be nearly as old 
as the corresponding hymns. On the other hand, pious men 
declaimed against the precentors (d^'^TTI, D'^'Tll^i'TD), who used to 
obtrude their own music (m^tn, IIJ^i) at the expense of true 
devotion. ^^ As early as the 12th and 13th centuries they were 
attacked by satirical poets, such as .Joseph Ibn Sabara and 
Immanuel of Rome, who quote authorities for the physical 
connexion between an agreeable voice and an empty skull. 
The modern performances, especially those of the Polish 
singers, so much admired by persons who once or twice a 
year feel themselves brought back by them to the devotional 
feelings of their youth, deadened either by neglect or by a 
mechanical attendance on public worship, are characterised 
by a kind of recitative, having so little reference to musical 
time, that it spoils the ancient melodies. These singers, 
moreover, are so wanting in attention to the original sim- 
plicity of the music, that their ornamentation far surpasses 
the bravuras of Italian opera-singers and the execution of 
modern pianists, to say nothing of the total disparity between 
them and their assistants. The return of so many syna- 
gogues to a purer musical taste could not be accomplished 
without at first borrowing the style of Christian composers, 
and even introducing some of their melodies, and then gradu- 
ally substituting for them original compositions of Jews (al- 
though not those highly esteemed in the opera and concert-room, 
which obtain but little favour in the synagogue), or by restoring 
the sacred songs to their ancient purity. The recitation of 



156 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

the Sefardim kept closer to its original simplicity, and there- 
fore underwent fewer changes ; but it is deficient in the 
peculiarity and vigorous effect of the other. This is owing 
to the circumstance, that the nature of their public service 
was more rigid and unvarying (§ 19.), and retained some of 
the old hymnology, by which even their own compositions 
were much influenced. 

With metre and melody is connected the construction of 
the Strophe, which is more simple or complicated, according 
to the various classes and schools. The ancient prayers 
of the East, without metre or rhyme, are generally distin- 
guished by the acrostic (§ 1.), and imitate the biblical strophe 
constructed on parallelisms (z-^^*^^), or are still more arti- 
ficial. ^^^ The older pieces of rhyme of every kind, and the 
unmetrical German-French prayers, are divided into members 
by rhyme, biblical refrain, and the like.^^ The Spaniards 
imitated the Arabic forms (^Ghasel, &c.); subsequently the 
Provencal and Italian literature obtained some influence, 
and Immanuel of Rome (as early as cir. 1300) contracted 
the 14-lined Arabic Ghasel to a sonnet of 10 lines.^'^^ The 
real Terzine, Sestiiie, and the Ottava rima (whose origin 
Hammer claims for the Arabic u^j) were perfected in 
Italy.^^ The strophe of two lines i^.^yt.r^ occurs in some old 
hymns, but the term m'^'m appears" not to have been used 
amongst the Spaniards. The strophe of three lines ijvwh'w) 
is common, as well as that of four lines of different lengths. 
Real strophes of more lines are less usual in the old hymns 
of either school. But few profane poems of the Spaniards 
bear the original Persian name n^in {yi^^y^, i. e. double- 
Beit), essentially the same as the Arabic ^-^j. Quatrain, 
consisting of strophes of four lines with the same rhyme. 
The progression or chain of rhyme, like the triplet, is an old 
form.^^ 

Finally, a Mosaic of biblical j)hrases and whole passages 
(^^Uikjl and |^-./^*i23) 6°, an important and jDeculiar element in 
Hebrew poetry, became a special art, influencing the whole 
style, particularly that of satires and parodies (§ 20.) and the 
construction of the strophe ^^, and assisting in the formation 
of the refrain or repetition of a word ("nVpip 'yh\^^'^, perhaps 



§19.] LITURGICAL POETRY. 157 

"circular/' or some other derivative from kvkXos)''^, the 
response or repetition of a sentence (]1DTa^^, originally any 
composition in rhyme, probably also ""I^^D, from dsiSco, or 
generally the verse termination ^^n?:^:!), the biblical acrostic 
( ^->^-«-»^, also n^:!>^nD73) ^\ and the like. 

Other foreign terms, occurring only in religious poetry, 
and hitherto not sufficiently explained, appear to the author 
to indicate the form^^^ viz. the Chaldee D^nn or HEOinn^^ 
the Arabic ^nriD (moved ?) ^\ nnj— n, or nnnm ("T'ti' 
mVl^Dn ?) 6^ and the Komanic KtDinnDr.^^ 

§ 19.] Liturgical Poetry {Pijjutim). 

The Halacha itself had never been entirely fixed, or come 
to a visible conclusion ; it was thus unable to give a general 
type for the Liturgy, which was indeed but partially under 
its influence.^ When, therefore, the new style of literature 
and poetry led to an extension of the old and widely dif- 
fused prayers, it necessarily followed that the daily service, 
and still more that for the festivals, should be variously mo- 
dified in different countries. On this account, R. Amram 
GrAON (870 — 888)^, having received a request from Spain, 
sent thither his Order of Prayer ("ilD, order, or nHD, also 
IID^ institution^), which, however, was not adopted in that 
country to the same extent as it was later in Germany. The 
name Siddur was afterwards given to the simple collection 
of the daily prayers, and the oldest of those for festivals, 
w^hich differ but very slightly in the German and Spanish 
rituals. By degrees liturgical poetry, adapted to every 
special time and occasion, was produced ; the various kinds 
being designated sometimes by appropriate technical terms, 
often ambiguous^ and not sufficiently known, and sometimes 
by names taken from the titles given to particular collections'* 
by writers and printers according to the purposes for which 
they were intended. We shall endeavour to comprise all in 
the following short and very general enumeration : — 

1. Machsor ("iltnD, cycle, in the more restricted sense) 
contains only the poetry for festivals ; Pijjutim proper. 

2. Kerohot (mmip, or with a French plural form }>m"ip-^), 
which is sometimes taken as synonymous with the former, or 



158 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

with. Jozerot (m"i251% from being inserted in the morning 
prayer Jozer), including not only the poetry for festivals, but 
also that for extraordinary Sabbaths and the like. 

3. Penitential Prayers {r\yr\''h^, Selihot, ^\wcsl of nr^VD, 
forgiveness, and thus Thv Salldh and JTiVd Salhan the author 
of such a prayer) ^, originating in the rite of the great peni- 
tential Day of Atonement, and extended first to a time of 
preparation preceding that day, then, in the course of cen- 
turies, to other fasts and days of a similar character, and 
finally, in the following period, to a special morning service 
for every day except Sabbaths and festivals.'' 

4. Elegies (m^^p Kinot, "TnTOn, a., j^^ ^), properly for the fast 
day of the 9th Ab. 

5. Hoslannas (niDI^tl'in), particularly for the 7tli of the 
feast of Sukkot. 

6. Petitions (niti'pl) and exhortations, or religious and 
moral meditations for private use.^ 

Particular pieces of the Pijjutim are named, for the most 
part, from the first words of the prayer in which they are 
inserted ^°; thus the song for the end of the Sabbath is called 
Habdala (nbnin).^^* The Introduction, or Captatio benevo- 
lenticB of the singer, who is the composer, called also mt^'T 
{asking permission) ^^^, and the close (HD^nn = 'rlr^i and 
PiVd)^^% form the limits of the larger groups. Some are 
named after the purpose for which they are intended; as, for 
example, the Celebration of the Dead (Knir)ti'K, nnriti'n).^^** 
Under the name Zemirot (mn^'QT, songs) were afterwards 
(§ 28.) understood particularly those which are used on 
Friday evening. Others are named after the argument ; for 
instance. The Death of Moses (pVJT2 nn^tos), used on the feast 
Simchat Torah ; The Decalogue (nnmn nnti'P), for Pen- 
tecost, &c. The diiferent subjects are generally taken from 
history and dogmatic theology, the Haggada, and the Ha- 
lacha, and are clothed in allegory ^^® ; their poetical value is 
various. 

Concerning the earliest poets and hymns, which, according 
to Zunz, may belong to Palestine and Syria, nothing has 
been satisfactorily ascertained. JoSE ben Jose, who is 
certainly earlier than Saadja, and probably also than Kalir, 



§ 19.] LITUKGICAL POETRY. 159 

was twenty years ago thought by Zunz himself to be a Pro- 
vencal of a much later date. This is a strikmg instance of 
the uncertainty of such inquiries. 

In the Arabian school, which originated in Babylon, the 
Haggada never occupied a very important place ; and the 
same scientific inquiries which were fatal to it raised the 
Halacha to the rank of a science. ^°^ This school, there- 
fore, takes the materials for poetry alike from the Ha- 
lacha and from science, both of which must be investigated 
for the present history. In elegiac descriptions of the past 
greatness of the nation, in searching the depths of their own 
hearts, in a joyful communion with the original source of all, 
they rise to true poetry, subjecting the materials furnished 
by the Bible, Talmud, and profane science, to thought and 
feeling, and making new creations from them. From the 
first we find a representative description of the former service 
of the Temple of God on the Day of Atonement, Seder 
Aboda (nnip niD)^^, forming an important part of. the 
liturgy and private devotions for that day ("I72PD, l^^Vl^iy^ ; 
it was already, in the 8th century, combined with Kerobot 
and Selichot and cultivated in Italy and Spain in the lOtli 
century. The oldest Seder Aboda is perhaps the nnD^lJ nrii^ 
of the Spanish ritual, which Saadja, in his Liturgy, ascribes 
to " the learned of Israel " (b>?-il^^ K*nVp V^i:^^). Opening a 
historical introduction with the creation, and proceeding to 
the Aboda, which is supposed to have taken place on the 
Day of Atonement, it seems to be the prototype of the more 
artificial hymn of JoSE beis" Jose, discovered by the author 
in the Agenda of Saadja Gaon, who himself imitates the 
form of Jose in his hymn, giving ten lines to each letter of 
the alphabet (§ 18. p. 150.). Both of these will soon be 
published (by the author) from a MS. in the Bodleian. 
Various other Halachaic subjects, upon which instruction 
was to be given (called, therefore, minm, Azharot, Admo- 
nitions) on the Saturday before the festivals ^^, were, for the 
advantage of the great body of the people put into rhyme, 
perhaps after the example of the Arabs (§ 20.), and were 
afterwards incorporated in the liturgy. ^'^ This was the 
case with an enumeration of the 613 precepts (§ 4.), which 



160 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

were, even among the Karaites, considered as being in- 
cluded in the Ten Commandments. The name of Azharot 
is now usnally applied to the 613 precepts for the Day of 
Pentecost, the Day of the Giving of the Law ; and the 
earliest author of Azharot is considered to be Saadja Gaon 
(ob. 942.) ^^, to whom some authors ascribe the derivation 
of the precepts from, or their subordination to, the Ten Com- 
mandments. In fact, the Agenda of Saadja contains a very 
elaborate hymn on that subject, being part of a Keroba to 
the Musaf prayer of Pentecost, and bearing the title ni"int>?. 
There is also prefixed to it a particular enumeration of the 
613 precepts in a more simple form, the same rhymes being 
continued for four successive lines, and the alternate lines 
commencing alphabetically ; in a preliminary note Saadja 
remarks, that he made this to take the place of an incorrect 
enumeration, from which people used to recite on that day. 
Both pieces will be found in the Seder Aboda mentioned 
above. In contradistinction to these, there are penitential 
prayers and petitions (confessions of sin, exhortations, and 
the like, for the ten days of penitence), which, according to 
the old Arabian custom, begin with the praise of God ; after 
this follows the hymn itself, with historical descriptions of 
the subject of the festival. By degrees, dogmatic theology 
and the Halacha were versified and introduced into the 
liturgy ; for instance, the celebrated Keter Malchut of Sa- 
LOMO Ibn Gabirol, now to be found in the evening ser- 
vice of the Day of Atonement, is, in fact, a versification of 
Aristotle's book De mundo. Finally, the different occasions 
of life, such as birth, marriage, and death, were made the 
subjects of sjmagogue poetry. Notwithstanding this, neither 
the Babylonian ritual, until the end of the Gaonim (1037), 
nor the Spanish and Portuguese (^Sefaradic), overburdened 
their liturgy (Agenda), although the latter was not quite free 
from French influence ; a few only of the numerous poems 
composed for the service being really recited in it, according 
to the several localities and various circumstances. For many 
distinguished teachers opposed any change in the original 
prayers, the accumulation of prayers in general, and the ob- 
scurity of some of them to the unlearned ; and philosophers 



§ J9.] LITURGICAL POETRY. 161 

objected to the continual anthropomorphism and metaphors, 
in fact, to poetry in general, in the same way as formerly 
the teachers had resisted the precentors.'® The various 
views and judgments on the Pijjutim in general were care- 
fully collected some years ago ; and we may here add two 
remarkable criticisms mentioned elsewhere in this essay : 
viz., that of Moses Ibn Ezra. (§ 18. p. 153.), and that of the 
Karaite Levi ben Jefet (§ 14. p. 117.). The authors of 
liturgical poems of the Spanish school, especially those whose 
productions became a part of public worship, were few, but 
they were very prolific ; according to Zunz, the five most 
popular of them composed about 1000 liturgical pieces, be- 
sides other poetry. In fact, most of these poets (from 
about the end of the 10th century to the 13th) ^^ were 
also authors of non-liturgical poetry, to be treated of in 
§ 20., or else were men of general learning, and are thus 
mentioned in different parts of this essay; for instance, 
Joseph Ibn Santas or Abi Thaur (end of 10th century), 
Isaac Ibn Gajjat (not Giat, the Hebrew translation is 
P^ti'in) (ob. 1089), Bechaji (about 1100), Maimonides, 
Nachmanides, and others. 

In contradistinction to this school there was developed at 
the same time the German-French poetry, the derivation of 
which from an older Italian rests on a doubtful conjecture. 
Their poetry, like all the other literature of the Jews of 
Germany and of Northern France, was confined almost en- 
tirely to the Haggada and Halacha ; their productions, 
through which the expressions Pijijut and Pajtan became 
restricted to liturgical poetry ^^, being mere versifications of 
the Haggada and Halacha, and consisting of short phrases 
put together like mosaic work, so complex and obscure that it 
is almost impossible to translate them. This soon rendered 
an explanation necessary in order to point out the refer- 
ences to the Talmud and Midrash, which were here con- 
sidered of at least equal authority with the Bible. ^^ The 
language comprising the whole range of the Hebrew- Ara- 
maic of the Haggada and Halacha, was but little understood 
in these countries (§ 15.), and increased the difficulty; and 
poems written entirely in Aramaic ^° were here more fre- 



162 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Pekiod II. 

quent than in the other school, where some in Arabic are to 
be found. They were originally recited by precentors, who 
were rivals of theDarshanim, and with whose occasional pieces, 
and introductory captatio benevolenticB (§ 18.), the general 
liturgy was continually deluged. For only in the house of 
God was the Jew of those countries at home.^^ The Hag- 
gada had now come to a close, and various collections of it 
had been made ; but its philosophical explanation is as rarely 
to be met with in these countries as most other scientific 
disquisitions. Thus the hymnical recension of the Haggada, 
being invested with the charm of novelty, fully occupied the 
intellectual activity of the time, until it was supplanted by 
the new and more fashionable Kabbala ; while the older 
elements of the mystic doctrine formed the subject of the 
Pijjutim themselves. The often-repeated observation of Ra- 
poport ^^ strikingly characterises both schools : '^ The Se- 
faradic Pijjutim are interpreters between the soul and her 
Creator, the German (and French) between the Israelitish 
nation and their God." Zunz also remarks, " The poetry 
of the one is the Pijjut, the Pijjut of the other is poetry." 
The justly celebrated Eleazar Biribi Kalir (or perhaps 
his older contemporary Jann"ai) may be regarded as a 
prototype of these Pajtanim : perhaps, like the Italian Sab- 
BATAi DoNOLO, he obtained the art of rhyme through the 
Arabs, but his subject-matter and ritual are principally de- 
rived from Palestine ; for instance, from the Pesikta (com- 
posed about 845). These sources were not so accessible to 
his successors in Germany and France ; and thus as early as 
in the 11th century Kalir's date and native country were 
unknown, his poetry does not appear in Saadja's Siddur, and 
he is mentioned only incidentally ^^ by the same author in 
an Arabic commentary on the book Jezira. Kalir, probably 
himself a precentor, by versifying the prayers for the whole 
year (called Machsor,i.e. cyclus), did in the form of poetry 
what the author of the Pesikta had done in the form of 
Haggada (§ 5. B.). His prayers were introduced first into 
Italy 2^% and afterwards into France, Germany, and perhaps 
also Greece, and were imitated even by the highest authori- 
ties ; and so this poetical Haggada and Halacha came into 
contact with the homiletical. 



§ 19.] LITURGICAL POETRY. 163 

The school of Kalir, in the narrowest sense, is the flower 
of the Pajtanic age (ending cir. 1100). Among its members 
are reckoned the most celebrated composers of prayers for 
festivals; such asMESHULAM ben Kalonymos of Lucca, and 
his son Kalonymos at Mayence ; Moses ^^ and Chananel, 
«ons of the latter ; Solomon ben Jehuda, " the Babylo- 
nian," from whom some Selichot are denominated n^DlTobti'^^; 
the renowned R. Gerson (§ 9.); the prolific Simon ben Isaac 
ben Abun ; Eli a ben Menahem of Mans, called Ha-Sa- 
KEN (the elder) ; Benjamin ben Serach, perhaps the most 
prolific writer of this school (1058); Joseph Tob-Elem 
at Limoges ; Meir ben Isaac the precentor (about 1100), 
author of pieces in Aramaic; Joseph ben Solomon of 
Carcassonne; Eliezer ben Samuel (1096); Kalony- 
mos BEN Moses, and his brother Jekutiel ; Benjamin 
ben Samuel ; Isaac Halevi at Worms, and his pupil 
Solomon Isaki ; Elia ben Mordecai ; and others. In 
the 12th century there was a great increase in the number 
of writers ^®, although not in the number or variety of works : 
the form and language were improved at the expense of the 
matter and vigour ; secret doctrine and philosophy obtained 
an entrance, and changed the type of the versified Haggada ; 
and the casuistry and dialectics of the Tosaphot attracted 
to themselves all thinking men. Thus the Pajtanic school 
fell into decay, numbering but a few stragglers in the 1 3th 
and 14th centuries ; at which period the German-French 
literature in general yielded to the universal barbarism of 
the age. The authors are in the main the same as those 
mentioned above (§ 9.) ; most of the teachers and writers on 
Halacha being at once precentors, copyists, preachers, or 
Babbies. 

• In the 12th century the two main divisions described 
above had been in some degree blended, especially in Pro- 
vence and Italy ; and, even earlier, different liturgies had 
borrowed single pieces from each other : but at this time a 
type of Pijjutim and liturgy, approaching more nearly to the 
Spanish, was formed on the points of contact of the different 
schools. To this class (omitting in general the poets who will 
be mentioned in § 20.) belong : in Provence ^7, Jehuda 

M 2 



164 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

BEN Barzillai Barcelloni (fl. 1130), probably at Mar- 
seilles ; Isaac Halevi and his sons the famous Serachja 
Levi (ob. 1186) and Berechia; Joseph Kimchi and his 
son Moses ; Jehuda ben Natanel and his sons Samuel 
and Isaac (1218); Meshullam ben Solomon; Jehuda 
Harari of Montpellier ; Don Kalonymos ; Moses ben. 
Jehuda ; Pinchas ben Joseph Halevi ; Solomon ben 
Maimon ; Solomon ben Isaac Nasi ; Abraham ben 
Chajim; Isaac Kimchi (1290); Joseph Ibn Caspi; 
Abraham ibn Kaslar, probably the physician (1323); 
Israel Kaslar, physician at Avignon (1327); Jacob de 
LiJNEL, perhaps the physician at Carcassonne ; Isaac de 
Latas (1372); Jacob Solomon (1443); Moses ben 
Abraham (1466) at Avignon 2^^; and others: in Italy ^^ 
Eli A ben Samuel (ob. 1298); several of the name of 
JoAB ; Benjamin ; and others later. 

The Collections of Pijjutim are of different kinds ^^*: — 
1. Liturgies, or compilations of prayers according to the use 
(:)n37D, ritual) of different countries or cities, the peculiarities 
of which depend upon particular hymns, not always written by 
persons of the country where they were used. But of these 
rituals some have never been published, others are very rare, 
and very few have been accurately described. The final 
redaction of some of them was not made until the time 
when they were printed in the following period (§ 28.); 
and thus it is necessary to examine minutely the MSS. 
themselves for the history and mutual influence of the various 
rituals. In this interesting subject so little has been done, 
that we must confine ourselves to a dry enumeration : the prin- 
cipal countries and towns connected with it are, Germany, 
and afterwards Poland ; France (n£3"i2i) ; Spain and Portugal 
(-inSD, -^aKVlOKp); Italy (D^triV), identical with Rome; the 
Levant (Romagna) or Greece (ti>im:i, i<''3tn)2^; and some 
towns in Provence and France, such as Avignon ^^, Mont- 
pellier, Carpentras (Cavaillon, Lille). The rituals of the 
states and cities of Barbary are of Spanish origin ; for ex- 
ample, those of Algiers ("I'^^n^^ = '^jlj^^) ; Tripoli, or Mostaa- 
reb (mriDTD) ; Oran ^^ ; Marocco ; Tlemsan ; — Fas, whence 
a MS. has been recently purchased for the library of Leyden. 



§ 19.] LITUKGICAL POETRY. 165 

Scarcely anything is known about the rituals of Asia and 
Egypt, where, however, poetry in general was but little cul- 
tivated (§ 20.); a collection of hymns, from Aleppo as it 
appears^ in the Bodleian Library, has been recently recog- 
nised as such by the author. 2. A few collections of writings 
by particular authors are known ; for instance, by Simon 
DuRAN and Reubex ben Isaac (1400).^^ 

The treatment of the prayers and benedictions (§ 6.) with 
reference to the pubKc service and private devotion ^^ varied 
according to the different laws of rituals, and gradually 
formed a use (:in2?2) or ritual. This subject was not only 
treated in the general Halachaic compendiums (§ 9.), and 
occasionally in commentaries and glosses ; but it also called 
forth particular branches of literature, according either as 
the ritual directions were appended to the prayers, thus 
forming a liturgy (illD, "n^nTD) proper, or as the prayers, 
either by name or in full, were inserted in the ritual di- 
rections (^Agenda). In the German-French school, which is 
the richest and also the most minute in these writings, the 
latter are often called Minhagirn or Minliagot (D^JH^TD or 
m:in:7:i).^'' The oldest Siddurim, like that of Amram Ga- 
ON, a recension of which has been discovered by Luzzatto, 
were frequently composed from the results of inquiries ad- 
dressed to famous authorities at a distance ^^, and contained 
also compositions by these same persons, with explanations 
of the subject-matter and language. Afterwards other ad- 
ditions were made, such as calendars, small ethical tracts, 
&c., often written on the margins of the prayers and agen- 
das, so as to form a perfect " Vade-mecum." The earliest 
works of this kind are apparently all lost, with the exception 
of one of the oldest, the Arabic Siddur of Saadja Gaon (ob. 
942) discovered a few years ago in the Bodleian Library by 
the author. The frequent quotations made from it by Zunz 
(according to some extracts furnished to him) show the 
importance of this Siddur, of Avhich we shall here give a 
short description, illustrating the class, though the almost 
pedantic arrangement and division are peculiar to the indi- 
vidual work. The subject is divided into two purts ; the first 
treats of the duty and necessity of prayer, with reference 



166 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II- 

to tlie institutions during the time of the Temple, enter- 
ing into an investigation of the whole subject ; of this, how- 
ever, only the end is preserved in the MS. The second 
part, inscribed Book of Prayers, Praises, and Benedictions 
(J— l^^^^2ih^< ns^riD "jnib^l nnKDnbi^l), is introduced by 
some general remarks upon the changes which took place in di- 
vine service, in the way of omission, addition, and abbreviation, 
through the exile of the nation. It then proposes to give a 
simple " Canon " of the standard parts of the service, adding 
only the alterations made by some later authorities which 
were not contradictory to the original purpose of the service, 
premising that they have no foundation in tradition ; and it 
adds the rules for some ceremonies connected with the service 
and the cycle of the year. This part is divided into two 
sections ; the first containing the service for every day, and 
the second that for special seasons, viz. for Sabbaths, festi- 
vals, and feasts. Most of the prayers are given entire in the 
original Hebrew ; and it is important to remark, that the 
author repeatedly mentions that he excludes all niDTTl, by 
which term he can only mean the '^ solos " of the precentors, 
so that all that are in the book must be considered as prayers 
for the whole congregation. For the private or " volun- 
tary "prayer on week-days, or Sabbaths and feasts, he gives 
his two celebrated invocations (^Ul> j ; an Arabic translation 
of which has been made by Zemach ben Joshua, whom 
some bibliographers have therefore regarded as the author 
of the whole work. In this way Saadja preserved many of 
the old prayers, with remarkable variations (for instance, 
in the Shemona-esre), some hymns by Jose ben Jose, and 
some by anonymous authors, and others by himself, some 
of vv^hich are nowhere else to be found; and it is only to 
be regretted that it is in some instances doubtful whether 
Saadja is the collector or the author of them. We now pro- 
ceed to name the authors of similar works: — the Gaonim : 
KoHEN Zedek 36; Hai (ob. 1037) ; Nissim and Chananel 
at Kairowan; and Isaac Ibn Gajjat at Lucena (ob. 
1089)2^: — in France and Germany: Joseph Tob Elem 
(1050); Meir ben Isaac the precentor; Solomon the 
Babylonian ^s ; Rashi; Simcha of Vitry(llOO); Tam^^; 



§ 19.] LITURGICAL POETEY. 167 

Elchanan^s*; Isaac of bomK, Vi37D (cir. 1250-1260); 
Samuel ben Solomon (or K. Perez ?) ^^ ; Meir Eothen- 
BURG (1270) ; Chajim Paltiel (cir. 1280); and Abraham 
Klausner (1380 — 1400): — in Austria, Eisak Tyrnau 
(cir. 1440): — in Italy, Zidkia An aw, and his epitomiser 
(1314) ^^* : — in Provence, perhaps Serachja Halevi, and 
AsHER ben Meshullam (cir. 1170) at Liinel^^ : — and in 
Spain, AsHER BEN Jechiel^^*; and Israel Israeli (1330) 
at Toledo, whose Arabic explanatory work was translated by 
Shemtob ben Ardutil. The critical and explanatory 
liturgy of David ben Joseph Abudirahim at Seville 
(1340) is the best known. The comprehensive work of 
Solomon ben Nathan of Segelmessa (12th century) in 
Arabic deserves notice.'^^ The work of Jacob Levi (ob. 
1427 in Mayence) is one of the most celebrated. — The 
Karaites also had writings of this kind ; for instance, that of 
Muallim (magister) Fadhel (cir. 1290?), who wished to meet 
the reproach of the Rabbinites that the Karaitic liturgy was 
left to the arbitrary will of the individuaL^'^a Within this 
literature the Easter Haggada (§ 6. and § 26.), interpreted 
Kabbalistically by Joseph Chiquitilla, forms a branch 
of its own. 

These works form the transition to the special commen- 
taries on single pieces and on whole collections, which were 
sooQ found necessary for Kalir's productions. The Halachaic 
Pijjutim also, and those of the old Spaniards which presented 
difficulties either scientific or philological ; for instance, the 
Seder Aboda by Joseph Ibn Abitur (in the 10th cen- 
tury) ^^, the Azharot of Salomon Ibn Gabirol, and various 
poems by Jehuda Ibn Gajjat (ob. 1089)^S were commen- 
tated in Provence by Anatoli, Moses Tibbon, Isaac ben 
ToDROS, and others, and by the Spaniard Simon Duran at 
Algiers (1417). The German-French school seems to have 
here shown the greatest activity. Single explanations of 
Pijjutim are already quoted as bearing the names of Menahem 
BEN Chelbo (cir. 1050)'*-^, Rashi, and others; but it is un- 
certain from what kind of writings they are taken. Actual 
commentaries were certainly written by Ephraim ben Jacob 
of Bonn (1171— 98)^^ Jacob Nasir at Liinel (§ 13.), 

M 4 



168 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period^ II. 

Shemaja of Soissons ^\ and Aaron ben Chajjim Kohen 
(1227), may be considered as the forerunners of the Kab- 
balistic method of explanation^ which was applied also to the 
prayers (see § 13. p. 115). Later Pijjutim were sometimes 
written with Halachaic and grammatical explanations by the 
authors ; for instance, the Azharot of Menahem ben Moses 
Tamar (1449). The Karaites also have commentaries of 
this kind ; for instance, those of Moses ben Elia Pasha 
ili^W^) and Joseph ben Samuel (unfinished)'^^ and a Sid- 
dur by Abu Soleiman David ben Hossin (see p. 117.), 
mentioned by Levi ben Jefet. Their present order of 
prayer''^ is ascribed to Aaron ben Joseph (about 1290). 
Even before this, perhaps at the time when Karaism attempted 
to force its way into Spain ^^, they had introduced into the 
service several Rabbinical poems from that country. It was 
completed by means of some later Karaitic poems in the 
biblical style, and according to Spanish forms. 

All kinds of translations of the prayers also take their 
origin in this period, although it is difficult to ^^ the exact 
time of the commencement of each (see § 28.). In the 
Bodleian Library are preserved some Arabic translations of 
penitential prayers which are scarcely later than the 14th 
century; the translation of Saadja's prayers (see p. 166.) is 
probably older. 

Thus the liturgy forms a mirror for both internal and 
external experiences, a focus whence intellectual movements 
radiated in all directions. It was more especially the Ger- 
man and French Jews who sang their manifold sufferings 
and persecutions in the House of God, thereby elevating the 
melancholy sound of their harp to be a significant but mys- 
terious echo of the story of the human race. 

§ 20.] Non-Liturgical Poetry. 

We may here confine our attention almost entirely to the 
Arabian school and its offshoots in Provence and Italy, since 
the religious severity of the Karaites restricted their poetry, 
nearly without exception, to the liturgy and to theological 
controversv. We have described the various forms of poetry 



§20.] NON-LITURGICAL POETRY. 169 

in general above (§ 18.). With respect to matter, the secular 
poetry, like the religious, is characterised by seriousness and 
morality : wit, irony, and satire appear to have been exercised 
only in the continual allusions to the classical literature,' 
— -the Bible, the Talmud, prayers ^ &c. ; a circumstance 
which considerably increases the difficulty of perfectly un- 
derstanding it, and of imitating it in other languages. The 
poetry of the Arabs, which was the model for the Jews, 
drew from the many springs of life ; but that of the Hebrews, 
which depended entirely on Scripture, could draw only from 
the hallowed waters of the Temple. Herein, to speak in the 
language of writers of this time, the neglected " Sarah" 
celebrates a triumph over the upstart (Pro v. xxx. 23.) 
Egyptian maid, whose overbearing tones were for a long 
while alone heard, until the rightful champions of the 
former arose, and zeal for the holy language appropriated 
the sweetest sounds of the Arabs to her cause. 

If the Arabic poets among the Jews had not alluded to 
and sometimes attacked Judaism, they might have been 
passed over here without notice, and their writings and 
names left to be preserved in the history of Arabian litera- 
ture^; although certain Arabic Pijjutim, for instance those 
of Marzuk (Saadja), were received into the liturgy.^ 
Chefez al-Kuti (or al-Futi ?) seems to have versified the 
Psalms in Arabic; quotations from this work have been 
found by the author in Moses Ibn Ezra's Poetics : he is pro- 
bably older than Gabirol (§ 12. B. p. 101.). Even Maimonides, 
who denies that there is any real advantage to be gained 
by the reading of Arabian songs ^ and traditions, possibly 
composed poems which found a place in Arabian antho- 
logies ^ ; and the famous Hebrew poet Moses Ibn Ezra 
(1138) exhibits a perfect knowledge of Arabic poetry and 
Poetics. Jehuda Ibn Koreish, Abulwalid, Gabirol, 
and Tanchum of Jerusalem quote Arabic poems ; which 
quotations were sometimes omitted by the translators of their 
Arabic writings.^ Samuel Nagid addressed King Habus of 
Granada in a poem of seven Beit, each of which was in a 
different language; and in several Muwassheh (p. 151.) of 
Jehuda Levi the point of the whole consists in an Arabic 



170 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

distich. The oldest authority for the tradition of the Cid 
(ob. 1099) is his " Officer," the apostate Ibn Alfange. To 
the highly prized Arabic poets of Spain belong Abraham Ibn 
OL Fakkhar (ob. 1239?); Abraham Ibn Sahl (1200 — 
1250) (conf. p. 152); Ibn el Mudawwer; and the poetess 
Kasmune.7 Joseph Ibn Chasan ()Tn), whose date is 
uncertain, transformed every chapter of the Hebrew work 
of Isaac Ibn Crispin (see below, p. 174.) into an Arabic Kas- 
sida: it may be added, that of the Hebrew itself was an 
imitation of Arabic poetry. Koreish wrote some Arabic 
rhyming prose, and the Hebrew Diwans of Moses Ibn 
Ezra and Jehuda Halevi were commentated in Arabic. 

The origin of the Hebrew poetry, together with that of 
science and the Magreb®, in Spain, may be traced to the 
patronage of the minister Chisdai ben Isaac (cir. 950) ; it 
came to its greatest perfection under the prince Samuel 
(ob. 1055 ?) ; and as early as the 12th century it had been so 
far exhausted by its most original and able representatives, 
that even Provence and her rival Italy tried to surpass the 
classical times in artifice rather than in real art ; poems 
written as trials of skill, after the manner of the Arabs and 
Provencals®, were admired; stereotyped poetical phrases be- 
came universal ; there was scarcely any writer who did not 
try his hand at poetry ; and Moses Ibn Ezra devoted a 
special chapter of his Poetics to verses made in dreams.^* 
The rhyming prose, at this time as at all others, from the 
earliest to the most recent, maintained its place in the 
writings which concerned daily life. The poetry of the Jews 
of the middle ages in the East, judging by the description 
of the Proven9al Charisi (1218), deserved the fate of bad 
poetry, " to die before its authors ;"^^ he praises only those 
who came from the Magreb, such as Jehuda Abbas, 
Joseph Ibn Aknin, and Moses ben Sheshet. 

We find the poetical form in works on the most various 
subjects, for instance, memorial verses for the Masora, gram- 
mars, &c. (§18.). To this class belong Saadja's and Hai 
Gaon's rhymes on jurisprudence, and some short astronomical 
rules by Saadja (§21.). Charisi versified Maimonides' chapter 
on diet in the Jad^^; Palquera (cir. 1250) the Talmudic 



§ 20.] NON- LITURGICAL POETRY. 171 

treatise Chullin ; Mordecai ben Hillel at Regensburg 
(cir. 1300) the laws of slaying; and Prophiat Duran a 
chapter on astronomy. Matatia Kartin (1363?) wrote a 
commentary in rhyme on the Moreh ; Solomon Ten Ajub 

of Grenada, at Beziers (1262), imitated the ^^^j^ or 'i^^s^ 
of Ibn Sina ^^ ; Ibn Ezra, Bon- Senior Ibn Jachja, and 
others, wrote verses upon the game of chess^**; an anony- 
mous author (probably not Jedaja Penini) alludes in a poem 
on the same subject to the game of cards ; Serach (Sarik) 
Barf AT (1364), probably in Africa, versified the Book of 
Job, the edition of which by Elia Levita (1544) has 
been erroneously attributed to this writer ^^ ; the Karaites, 
Salomon ben Jerucham, Menahem ben Michael (in 
the 10th century), and Jehuda Hedessi (1149), wrote 
polemics in rhyme against Rabbinism, and Matatja ben 
Moses (1300 — 1360) against Christianity and Islamism; 
DuNASH Ibn Labrat wrote in verse a grammatical polemic, 
which was answered in the same manner by Menahem 
Saruk or his pupils in Spain, in^ the 1 0th century; Isaac 
Ibn Polgar exchanged epigrams with the neophyte Abner, 
and Prophiat Duran and Solomon Bonfed replied in 
satirical epistles; besides which, there was the polemical 
poetry of the 13th century, mentioned above (§11.). In 
Germany also we meet with the satirical poem of Gumplin 
against the Jews on the Rhine. ^^* 

Epigrams form the transition from scientific rhymes to 
occasional poetry in general, a comprehensive class in which 
the Jewish literature can rival any other ; they are often 
to be found among dedications, introductions, epigraphs, heads 
of chapters, and summaries of treatises and books ; for in- 
stance, by Jehuda Ibn Tibbon, Jechiel ben Jekutiel, 
and others. In their references to individual and national 
life they afford rich materials for history and biography. We 
will mention here only one of the oldest panegyric poems 
(recently published), addressed to Samuel Nagid by Joseph 
Ibn Chisdai (after 1027), whom Hammer in his history of 
Arabic literature confounds with a later physician of the 
same family, who was a renegade. The well-known obser- 
vation that every good poem must be an occasional one is 



172 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

remarkably confirmed in Hebrew poetry. Particular atten- 
tion is due to epitaphs^^, many of which were written by per- 
sons for themselves. To this class belong also larger historical 
poems not intended for the liturgy (as was perhaps that of 
Saadja [cir. 1000])^^; for instance, that of Palquera (cir. 
1250), which appears to have been unfortunately lost, and 
others. 

Gnomonics ^^% which were much used in this period, 
and which became almost a separate art, are closely con- 
nected with the epigram. Amongst the Arabs the weaving 
together of wise proverbs is considered an indispensable con- 
dition of good poetry, and we find the poets of the Muallakat 
first becoming famous by their gnomes. ^^ There were also 
poets who devoted themselves specially to writing proverbs.*® 
Semitic poetry, however, in general is not so much a conti- 
nuous evolution of thought and sentiment, as (to use the well- 
known metaphor) a chain of costly pearls strung together, 
which may be separated and taken independently, or ranged 
in a different order (as Anthology)y^ The older proverbs of 
the Arabs originated in their own poetical life. The Koran, 
the Sunna, and perhaps also the Arabic writings of Jews 
and Christians, introduced Jewish and Christian elements 
among them.^^ Translations of the Greek philosophers en- 
riched them with ideas, which, from their simplicity, clearness, 
and pointedness of thought, may be recognised as classical, 
even in their Arabic form. The poet paints the thought of 
the philosopher, the philosopher analyses the picture of the 
poet; and hence arise the stereotyped forms of quotation, "as 
says the proverb, the poet, the wise man (D^nn, which, 
however, sometimes refers to King Solomon's books, es- 
pecially the Proverbs), or the philosopher," and the like. 
The simple proverb is often succeeded by a metrical version 
of it. *^ All these remarks are applicable to Jewish litera- 
ture enriched from Arabic sources. Arabic proverbs are 
already quoted in the Alphabet of Ibn Sika^^ by Jehuda 
Ibn TiBBON^i, by Palquera (1290)^2 and Gavison (ob. 
1605) in Arabic, by Albo ^3 (1425), and others; Mai- 
MONIDES 2^ also appeals to the old proverbial poets. In the 
translations from the Koran, Sunna, &c., either the proverbs 



§ 20.] NON-LITURGICAL POETRY. 173 

which occurred " gave place to others to the same effect 
from the Bible or Talmud, or else the form of quotation was 
changed. In this manner (besides the quotations from the 
Koran to be found in linguistical works by Saadja, Hai 
Abulwalid, and in the Poetics of Moses Ibn Ezra,) 
Kalonymos ^''^ quotes the "Prophet," and Ibn Chisdai^^ 
keeps the first Sure of the Koran as a pattern prayer, although 
in some places he substitutes poems of Jehuda Levi. With 
the proverb and the gnome, moreover, are closely connected 
figures, phrases, parables, and other kinds of poetry. To 
the gnomic literature, properly so called ^^, belong preemi- 
nently the larger ethical collections of proverbs, even when 
the particular sentences are woven into one continuous work. 
Nothing in the Arabic language belonging to this period is 
known, except the Selection of Pearls by Gabirol (1040), 
which, as well as the Sententious Ethics of Gabirol, was 
translated by Jehuda Ibn Tibbon (1167) for Asher ben 
Meshullam (conf. §11.); a metrical version of the former 
was given by Joseph Kimchi, and Tibbon's prose trans- 
lation of it was enriched by the French Jews of the 14th 
century with appendices (Tosaphot) and commentaries in 
rhyme ; it was afterwards frequently expounded, was trans- 
lated into various languages, and has ever since remained 
a standard book in this class of literature. ^^ Hebrew works 
of the same kind were written by Samuel Nagid, whose Ben 
Mishle and Ben Kohelet seem to have been exhortations to 
his son Joseph; Moses Ibn Ezra. (cir. 1138), in continuous 
homonjmies ; the composer of the bD^U'n IDTO, attributed 
to Hai Gaon^^ ; Joseph Ezobi (cir. 1270) in Provence; 
his imitator, contemporary, and countryman Levi ben 
Abraham ben Chajjim^^% author of a long poem with the 
same rhyme throughout ; Benjamin Anav ben Abraham 
at Rome (about 1300) ; and Johanan Loria in Germany 
(cir. 1500). Single chapters full of proverbs are also to be 
found in the comprehensive works of Charisi, Immanuel, 
&c. With these must be classed the works on ethics com- 
posed in rhetorical or rhyming prose (conf. § 12.) ; for example, 
that of Palquer A ; the famous Examen Mundi (dVip n^^m) 
by Jedaja Penini (cir. 1305), so often commentated and 



174 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

translated ; the satirical Lapis Lydius (]m2 )1K) by Kalo- 
NYMOS in Castile (1323) ; and similar works by Matatja 
(1430-50) in Germany, and others. ^^ The moral sentences 
of the Greek wise men, and the Sayings of Alexander ^'^^, 
by HoNEiN BEN IsHAK (not Chananja ben Jizchak), 
were translated from the Arabic by Charisi (before 1235) 
for some learned men at Ltinel, and became a great mine 
of Arabic- Jewish sayings. The famous Disciplina Clericalis 
by the neophyte Peter Alphonsi (baptized 1106) consists 
chiefly of Arabic and Jewish gnomes. A part of this work 
still exists in the Hebrew translation, and is known as the 
Book of Enoch (Idris).^^ Here, as also in the case of the 
Mashal (§ 5. 2«.), in the didactic semi-poetry of Fables, 
Parables, Apologues, and Riddles, and in the popular Tales 
and Novels, the Jews have cooperated in propagating the 
literature transplanted by the Arabs from India and Persia 
into Europe, and have at the same time interwoven their own 
particular traditions (§ 5. 25.)^^, thus making many hitherto 
unnoticed contributions to the old romantic literature. Ja- 
cob Ibn Shear a (at the end of the 9th century ?) is said 
to have assisted in the first translation of Bidpai's Indian 
Fables of the Jackal, Kalila and Dimna, into Arabic for 
King"Alzafac"(?). These were afterwards translated into 
Hebrew, and thence into Latin, by the neophyte John of 
Capua (1262 — 1278); both these versions being accom- 
panied with illustrations.^^ A Rabbi Joel is mentioned as 
the Hebrew translator of these and of the Mishle Sandabar,^^ 
Kalonymos translated in one week (1316) the work on the 
Nobility of Man, one of the fifty treatises by " the Brothers 
of Purity," a celebrated society of a kind of freemasons in 
Egypt, whose works were studied by the Jews in Spain at 
the beginning of the twelfth century. ^^* In the Prince and 
Derwish of Abraham Ibn Chisdai (cir. 1235) the author 
has first brought to light a translation of the celebrated 
Greek tale of Barlaam and Josaphat made from a hitherto 
undiscovered Arabic source. The poetic encyclopaedia of 
Palquera (1264) recalls to mind a similar work of Gha- 
zali.^'' The half-poetical, half-philosophical works of Ibn 
Batrik, translated into Hebrew by Charisi, might assist 



§ 20.] NON-LITURGICAL POETRY. 175 

in the solution of many questions concerning pseudo- Aristo- 
telian and Kabbalistic writings.^^* MoSES Narboni (1349) 
at Barcelona wrote a commentary upon Ibn Topheil's philo- 
sophical romance Hai ben Joksan. Berachja Hanakdan 
in Burgundy (cir. 1260) edited freely and completed the 
store of fables then in existence. The Hebrew translation 
of those of ^sop^^ is apparently not taken from Arabic 
sources. Peculiar interest attaches to Isaac Ibn Sahula 
(1281), apparently of Guadalaxara, who enters the lists on 
behalf of Jewish originality against Arabianism, but never- 
theless at last yields to the latter. The morals of the fables 
bear the stamp of the Kabbalistic tendencies of his time, 
visible also in contemporaneous Christian works ; they are 
also illustrated with drawings.^^^ The book 1D17D by Isaac 
Crispin (12th century?) mentioned above (p. 169.) seems 
to contain imitations rather than direct translations of Arabic 
tales, poems, &c. A satirical novel by Joseph Ibn Sabara 
(or Sebara, end of 12th century), which has escaped most 
bibliographers, is an ingenious mixture of narration, sayings, 
and poetry in the Arabian style, and contains the history of 
Tobias. 

Particular notice is due to Parodies, Travesties, and 
Humorous Writings, the literary element of which was the 
imitation of the expression of the older classics, while their 
application to life was especially connected with the feast 
of Purim; their prototype is perhaps to be found in the 
parodies of Hariri.^^ Not only were passages from the Bible 
itself detached from the context, and applied to frivolous 
and obscene objects, but even the Halacha, Pijjutim, &c., 
were parodied and travestied, without its being felt to be 
any insult to these much reverenced writings. We have 
pieces and works of this kind by Kalonymos and his friend 
Emmanuel at Rome (cir. 1320) ; even earlier, Abraham 
Bedarshi, in a serious panegyric, had parodied the Easter 
Haggada, and the same thing was done during the following 
century in a polemical work (§ 15. p. 127.). The oldest 
parody is probably that of the Aphorisms of Hippocrates, if 
we are not wrong in considering the above-mentioned 
Joseph Ibn Sabara as the author of it. 



176 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

The Arabic form of the Makamas {pT\'2TM:}) ^^ was cer- 
tainly used by Joseph Ibn Aknin at Ceuta (before 1185) ^^ 
probably by Salomon Ibn Vlp^s, a relation of Joseph Ibn 
Sahl, and perhaps by Isaac ben Israel, the head of a 
school at Babylon (cir. 1218).^^ Charisi himself had trans- 
lated the famous Makamas of Hariri into Hebrew, and after 
his journey to the East (1216 — 18) he drew up a rival work 
in Hebrew, which included some older pieces. He was fol- 
lowed by Emmanuel of Eome, who (cir. 1332) added a kind 
of Divina Commedia, after the style of Dante.^^ His satires 
and parodies, which unite religious zeal and scientific earnest- 
ness with frivolity of expression, and the novels which he has 
inserted, rank him with Boccaccio ; but Emmanuel and his 
book were soon forbidden, owing to the stricter views on the 
subject which were gaining ground. A great Paradiso in 
terza rima, with literary and historical notes, was written by 
Moses Bieti (born 1416)^^, who excludes Emmanuel from 
the regions of the blest, and who is also said to have re- 
pented of his own poetry as a waste of time. This would 
show that he possessed more judgment than those who have 
published this unattractive work as the production of the 
" Hebrew Dante." 

Finally we possess some collections (^Diwans), made either 
by the authors themselves or by others after them, and 
some greater poetical works, known only from quotations and 
catalogues, by MoSES Ibn Ezra (ob. after 1 1 38), and Jehuda 
Halevi (ob. before 1160), which two, with Gabirol, form 
the triple star of Jewish poetry in Spain ; by Jacob ben 
Eleazar, who wished to imitate if not to surpass the 
Arabs^2; and by Abraham Bedarshi (1289), and Solomon 
BoNFED in Provence (1400); besides various anthologies, 
for the most part only in manuscript. Jehuda Halevi 
BEN Isaac ben Sabbatai composed (1214) a Contest of 
Wealth with Wisdom, and (1217-8) a Gift from Jehuda the 
Woman-hater, a satirical romance, dedicated perhaps to 
Abraham el-Fakkhar, in which the father of the hero, in fact, 
the author himself, bears the name of " Tachkemoni," thus 
occasioning a confusion with the book Tachkemoni by the 
poet Charisi, written about the same time. To the latter of 



§ 20.] NON-LITURGICAL POETRY. 177 

these works he added an appendix, containing an ingenious 
parody excommunicating some of his adversaries at Sara- 
gossa, found in MS. by the author in the Bodleian Library. 
Nehemiah bei^ Menahem Kalomiti (1418) wrote The 
War of Truth ^^% and Messer David ben Jehuda Leon 
The Praise {and Blame ?) of Womeri.^^^ 

Non-liturgical poems and rhyming prose epistles are to 
be found also in Aramaic ; for instance, those by the con- 
temporaries of Bedarshi in Provence '''', and by Solomon 
DuRAN at Algiers (before 1444) ; on the other hand, in 
Germany all knowledge of Aramaic had been lost in the 
14th century.'*^ 

From the extensive use that was made of the poetical form, 
and the estimation in which it was held, there arose some 
persons who made a profession of it ; such as the teacher 
Jehuda Siciliano at Rome (cir. 1300), perhaps the author 
of a lexicon of rhymes still extant in MS."^^ In order 
to facilitate the art, lexicons of rhymes, homonymes, and 
synonymes, were probably written by Charisi ^'^ ; and, with 
special reference to etymology and grammar, by Joseph Ibn 
Chajjim (cir. 1292) ^^ and Solomon da Piera (1412). ^^ 
The more ancient grammar received its superstructure from 
poetry (§ 16.), and at the same time extended its theories to 
both prosody and poetics. On this subject we have some 
chapters by Jehuda Haleyi (1140); Abraham Ibn Ezra 
(1145); Parchon (1159); the author of the ti'llpn h'pVJ^^', 
Dayid Ibn Jahja ; Elia Levita ; Abraham de Balmes 
(ob. 1523) ; and later writers (§28.). Special treatises were 
composed by Moses Ibn Ezra, David Ibn Billa (1320)^^, 
Absalom ben Moses Misrachi^^ Moses Ibn Chabib 
of Lisbon at Bitonto (1486), with an introductory gram- 
matical chapter, and by a certain Isaiah of unknown date : 
also Excursuses, by Abraham Ibn Ezra (on Eccles. v.) ; by 
Abravanel (ob. 1505), in his commentaries on Ex. xv. and 
Isa. V. ; and others.^^ Almost all these writers must be con- 
sidered as followers of the Arabising poetry of Spain ; but 
the Italian writers show the influence of classic literature, for 
example, Jehuda ben Jechiel, called Messer Leon, who 
toak Cicero and Quintilian as his models. The interesting 

N . 



178 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

work of Moses Ibn Ezra, so often alluded to, will shortly 
be published by tlie author of the present treatise, from a 
unique MS. in the Bodleian Library. Besides the historical 
part (§ 10.), it contains, in twenty short chapters, an inge- 
nious exposition of the beauties and ornaments of poetry, illus- 
trated by numerous examples from the Arabic and Hebrew. 
The Hebrew poetry of the Jews, according to Detitzsch ^"^j 
everywhere preceded the national poetry of the particular 
country ; but the Jews also took a part in the latter. Don 
Santo (or Santob, perhaps Shemtob), famous as an adviser 
of the King of Spain, was one of the most celebrated trou- 
badours of his age (1360); Juan Alphonso de Baena 
(1449 — 54) was a collector of poetry, and himself a poet; 
Moses Chassan (Acan) de Zaragua wrote a poem on 
chess, beginning with the Creation and containing moral 
applications, in the Catalonian dialect, which was translated 
anonymously into Castilian (1350); his namesake, Don 
Moses, physician to Don Enrique (1368 — 79 ?), is one of 
the poets mentioned in Baena's collection ; Valentin Bar- 
RUCHIUS (perhaps in the 12th century) wrote the history of 
Count Lyonnais (Palanus) in pure Latin. The Disciplina 
Clericalis of Peter Alphonsi (1106) is, according to Tick- 
nor, the first European collection of tales (or Makama) com- 
posed in the Oriental style; and he considers this popular 
work, which has been translated into various languages, as 
a prototype of the Conde Lucanor by Don John Manuel. 
The Jew Siisskind of Trimberg, in the 13th century ^^, was 
a Swabian minstrel. Some German legends, for example 
The Court of Arthur^ (1279) attracted the attention of the 
Jews^^, to whom we are indebted for the preservation of a 
German edition of this work in ottava rima, written in He- 
brew characters. To the middle ages belong some genuine 
popular works, partly ethical (§ 12.), partly translations (§ 1 6.) 
and versifications of the Bible ; for instance, the History of 
David, by a lady of Regensburg, Litte ^"^ , in the German 
dialect generally used at the time, interspersed with a few He- 
braisms. In consequence of the isolated position of the Jews, 
and their dislike of change, their language became more 
and more different from the vernacular ; this was especially 
the case with German, so that at a later period (see § 28.) 



§ 21.] MATHEMATICAL SCIENCES. 179 

the language used by them was called " Jewish-German," 
and was considered as a kind of slang. This fact is not un- 
important in the history of literature. 



§ 21.] Mathematical Sciences, 

We are here principally concerned with the Arabian school 
and its off-shoots, on which, at the commencement of this 
Period, the knowledge inherited from earlier times exerted a 
perceptible influence ; while the Arabian Jews played an 
important part in the cultivation of this branch of Arabian 
science. The encyclopaedic method^ which was then in 
vogue, comprised Mathematics (nmT^V n?Dr)n, or, in the 
plural, Arab. ^^:!^\ Ss.), as a science preparatory (t^lQ'^ti/n 'n, 
^<Ai^^\ ^y>^) to philosophy, and divided it into various disci- 
plinae (generally seven), e. g.. Mathematics in the strict sense 
(m-i'^SDn, nnnn nTrinn omr'^ii^m yyt:^T[ 'n), including Arith- 
metic (lllti'nn 'n), Algebra (nmitiTin 'n, conf. Arab. J.^ 
j-^0, and Geometry (HTlDn ^n), besides Astronomy and 
Music (§ 18. 4.). Astronomy (D^ir)ir)n DTDDH later HDI^n), 
is divided, according to Abraham ben Chijja (1134)^ into 
1. Astronomy proper ()VTnn ^n, the science of observa- 
tion), treating (a) of the form and position of the heavenly 
bodies (astrography, spherical and empirical astronomy), and 
(b) of their measurements and motions (theoretical astro- 
nomy), with scientific demonstrations; and 2. the art of 
Astrology (]VD3n nr^K^TD, art of experience), depending upon 
traditions and opinions of secondary value. One portion of 
astronomy is astronomical geography.^ 

1. Astronomy. The labours of the Jews in this department 
have not yet undergone a proper special investigation. On 
this head much ignorance is displayed by Christian writers, 
and even Delambre and Ideler are not better informed than 
others.^* The subject is rendered more difficult by the fact, 
that the oldest works are scarcely known except by quotations, 
and that the later Jewish astronomers were occupied in endea- 
vouring to trace the views they had formed from their own in- 
vestigations, or had adopted from others, in the old practical 

N 2 



180 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

ruleS;, or in the precepts scattered about the Talraud and 
Midrasli, and generally referred to ancient authorities. The 
entanglement of the subject^ and the complicated hypotheses 
adopted from time to time, as knowledge advanced, add con- 
siderably to the difficulties in the history of Jewish astronomy. 
It will be necessary to examine the connexion between this 
department of literature and the Halacha, Haggada, and Po- 
lemics, with reference to Chronology, and between it and 
Philosophy and the Kabbala with reference to Astrology. 

The points of contact of the Halacha with astronomy 
have been mentioned above (§ 5. A.). We must here pre- 
mise a few remarks upon the nature of the Kalendar. It 
depends upon a regular compensation of the luni-solar cycle 
by means of Intercalation ; hence m^pn DTDDn, Science of 
Intercalation.^^ The old Arabians intercalated a month in 
every third year ^ ; but there are various opinions respecting 
the principle on which this was done.^^ The Karaites were 
inconsistent in admitting the regular system of intercalation 
with a cycle of nineteen years ^, and yet rejecting the Kab- 
binical method of reckoning the new moon, in favour of the 
older way of determining it by the testimony of witnesses. 
They also, contrary to the rule of the Kabbinites, admit- 
ted the evidence of Muhammedans on the point. "^ It may 
be mentioned, that at an early period, Abu Amran" el- 
TiFLisi ^ adopted the astronomical solar kalendar, so as to 
avoid the Rabbinical postponement of feast days. In order 
to defend themselves against the attacks of the Karaites, Mu- 
hammedans, and Christians, on the mode of calculating the 
kalendar^, — especially the determination of the feast of 
Easter, — Saadja, Chananel, Meshullam ben Kalo- 
NYMOS at Lucca, or in Germany ^, Abraham ben Chijja, 
Jehuda Hale VI (1140), and later writers, tried to claim 
for the astronomical calculation of the moon a high respect on 
account of its antiquity. Some authors went so far as to 
assert that the Greek astronomers were pupils of the Jews ^^, 
others even interpolated the Talmud. ^^ 

Among the most interesting remains of Hebrew literature 
of the first period, there are, besides the Boraita of Samuel, 
known only from quotations'^, three astronomical, but unfor- 



§21.] MATHEMATICAL SCIENCES. 181 

tunately much interpolated and corrupted, sections of the 
Pirke derahhi Eliezer ^^, in which the year is made to consist 
of 365^ days, the month of 30 days \^\ hours, the cycle 
()top -mv:^) of 4, the period (Vn:i mtnTD) of 28 (= 7 x 4) 
years, the lunar month of 29 days, 12^ hours, the lunar cycle 
of 3^"^, the period of 21 (= 7 x 3) years; so that three solar 
and 4 lunar periods (3 x 28 = 4 x 21 = 84 years), form 
the hour of ft divine day of 1000 years. ^^ All this is made to 
correspond to the seven planets according to their cosmical 
order or regency in the hours of the day, and with reference 
to passages in the Book of Job. This work also mentions a 
cycle of 1 9 years with 7 leap-years, although not in the usual 
order, and the creation of the stars (first novilunium?) 
placed at the evening of Wednesday ^^ ; it is said that there 
are in heaven 366 *^ windows" for the days of the solar 
year, and the like. The Boraita of R. Ada is probably 
nothing else than another name for the kalendar rules {^Te- 
kufa derab Ada)^^, adopted with the solar year of the Ara- 
bian Albatani (880). Connected with this are the remark- 
able astronomical and astrological works of the physician 
Sabbatai Donolo ben Abraham of omn in Italy (946).^^ 
According to his own not very lucid account, his country- 
men rejected entirely, through ignorance, the old and ob- 
scure Jewish writings on astronomy, as they believed that 
this science was to be found only among other nations. ^^ 
He consequently studied Indian, Babylonian, Arabian, and 
Greek astronomy, but found that they coincided with the 
Jewish. After a long and fruitless search for a teacher among 
the Christians, he at last found the Babylonian t2/Y':i:i, and set 
about explaining these works, with the help of figures. '^^^ His 
comparison of the sun to a "roasting egg" is worth notice. 

In the mean time Jewish astronomy in the East had taken 
part in the new studies of the Arabians, e. g., Mashallah 
(754_813)20a; Sahl, called Rabban (not " Zein") el Tha- 
beri (800), whose translation of the Almagest is the only one 
containing the chapter on refraction; Sind ben Ali (829 — 
833), one of the principal contributors to the Maamunic tables; 
and Jacob Ibn Sheara (? in the 9th century), who is said 
to have met with some mathematical works in India, and 

N 3 



182 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

caused them to be translated into Arabic.-^ To this ao^e also 
probably belongs the Babylonian Andruzger ben Sadi 
Faruch.^^^ Subsequently there occur Bashar ben 
PiNHAS Ibn Shoeib (997), Ibn Simujeh (1087), and 
others ; and in Africa Abu Sahl ben Temim (or Isaac 
Israeli? about or before 955), who composed an astrono- 
mical work by order of Ismail ben Kaim al-Mansuri. 

The nature of the Kalendar (ll^P, hence subsequently 
the titles m^nnr, also n-nVim ms^pn, i. e. " Quarter-day 
and ]^ew-i\Ioon" ), from its connexion with the cycle of 
Holy-days, naturally formed a constituent part of the litur- 
gical writings mentioned above ( § 19.)^^; as appears later 
in the Arabic writer Solomon ben Natan of Segelmas ^^; 
SiMCHA of Yitry in France ; Abudirahim in Spain ; in the 
Karaitic work Tikkun ^^, and in some general Halachaic 
Avorks mentioned below. Supplements were, however, added 
to Solomon ben Natan's short rules by Saadja ben Jehuda 
Ben Ebjatar in Egypt (1203), who also wrote a commen- 
tary on the verses of Jose Alnaharwanai, hitherto un- 
known. To Nachshon the Gaon(877 — 885) is commonly 
attributed the perpetual kalendar, founded upon a period of 
1 9 years ; which was proved to be not quite correct by the 
learned Spaniards of the 10th and 11th centuries ^^, but 
was, nevertheless, made the foundation of kalendar tables 
(mmV, from mV, a table), by some later writers, as Jacob 
BEN AsHER at Toledo 2^, and has retained a place in some 
works nearly to the present time. 

Scientific astronomy could not fail to come into collision 
Avith the Biblical expositions of the Haggada, and also with 
Doo'matics.^'' The researches concernino; the creation of the 
world, the spheres, and their spiritual movers (the physical 
astronomy of the time), form a leading subject with Phi- 
losophers and Dogmatists, e. g. Meir Aldabi (1360), 
and Kabbalists, such as Joseph Chiquitilla and Pseudo- 
Abraham ben Dayid. Hence many works have been 
reckoned as astronomical which, according to our notions, be- 
long to Philosophy ^^ ; and some really astronomical works 
were originally parts of philosophical encyclopaedias, such as 
those by Levi ben Abraham and Levi ben Gerson. It 



§ 21.] MATHEMATICAL SCIENCES. 183 

is sufficient here to have pointed out this coincidence, and 
to have made a reference to philosophical literature (§12.). 

In Spain the Jewish astronomy began simultaneously with 
the Arabian ^^ and we find there a celebrated astrologer as 
early as 810 (see below, 2.). Hassan, j^idge at Cordova (972), 
perhaps first established the solar year of Albatani ( Tekufa 
of R. Ada) as the basis of the Jewish kalendar^^ ; and great 
pains were taken by the physician Isaac ben Rakufiel, 
partly at the instigation of less learned Rabbles, to explain the 
old Talmudlcal kalendar rules and the astronomical passages 
in the Bible and Midrash, according to the recent results of 
science ; by Isaac ben Baruch Albalia (el-Kalaja?) 
of Cordova ( 1 035 — 1094), teacher of mathematics at Granada, 
and astronomer to the Arabian prince Samuel ; and by others. 
Abraham ben Chijja of Spain, at Marseilles (?), first (1 134) 
attempted to treat of the whole of astronomy in Hebrew ^^ ; 
Abraham Ibn Ezra (1093—1168) carried out the astro- 
logical part at some length; and both wrote special treatises 
on Intercalation.^^ Jehuda Halevi (1140) devoted a part 
of his polemical work to astronomy ; his younger contem- 
porary and opponent, the apostate Samuel Ibn Abbas 
(§15.), renowned as an astronomer among the Arabians, 
likewise wrote on the nature of the Kalendar and Chrono- 
logy.^^ Among the most prominent authors of the Halacha, 
we may mention Serachja Halevi of Llinel ( § 9. ). The 
following also composed some valuable works : Maimonides, 
who treated of the Jewish kalendar rules in an Arabic 
commentary to the treatise Rosh Hasliana, also in a special 
work (1158), and again in a section of his Codex of Law 
(the last-named work was commentated by many later au- 
thors, as, Obadja ben David in Egypt (1325), an anony- 
mous Arabic writer (1387), and Levi ben Chabib (cir. 1520) 
(§30. ); Abraham ben David (cir. 1160); and others, 
whose works are lost.^^ 

Nearly all the independent works hitherto named were 
written in Arabic, and made use of the Arabic-Greek lite- 
rature ^^^ ; even Maimonides and his pupil Ibn Aknin 
(1185 — 1190) emended the works of Ibn Aflah, Heitem, and 
Ibn Hud.^^ But in the 13th century first began the epoch 

N 4 



184 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

of the Hebrew translations and editions of Arabic, Latin, or 
Spanish^^ works, comprising those of the Greek astronomers 
and mathematicians, Ptolemaeus, Euclid and his continuer 
Hypsicles, Archimedes and his commentator Eutocius of 
Ascalon, Autolycos, Menelaus, Nicomachus ^^, and Theo- 
dosius, after the editions of the Syrians and Arabians ; 
Honein and his son Ishak^^, Costa ben Luca (864 — 923), 
Thabet(836 — 901), Abu Djaafar Jussuf, and others: more- 
over, the Astronomical works of Abu Maasher (813?), El 
Kindi (813 — 873), Fergani (844), Batani (fl. 880), Ku- 
shiar ben Lebban Ibn Shahdi (11th century) in the East; 
Ibn Heitham (ob. 1038), Ibn Afla of Seville and Al-Zarkala 
(cir. 1080) at Toledo; Petrongi or Batrugi (1145-54?), 
and Averroes (ob. 1198): the Astrological writings of Chalid 
ben Jezid (ob. 704)^^, Alcabitius ( ^_^--Jil\ , al-Kabissi, 10th 
cent.)39% Meriti (ob. 1007), and Ablalhassin Ali Ibn Ead- 
shal "^^ : and the Arithmetical works of Abu Kamil ( Shad- 
sha ben Eslem?), and Abu Ahmed ben ( Abd) el Khassad 
(■i:iinb><?).'^°^ The Jewish editors, some of whom made use 
of Latin ti'anslations, are, Jacob Anatoli, who improved 
Johann Hispalensis' translation of the Alfergani by com- 
paring it with the original, and added a chapter "** on which 
Christmann lays much stress ; Jehuda ben Moses (erro- 
neously called ben Joseph) Cohen (1256); Isaac (in 
Spanish "Zag") Ibn Sid (1252 — 1266) Chasan, pre- 
centor at Toledo ^■^; Samuel el Leyi AbulafiA; and 
Abraham of Toledo (1278 — 9); all commissioned by Al- 
phonso X. : Jehuda ben Solomon Cohen of Toledo, 
in Tuscany (1247)^^; Moses Ibn Tibbon in Provence 
(1274); :N'athan Hamati at Eome (1273 — 1283) Kalo- 
nymos ben Kalonymos at Avignon (1314); Solomon 
Ibn Patir Cohen of Burgos (1322); Shalom ben 
Joseph ^nu*; Wilhelm Raimund de Moncada, who 
went over to Christianity; Isaac Abulcheir ben Samuel 
(later than 1340) ^^^i Jacob ben Eliah ; the Karaite 
Moses ben Jehuda Goli; Solomon ben Abraham 
Abigdor (1399), who translated Sacrobosco's (ob. 1256) 
compendium De Splicer a^'', and some time before, at the 
age of 15, the Medical Astrology of Arnoldus de Villanova 
(ob. 1312); Jacob ben Jehuda Kabrut at Barcelona 



§21.] MATHEMATICAL SCIENCES. 185 

(1382); Baruch ben Solomon ben Joab (?) (1451); 
and others. 

Alphonso X. had a great predilection for Jews and Ara- 
bians, for which he was reproved by the Pope. He commis- 
sioned several Jews, with the assistance of his secretaries, to 
translate the most important works of some older Arabic 
authors. This has been transformed into an " Astronomical 
Congress " by an uncritical author ; and, notwithstanding 
the anachronisms which it involves, the mistake has passed 
current with all modern writers, not excepting Humboldt. 

As authors of independent astronomical works, the follow- 
ing may be mentioned : — Jacob ben Samson, probably in 
France (1123 — 70), whose work, ^li'llbK, known only from 
a fragment in the Bodleian Library, treats of the Jewish 
Kalendar; Solomon ben Moses Melgueil (1250); Levi 
ben Abraham ben Chajjim in Provence, whose volumi- 
nous work seems to be a rechauffe of Abraham Ibn Ezra, 
and forms part of a philosophical encyclopsedia ; Jacob ben 
Machir Ibn Tibbon, known by the name of Prophiat, 
professor at Montpellier ; Isaac Israeli ben Joseph 
(1310 — 30), author of the important work, Jesod Olam, 
written for R. Asher at Toledo; Sheshet ben Isaac 
Gerondi at Barcelona ( 1320 ) ; Levi ben Gerson 
(1328 — 40), whose Neiu System of Astronomy, forming part 
of his philosophical work (§ 12.), is said by Munk to be 
worth examination; Emanuel ben Jacob at Tarrascona 
( about 1346), author of the popular work. The Six Wings ; 
Joseph Ibn Nahmias at Toledo (1300—30), who wrote in 
Arabic; Isaac (ben Solomon ben Zadik) Ibn Alchadib 
{l^rhx, the humpbacked) in Castile (1370—80)^6; 
Prophiat Duran in Provence (1392); and many others. 
In the Jesod Olam, Isaac Israeli quotes from the Almagest 
a third irregularity of the moon, which has been also men- 
tioned by the Arabic author Abu'l Wefa, and hence mistaken 
by Sedillot for the variation of Tycho Brahe : this confusion 
has been cleared up by Munk.^^^ In Germany, only Meir 
Spira and his son Isaac need be mentioned.^^ 

Most of the above-mentioned writers are known from cata- 
loo'ues onlv ; and for a true estimation of their relative value, 
the labours of both the astronomer and bibliographer are 



186 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

required. In tlie absence of the former, the author adds 
such few general remarks as he is able. 

The foundation of the Kalendar, depending upon the 
motions of the sun and moon, was one of the main objects of 
the study of astronomy among the Jews. And this again, 
so far as local circumstances are concerned, is closely con- 
nected with other branches of astronomy and mathematical 
geography. Ptolemy's Almagest (^tOD'^^iDVK, also ^Hininn, 
fjLsyaXr) avvTa^is) was the text-book, and most of his figures, 
for instance the comparison of the spheres to the skins of 
an onion ^^% remained canonical among the Arabians and 
Jews. The same was the case with his numbers, notwith- 
standing the advance of science; for example, that there 
are 1022 fixed stars, or with the planets 1029^^; that the 
sun is 166f, or, in round numbers, 170 times larger than the 
earth, and 5000 or 6800 times larger than the moon^^ ; that 
the earth is about 24,000 miles in circumference ^°, and that 
Saturn revolves round the earth once in 59 years. ^^ Accord- 
ing to Ibn Ezra and others, the year is 365 d. 5h. 19m. 15s. 
in length; according to Levi ben Gerson the sun moves 
differently from the zodiac, and advances one degree in 42|- 
years ; the obliquity of the ecliptic, stated by Albatani, 
Ibn Ezra, and Levi ben Gerson as 23° 33', is reduced by 
Prophatius (Jacob ben Machir) to 23° 32'; Jacob Poel 
(p. 188.) calculated that the sun arrives in 31 Egyptian years 
15d. 23 h. 34 m. 21s. to the same height, and thus formed 
his thirty-one tables for the conjunction and opposition of 
the sun and moon. The endless discussions about the num- 
ber of spheres and their intelligences are now obsolete, but 
they were intimately connected with the theory of the 
movement of epicycles, &c. The efforts made by the Arabs, 
Thabet Ibn Corra, Abu Bekr (Ibn Bage), and his follower 
Batrugi, to remove this most obvious difificulty in the 
Ptolemaic system, were shared and carried on by Jews. 
The numbers, however, in the printed works and MSS. are 
very often mutilated, and perhaps sometimes intentionally al- 
tered.^2 The sphericity of the earth, the antipodes ^^, and the 
regions in which the day and night were each of six months '^^% 
were known. Whether the five planets and the fixed stars 



§21.] MATHEMATICAL SCIENCES, 187 

received their light from the sun, was not decided in the 
12th century ; and some works Avere considered necessary to 
demonstrate the point even in the case of the moon, while 
Joseph Ibn Chiquitilla (§ 14.) maintained that the moon was 
self-luminous.^^ The Jewish astronomers frequently had 
their own nomenclature for the stars, and made some ac- 
curate observations ; thus Saadja (928 — 941) tells of a lunar 
eclipse at Bagdad, which did not coincide with the new 
moon.^^ 

Amongst writers on the theory, improvement, and inven- 
tion of astronomical instruments, the astrolabe, quadrant, 
sphere, sun-dial, &c., we find Abkaham Ibn Ezra, who 
also is said to have suggested the division of the celestial 
globe by the equator, besides various things which other 
astronomers appropriated to themselves ^^''^ ; Samuel Ha- 
LEYi (1280—1284); Jacob ben Machir (1300), who 
invented as a substitute for the astrolabe a kind of quadrant, 
known in a Latin translation of Armengaud Blasius of 
Montpellier (1299) as ^Hhat of Prophatius;" Emanuel 
BEN Jacob ; Isaac Alchadib ; Jehuda Ibn Verga of 
Seville (probably after 1450); Mordecai Comtino (1460 
— 85) ; Joseph Tattazak ; Jehuda Farissol at Mantua 
(1499); Chajjim Vital ^6, and Joseph Parsi ^"^5 who 
are uncertain ; perhaps the astronomer R. Joseph, who was 
a member of the commission which reported on Columbus's 
project (1480), and recommended the use of an astrolabe at 
sea to John of Portugal ^^; Leon de Banolas, inventor 
of an instrument for observation ^^% who is no other than 
Levi ben Gerson (1328 — 70), and who wrote a Hebrew 
poem on this invention; and Bonet de Lattes (1506), 
celebrated by Reuchlin as a physician, who dedicated his 
invention of an astronomical ring to Pope Leo X. 

The Jews were in many ways active, both independently 
and in conjunction with others, in the preparation and pro- 
duction of the most celebrated astronomical tables, mmb 
n^lJrnn, -«^;>J)^^^ e. g. those ofMaamun, of Alphonso, and 
the Persian tables. ^^ Among the learned men, whom the skilful 
patron and biographer of celebrated Jews, Ahmed Ibn Szaid, 
collected about himself for the preparation of the Toledo tables 



188 JEWISH LITEEATUEE. [Period II. 

(1080), were twelve Jews.^^^ But almost all these works 
have been hitherto known from uncertain sources ; and so, in 
order not to mislead the reader, we will here give only a few 
names of authors, translators, and commentators, without 
entering into details : — Abraham ben Chijja, who edited 
the tables of Ptolemy ; Ibn Ezra (1160), whose translation 
of Albatani's commentary on the Chowaresmic Tables of Mu- 
hammed ben Musa in question and answer, contains an intro- 
duction of historical interest^° ; Jacob ben Machir (1300) 
whose tables are still extant in Hebrew MSS. and in a Latin 
translation, where they are described as the " Almanack of 
Prophatius;" Levi ben Gerson (cir. 1320); Emanuel 
BEN Jacob, who defended Albatani's system^^, and, in accord- 
ance with it, calculated tables of the variation in length of 
days and nights (1365 ?); his opponent Isaac Alhadib^^% 
Joseph ben Eliezer of Saragossa (1335)^^ ; Jacob ben 
David ben Jomtob Poel (1361), called San Bonet Bon- 
Giorno (or in a Latin translation in MS., Jacob Boneediei), 
who calculated his tables (p. 186.) for the latitude of Per- 
pignan^^^; Isaac ben Aaron (1368); Solomon ben 
Elia Sharbit-Hasahab at Saloniki (1490?)^^; Abra- 
ham Zacut, whose tables are printed in Latin and Spanish 
(the latter in Hebrew characters) ; and Jehuda Israeli 
(1339 ?).^'' The greatest confusion pervades the accounts of 
the Tables of Alphonso.^^ Even writers of our own time 
speak of Ali Ibn Ragel (Wagel?) and Alchabitius (10th cen- 
tury), as Babbies at the head of the commission for drawing 
them up ; while Bicius, Avho derives his information from 
Abraham Zacut (see however pp. 189-90.) thinks that none 
but Jews were entrusted with that work ; Isaac Ibn Sid 
(Cid, 1252) was certainly the chief commissioner or final re- 
dactor. Some doubt attaches to the supposition of Bicius, that 
these tables, bearing date 1252, were really a revision, ordered 
in 1256, in consequence of the translation of a catalogue 
of stars by Jehuda ben Moses Kohen from the Arabic 
of Abul Hasin (not Avicena).^^ The Tables of Peter 111. 
(1278) have been hitherto entirely unnoticed.^^ Accord- 
ing to Gans^*^, Jacob "'tr/npV^ (1260) translated the tables 
of Alphonso into Jlebrew ; and Moses ben Abraham 



§ 21.] MATHEMATICAL SCIENCES. ' 189 

of Nismes (" Kirjat-jearim")^ at Avignon ^^, translated the 
commentary of John Nicholas ( ? de Saxonia), of Paris ; 
his pupil Farissol Moses Botarel, however, complains 
of the obscurity of the translation (1465). The Tables of 
John Bianchino were perhaps translated by Moedecai 
FiNZi at Mantua (1440 — 6)."^^ In a prefatory chapter, 
belonging to an anonymous work, but probably written 
by Finzi, the astronomical tables are divided into simple 
and compound. To the former belong those of Abra- 
ham ben Chijja, after Ptolemy ; those of Emanuel 
ben Jacob, after Albatani ; those of Isaac Israeli, after 
the Toledan ; those of Alphonso ; and the Persian ; all 
extant in Hebrew. To the second class belong the Parisian ; 
those of John Bianchino ; the Six Wings of Emanuel 
ben Jacob ; the work Orach Selula by Isaac Ibn Al- 
hadib; and the Tables of the AhnanacTi,w\i\c^ qx^yq^^iojiis 
either general or refers perhaps to the tables of Prophatius 
mentioned above ; or to those of Jacob Poel. The same 
author edited also a complete kalendar for the use of the 
Synagogues, which, as he mentions, is usually called "T'^'D 
DDDDH (Synagogue-sheet). Tables of this kind are still to 
be found in the form of sheet-kalendars for walls, while the 
usual house-kalendars seem not to have been introduced 
before the 17th century. 

In the 15th century the following belong to the more 
important astronomical writers, besides others already men- 
tioned above : Eli A Misrachi, pupil of Mordecai Com- 
TiNO (p. 187.)^°% the Karaite Eli A Bashiatshi, and 
Kaleb Afendopolo ^^ all at Constantinople ; Abraham 
Zacuto ben Samuel, professor of astronomy at Saragossa, 
and, subsequently to 1492, astronomer and chronographist to 
Immanuel of Portugal, some Arabic tracts by whom were 
extant late in the 16th century; his pupil Aucustinus 
Ricius (1521), who wrote a Latin essay on the movement of 
the eighth sphere, i. e. the fixed stars, and another, said to be 
lost, in which he proposed to demonstrate the Jewish origin 
of astronomy ; and others. To judge by the quotations in 
the printed work, Ricius derived some of his information from 
sources unknown to us ; but his statements, faithfully repeated 



190 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

by many later authorities, without any allusion to the proba- 
bility of his being a Jew, are not free from suspicion. There 
are some other writers who carried on the mediaeval astronomy 
down to the 16th century, and the time when the Copernican 
system was introduced; for example, the translators and 
commentators of the writings of George Purbach or Peur- 
bach (nat. 1423, ob. 1465), and his pupil Kegiomontanus 
(Johan Miiller, ob. 1476), viz. Moses Almosnino .(ob. 
1574 — 8) in the East, who also, like Matatja Delacrut 
at Bologna (1550), wrote a commentary on the sphere of 
Sacrobosco ^2 ; the celebrated Talmudist Moses Isserls 
(ob. 1573); and Manoah Hendel (ob. 1612) in Poland. 
Particular works of Regiombntanus were probably trans- 
lated into Hebrew as early as 1466.'^^ 

2. Astrology, as a science, as the Arabians considered it^^, 
and according to the Arabian Encyclopaedia a part of Physics, 
is founded on the supposed influence of the stars (ntosti'D mn:i, 
D^nDirin, ^y^\ ^^\ ; hence also tDSti'Dn n?:)2n, Astrologia 
Judiciaria) upon the fate and freedom ^^ of men and the for- 
mation of the sublunary world. Even its keenest philoso- 
phical opponents, such as Maimonides, who boasts that he 
had perused all works on astrology — " that error, called a 
science" — written in, or translated into Arabic ^^, and who 
attributes the general authority of astrology to the simple 
belief in every thing written, and especially in that which 
claims or pretends to antiquity ^^, protests only against 
the doctrine of chance, and opposes to the influence of 
the stars the mediation of the intelligences which guide 
the spheres. Nevertheless, some important doctors, e. g. 
Abraham ben Chijja^^, Ibn Ezra, and others, have 
admitted that astrology might have a practical influence. 
Other pious men, even adherents of the Kabbala, resting on 
the Bible and the leading views of the Talmud, struggled 
vainly against it ; although the general mass naturally paid 
homage to the notions prevailing in the surrounding media 
of Muhammedanism and Christianity.''^^ Thus arose usages 
which, like most Jewish customs, gradually partook of a re- 
ligious character ; and which even promoted astronomical in- 
vestigation, although they were not approved by the learned 



§21.] ' MATHEMATICAL SCIENCES. 191 

themselves. '^^ Intelligent Astrologers tried to harmonise their 
views with the genuine Jewish doctrine of foreknowledge 
and freewilP° ; the hope of a Messiah, strengthened by ex- 
ternal circumstances and Millennianism, availed itself of the 
assistance of astrology®^ ; exegesis (especially that of the 
14th century ^^} where the Kabbala already occupied an 
authoritative position, admitted astrological elements in phi- 
losophical writings ; and thus astrology first ceased in the 
loth century to be an independent science. But the study 
of this branch is indispensable, on account of the astronomical 
and mathematical materials to be found in it. The Jewish 
astronomers in the service of courts were obliged to adapt 
themselves to the fashion of the time, and to the commands 
of persons who considered the practical object of astronomy 
to consist, in prognostications, drawing of horoscopes, &c. 
Thus we find the followino- mentioned as astroloo^ers : Abu 
DAto at Bagdad (about 912) ; BurhIn el Fuluk (which 
means Demonstration of the Sphere), perhaps the Arabic 
name for Solomon, at Nineveh (1160-80); and others, 
although it is uncertain whether they left any written books 
behind them, such as the Prophecy of David ben Jacob Meir 
(1464) in Italy. The number of strictly astronomical works 
is very small, even if we include the Arabic translations 
(sup. p. 184.) ; for example, those of Alkabiszi, 10th century, 
and Ibn al-Radjal, and Abu Djaafar's commentary on Pto- 
lemy's Pantiloqiiium.^^ The following wrote in Arabic: 
Mashallah (754 — 813) el-Andrusger^^ in the East; 
and Sahl or Soheil ben Bishr (810) in Spain, whom the 
author has recently discovered to be identical with " Zahel 
Bembi9 Ismaelita," a name under which two astrological 
works have been printed in Latin, although one of them is at- 
tributed in other editions to Mashallah. The following wrote 
in Hebrew : Abraham ben Chijja ; Abraham Ibn Ezra, 
whose works were translated into Latin by Henricus Bates 
(1281), and Petrus d'Abano of Padua, about the same time, 
and whose influence in Italy was so great, that we do not 
hesitate to recognize him in the " Abraham " who represents 
mathematics in a fresco of the seven arts in an Italian church; 
Leyi ben Abraham Ibn Chajjim ; the otherwise unknown 



192 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

Nehemia ben Samuel (1399?)^^; Joseph bej^- Isaac 
AsHALMER (?)^^ ; and tlie apostate Martin of Toledo 
(in the 15tli century ?).^^ Of the various branches of Physics 
and Medicine connected with astrology, mention will be made 
below (§ 22.). 

Pure Mathematics (arithmetic, algebra, geometry) were 
already used in the first Period in various Halacha works ^^, 
and in the second were applied, in the French- German school, 
to the explanation of the Talmud, &c.®^ The knowledge 
of them was limited ^^, but the self-taught progress ordy so 
much the more surprising. The Arabian school investigated 
the mathematical parts of the Halacha, such as measures, 
weights, coins (the reduction of which to the standard cur- 
rent in various countries was necessary), in general intro- 
ductions or monographies ; for instance, Joseph Ibn Akxin 
(ob. 1226); and Isaac Alchadib.^^ On the other hand. Ma- 
thematics were treated as an introduction to astronomy, e. g. 
by Isaac Israeli. 

Many monographies may be attributed to the above- 
mentioned astronomers, such as Abraham Ibn Ezra, who 
used the Arabic numerals, and, besides various other mathe- 
matical formulae, is said to have invented that called "the 
stratagem," on the occasion of a storm, when, it being decided 
that some of the crew should be thrown overboard, he so 
arranged that the lot should fall only on infidels ^^ ; Abra- 
ham BEN Chijja ; Leyi ben Gerson ; and others. Beside 
the editors of Euclid, Hypsicles, &c. (v. p. 184.), we may here 
mention Abu Sahal ben Temim (955, or Isaac Israeli?), 
who wrote on " Indian Calculations," the so-caUed Gobar, and 
was acquainted with the calculation of Knuckles °^; Jehuda 
BEN Solomon Cohen of Toledo (1247), who, at the age of 
18 years, puzzled the "philosopher" of Frederick 11.^^ ; Elia 
Alfagi; Elia Misrachi; Isaac ben Moses Eli (?), of 
Oriola in Aragon, whose date is uncertain ; and others.^^ 

We may measure people's acquaintance with Mathematics 
by their view of the relation between the diameter and 
circumference of a circle ; the number 2>\ is stated as 
given already in the 49 Middot of R. Natan, mentioned 
above (p. 35.). Most works, even the commentaries on the 



§ 22.] MEDICINE AND NATURAL HISTORY. 193 

Talmud, &c., are, whenever necessary, accompanied by- 
diagrams, many however of which have been lost.* 



§ 22. ] Medicine and Natural History, 

The labours of the Jews in the department of Medicine 
belong to that part of the history of literature and civilisa- 
tion which is generally supposed to be known, but is seldom 
specially investigated. Sprengel ^ mentions three Jews among 
the Arabians, but omits Maimonides, as well as all those 
who wrote in Hebrew. Amoreux^, whose information was 
limited^, mentions the Jewish physicians only to accuse them 
of avarice^, although his evidence applies but to Arabians 
and Christians.^ The laborious Wiistenfeld^ has incidentally 
collected much information about Arabic works, and trans- 
lations from the Arabic.'^ The various aspects in which this 
subject may be viewed greatly enhance the difficulty of deal- 
ing with it. We can here only touch generally on some 
important materials for the History of Medical Science ; and, 
confining our attention to authors and books, we must omit 
all mention of hundreds of men known from their practice of 
the art. 

For the present Period these consist chiefly of the very 
numerous but imperfectly known MSS.®, — of which the 
Hebrew belong to Spain, Provence, and Italy, — for the cir- 
culation of which there was but little demand owing to the 
subsequent progress in science ; the few which have been 
printed, are rare and bad Latin translations of Arabic works. 
A classification of them is the more difficult because a ' great 
number of Hebrew MSS. bear the general title HKIID"! "ISD 
(medical work), l^n nr)>ib72 and Arab. mn~i>^;i (surgery). 
The difficulty of determining the authorship is greatly en- 
hanced by the various translations, editions, and copies, by 
the mutilation of names in various languages, &c. Many 
on practical medicine, moreover, have been preserved in the 
literature of other languages, although their authors were 
not known to have been Jews ; as in the case of some Arabic 
treatises, especially by Karaites.^ The other parts of Jewish 

* On Music, vide supra, § 18. 
O 



194 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II- 

llterature give but little assistance on this subject, on account 
of its slight connexion with them^^, although medicine, as a 
part of physical science, was frequently treated from a purely 
theoretical point of view.^^ On the other hand many prac- 
tical physicians are known as writers only, or principally, 
from works unconnected with their art, and therefore do not 
come under our notice at present. ^^ Moreover, the Jewish 
ceremonial required, in general, an acquaintance with medi- 
cine ^^; and Jews distinguished themselves, not merely as 
general practitioners (" Maestri") and physicians in ordi- 
nary, but also as members of the public institutions and 
schools of Christians and Arabians, e. g. at Bagdad ^^, Kahira, 
Salerno. ^^ They also took part in the establishment of the 
School at Montpellier ^^, a fact which was not without its 
effect on the dissemination of their writings. ^^^ 

The medical literature of the Jews comprises all the 
departments of this science cultivated in the countries where 
they were living, not excepting the Veterinary Art. They 
wrote independent works, that is to say, so far as their age 
produced such ; they compiled, commentated, and translated 
the most celebrated works into and from all languages, and 
were brought, as teachers and writers, into close connexion 
with Arabians and Christians. With reference to the form 
and language, we must further remark that Jews composed 
also medical rhymes ( nnJn>5 ) "" in Arabic ^^ and imitated 
them in Hebrew. In Persian the author of this treatise 
is acquainted only with the Compendium of Abi Saad ^^, 
of which the old Catalogue of the Leyden MSS. gives an 
incorrect account, confounding different works ; in Greek 
he knows only the fragment of a certain Benjamin. ^"^ 

We may perhaps consider those who wrote in Arabic as 
the most independent writers of the time; although the 
Arabian medical literature begins with translators from the 
Syriac and Greek : such as Maserdjeweih ( not " Ibn 
Gialgial " ) 2^, whose treatise on the small-pox is not with- 
out some peculiarities; Sahl (§ 21, p. 181.), who pro- 
bably translated from the Syriac ^^ ; and his apostate son 
Abu'l Hassan Ali (1035 — 1055), who was tutor to the 
celebrated Razi and Ainzarbi. Amongst the best known are 



§ 22.] MEDICINE AND NATURAL HISTORY. 195 

the physicians in Africa and Spain who wrote in Arabic, such 
as, at Kairowan, Isaac (ben Soleiman) el-Israili ^3, 
known under the name " Ysaacus" (840 — 950), skilful in 
dietetics and uroscopy, the best of whose works were pub- 
lished in a compendium by Abdallatif, appropriated by Con- 
stantinus Afer ^^, and variously edited by Jews after the 
Arabic and Latin ; at Kahira, Hibetallah Ibn Gemi, in 
Hebrew Nathanel, physician in ordinary to Saladin, whose 
oLij^l is considered as one of his best writings ; his pupil 
tl^e Karaite Abuleadhl Daud; Ibn Mubarek (nat. 1161), 
teacher at the Nosocomium Nasiricum, where, among others, 
the celebrated Ibn Abi Oseibia was one of his auditors ; and 
many other Karaites ^^, among whom perhaps was Abul 
Menni ben Abi Nassar ben Hafidh el-Atth1r ( i, e. 
the apothecary), a much esteemed pharmacologist (1259 — 
1260).^^ At Kahira (Fostat) Maimonides composed some 
general works, for example, compendia of sixteen works by 
Galen, then in common use (perhaps the same sixteen which 
Joseph Ibn Aknin recommends) combined with five others ; 
and also his Aphorisms (Pirke Moshe) extracted from all 
Galen's works, with the addition of his own valuable critical 
remarks, one of which, respecting an observation made by 
Galen in his book De Usu Partium, against the prophet 
Moses, has become a locus classicus, and has been curiously 
interpolated by the Latin translator, who joins Christ to 
Moses; these Aphorisms, which according to Mercurial 
deserve to be ranked with those of Hippocrates, must not 
be confounded with Maimonides' commentary on the Apho- 
risms of Hippocrates. Besides these larger works, we have 
some smaller essays, written partly by order of the princes 
in whose service he was, Saladin and both his successors, 
Malek al-Aziz (1193-8) and Malek al-Afdhal. Among 
these we may mention an essay upon simple antidotes to 
poison, w^ritten at the desire of the Vezir Alfadhel (and 
thence called Alfadhelijja) on the occasion of a man having 
been bitten by a viper, and dying from being unacquainted 
with any simple remedy (1198); and also the celebrated 
dietetical epistle to Malek al-Afdhal, extant in Arabic MS., 
and incorrectly printed in Hebrew and Latin, of which a 

o 2 



196 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

corrupt German translation ^^ has recently been published. 
In Irak and Syria we may mention the two apostates, Abul- 
BERAKAT HiBETALLAH, Called " Auhad cz Zemau " (the 
only man of his time) (1161 — 1170), Samuel Ibn Abbas 
of Maghreb (1163); and finally at Haleb Joseph Ibn 
Aknin (ob. 1226), the pupil of Maimonides and friend of 
the celebrated el Kifti (not Kofti). 

In Spain also the series begins with a* translator the 
fellow-labourer of the monk Nicolaus, who was called to 
Cordova to assist in the translation of Dioscorides, Chasdai 
ben Isaac Shafrut or Bashrut (959)^^, who also first 
made treacle (called Alfaruk), at Cordova ^^; Amran ben 
IsHAK of Toledo (997) is only known on the doubtful au- 
thority of Leo Africanus. We may mention, besides the 
grammarian JoNA (cir. 1040), Joseph ben Ishak Ibn 
Beklarish (or Miklarish) (1126); Abu Giafar Jus- 
SUF BEN Ahmed Ibn Chisdai (1128), the friend of Ibn ess 
Izaigh, who travelled to Africa ; Samuel Abenhucar (Ibn 
Wakkar ?), physician in ordinary to Alphonso (1295 — 
1311)^°; Harun ben Ishak, at Cordova ^^; Ishak ben 
Harun SoLEiMAN, at Guadalaxara (1425 P)'^^*; Jehuda 
BEN Abraham of Toledo ^^ ; Joshua ben Joseph Ibn 
BiBAS LoRKi contemporary of, and perhaps the same as, the 
apostate Hieronymus de Sta. Fide (cir. 1410); and Ibn 
Khani, who translated the work of a Spanish Christian on 
tobacco, and who completes the series. 

It is worth remarking, that original Medical works in 
Hebrew occur even prior to the period of translations (§ 8.), 
for example, one by the astronomer mentioned above, Sab- 
BATAi DoNOLO in Italy. ^^ The cosmographico-medical 
work of one Asaf, interesting from his historical introduc- 
tion, known in France as early as the 11th century, and used 
by Christian and Arabic authors ^^, may, however, with much 
probability, be referred to the Arabic pseudepigraphical 
literature. In the middle of the 13th century we first meet 
with translators, commentators, and editors, from the Arabic 
( Jews, Muhammedans, and a few Christians ), and from 
the Latin, Spanish, and Italian (principally Christians). 
The Greeks who were the authorities of the age, Hippocrates, 



§22.] MEDICINE AXD NATTTEAL HISTORY. 197 

Galen, Dioscorides, &c., influenced also the Jewish medical 
literaturCj and at the same time were themselves represented 
as pupils of the old Jews. ^'^ The Arabians, whose writings 
were edited either directly or indirectly are, Honein (Johan- 
nitius) (809 — 873), and his son Ishak ( ob. 910 — 911); 
Mesne the Elder (Janus Damascenus) (ob. 857), and Mesue 
the Younger (1015); Serapion (cir. 900), and Ibn Serapion 
(post 1068) 35a; Razi (Rhazes) (ob. 923 — 932) ; Ali Ibn al- 
Abbas ( ob. 994 ?) ; Ibn al-Gezzar ( 920 — 1004 ) ; Ibn Sina 
(Avicenna) (980—1037): Ibn Wafid ( Aben Guefit) 
(997 — 1068); Ali Ibn Rodhwan ( ob. 1061 — 1068 ); Ibn 
Gezla (ob. 1100 )35b; Abulkasem el Zahrawi (ob. 1106); 
Abu '1 Salt Omaya (ob. 1137); Ibn Zuhr (Avenzoar) 
(ob. 1162)36 ; and Ibn Roshd (Averroes) (ob. 1198). Cha- 
Risi's Hebrew translation of a work by Galen on early 
burial, which according to ]Maimonides was translated into 
Arabic by Batrik, and was not genuine, is worth noticing. ^'^ 

The principal Jewish editors and commentators of these 
and the Judaeo- Arabic works were nearly all Italians and 
Provencals, namely SoLOMOis" ben Joseph Ibn Ajub of 
Grenada, at Beziers (1259 — Q6)\ Moses Ibn Tibbon 
(1260); Shemtob ben Isaac of Tortosa (1264); Meshul- 
LA3I BEN JoNA ; Faeadj BEN Salem (Farragut ) of Gir- 
genti commissioned by Charles d'Anjou (1279); Nathan 
Hamati (or Gad) ben Eliezek, probably of Provence, 
at Rome (1279—1283) ; his son Solomon (1299), to whom 
we are indebted for the Hebrew translation of Galen's Com- 
mentary on Hippocrates' work De Aere, Aquis, et Locis, 
recently discovered by the author in the Bodleian Library, 
which proves to be the original of the printed Latin transla- 
tion of Moses Alatino (16th century), the Arabic being 
probably lost; Serachja ben Isaac ben Shealtiel of 
Barcelona (1284), at Rome; Jedaja Pexini, at Beziers 
(1298) ; Kalonymos of Aries (1307) ; Solomon, at Beziers 
or Montpellier (1298); Solomon ben Abeaham Ibn Daud ; 
Moses Rieti (at Rome, 1388-1457 ?), author of a commen- 
tary upon the Aphorisms of Hippocrates ; and others. 

The works (mostly Latin) of the following authors, trans- 
lators, and commentators: — Constantinus Afer (1050), 

o 3 



198 ^ JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

whose Liber de Gradibus has not yet been recognised in the 
well known anonymous m'rPDn 'D ; Nicolaus Praepositus of 
Salerno (1100 — 1150); Jordanus Eufus, surgeon to the 
emperor Frederick ^^ ; Gerhard of Cremona (1175) ; Geraut 
(Gerbert) de Sola; Bruno de Lungoburgo (1252); Roger 
of Parma ; William of Piacenza (of Saliceto) (1275) ; Petrus 
Hispanus, son of the physician Julian (John XXI.) ; John 
de St. Amand (de Monte); Nicolaus Alexandrinus (post 
1287); Lanfranc (1296); Bernard de Gordon (1300— 
1304); Ermengaud Blasius of Montpellier (1306)^9; 
Arnaldus '(Bachuone) de Yillanova (ob. 1312), celebrated as 
an astrologer ^^ ; Gentilis and Francisco da Foligno, and 
John Cenobarba (1348)^1; Guy de Chauliac (1363) ^2. 
Saladin ( Asculanus ) de Montpellier ; Peter de Tusig- 
nano"^^; Antonio Cermisone (Parmesane ?) (ob. 1441); 
John of Tornamira (1401); Pictioncelli (?) ; Roger Bro- 
carde ^^ ; and the work Circa Instans (secundum Platea- 
rium)^^ — were edited in Hebrew by Hillel ben Samuel 
at Rome (13th century) ^6; Esthori ben Moses Happar- 
CHi at Montpellier (1306); Crescas Yidal de -Kislar 
(Israel ben Joseph) (1327); David Caslari ben Abra- 
ham (perhaps the same as Bongodas at Perpignan, 1337 ?) ; 
Jehuda BEN Solomon (Bongodas) Nathan (1352-9); 
Moses ben Samuel, known as a Christian by the name of 
Juan d' Avignon, at Seville (1360); Abraham ben Me- 
SHULLAM Abigdor at Montpellier (1379); Jekutiel ben 
Solomon at Narbonne (1387); Leon Joseph (?) at Car- 
cassonne (1394); Theodoros ben Moses (1394); Jehuda 
ben Samuel Shalom (cir. 1400) ; Isaac ben Abraham 
Kabrut (1403); Tanchum ben Moses (1406); elACOB 
Karphanton; Solomon ben Moses Shalom (1441 — 
1486)^^; Menahem; and others^®; — and also by the fol- 
lowing, whose dates are mostly uncertain : Gabriel (ben 
Jehuda?) 49; Jacob Halevi (1300?)^^; Mordecai ben 
Solomon; Moses ben Mazliach^^ ; Solomon ben Abin^^. 
and others. Perhaps also Magister Maynus (?), who trans- 
lated from Hebrew into Latin (1304), was a Jew by birth. 

There are besides a great number of medical works with 
polyglot glossaries or indices of medicines (frequently men- 



§ 22.] MEDICINE AND NATURAL HISTORY. 199 

tioned in catalogues as separate works) which are useful for 
comparative materia medica and lexicography.^^ Of these 
we will here mention only the most common glossary, origi- 
nally composed by Nathan" Hamati, and appended to his 
translation of the Medical Canon ; in several editions it bears 
the title of Synonymes, which seems to be a general denomi- 
nation for the whole class. There are also copies of Arabic 
works in Hebrew characters, such as the Canon of Avi- 
cenna, &c. 

As authors of original works the following may be named : 
Sheshet ha-Nassi (cir. 1170 — 1216), on purgatives ^^ ; 
Isaac Lattas ben Jehuda in Provence (1300)^*% Abra- 
ham DE Kaslar (ben David) in Catalonia (1349), on 
fevers and pestilence; Bongodas (Jehuda) Cohen (1353), 
on midwifery ^^ •; Theodoros of Cavaillon, on botany ^^; 
Nathan ben Joel Palquera, who wrote a large work 
founded upon older authorities, from Aristotle and Galen to 
Mairaonides ^^ ; Moses Narboni^^ mentioned above (§ 12.) 
as a philosopher, who occurs frequently in his own and other 
medical writings under the name Yidal DIti'Vl, hitherto nei- 
ther identified nor interpreted, but perhaps to be explained 
by means of the Proven9al dialect ; Magister Salvi Vida 
de Murian(?) (1384); Don Meir Alguadez, physician 
in ordinary to Henry III. of Castile (1405)^^; Jehuda 
ben Jacob, who wrote on dietetics ^° ; Jacob ben Dayid 
Provencal of Marseilles, at Naples (1490), said to be the 
author of a letter, recently published, from a Paris MS. on 
the study of science generally, and particularly of medicine, 
which in its present form is certainly not free from interpo- 
lation, especially as regards some pretended quotations from 
older authorities ; David ben Jehuda (Messer Leon) 
(1490)^^; and other Italian physicians towards the end of 
this period. As regards authorship, date, and names, the 
following are still more doubtful : Jochanan Jarchuni ; 
Joseph ben Isaac Israeli, erroneously said to be a son of 
the celebrated Isaac Israeli mentioned above ; Abraham 
ben Jehuda, and some anonymous authors of compendia on 
urine^^ ; Abraham ben Solomon Chen, on fever (1349?)^^; 
Galaf (Caleo=Kalonymos?), author (?) of an Antidota- 

o 4 



200 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Peeiod II. 

rium^^ ; Elia ben Jehuda (j£ Marigni at Tivoll, author of 
a dialogue on tlie diseases of women ^^ ; Joseph Alguadez, 
whose Spanish work Secreta Medica was translated by the 
historian Joseph Cohen at Genoa (1546)^^; and Samuel 
Vn^Str^i^ of Cordova, author of a Spanish Surgery written for 
David of Jaen.^^ 

With medical studies Natural History (pnton nTDDH, 
<Ux->-ia!l Ac) is closely connected. Although, according to the 
scientific classification ^^ of the time, the former is only a 
branch of the latter, the principal end and object of the study 
of nature was medicine, and the only attempt then made at 
Physics, in the narrower sense, consisted in philosophical de- 
finitions of conceptions according to the system of Aristotle. 
Under this head may be reckoned the old works of the 
physician Isaac ben Mukatil ^^, entitled " Physics ; " 
those of the translator David ''^ ; and those quoted by the 
Frenchman Eliezer of "lltD.^^ Natural history is consequently 
represented by the authors already (§ 12.) noticed as philo- 
sophical. Here belong only a few individual works, such as 
the cosmography of Gerson ben Solomon (cir. 1290), who, 
besides preserving some old traditions and tales, has brought 
forward much that is interesting, from his own views and 
experience. Some particular points of natural history are 
also scattered about in works and commentaries of the most 
various kinds.^^ We will mention only one favourite sub- 
ject, treated also in separate works, viz. jewels and their 
healing (partly sympathetic) powers. Although Jewish au- 
thors connect this mode of treatment with the passage of the 
Pentateuch where the jewels of the Urim and Thummim are 
mentioned (Ex. xxvii. 30.) its origin seems to be foreign, 
probably Arabic. At all events, the special essays now 
known are almost exclusively translations into Hebrew ; that 
quoted in an anonymous Glossary of the Bible of the 13 th 
century is perhaps by Berechja Nakdan. The library of 
the Escurial possesses a Spanish work upon 360 stones or 
minerals, corresponding to the stars in the 48 constellations, 
translated, at the desire of King Alfonso (1250), by Jehuda 
ben Moses Cohen from the Arabic of Abolays (?), who 
had translated it from, the Chaldee (?). There is also another 



§ 22.] MEDICINE AND NATURAL HISTORY. 201 

Lapidarium from the Arabic of Muhammed Aben-Quloh, 
perhaps translated by the same person; but although De 
Castro gives a sufficient description of this and the former 
works, the names of the authors have been corrupted, and 
as far as we know are not yet deciphered. The Leyden 
Library posesses a small Hebrew essay on jewels in MS., 
translated, under the title of The Book of Riches ("iti'ipn 'd), 
by Jacob ben Reuben (of uncertain date, and not to be 
confounded with the Karaite of that name (§ 14.), whose 
Commentary bears the same title) ; in the preface the dis- 
covery of the powers of jewels is attributed to a fabulous 
king, perhaps alluding to Alexander the Great. We possess 
also a similar Hebrew Lapidarium attributed to Aristotle. 
It is still uncertain, from which of these the above-named 
Gerson ben Solornon, and perhaps Bechai ben Asher, made 
extracts. A small essay treating of the 12 principal jewels, 
according to the 12 tribes of Israel and the signs of the 
Zodiac, is quoted by Abraham Jagel (about 1600); perhaps 
it is the work of Meshullam of Volterra, who is known 
from quotations by Abraham Portaleone (§ 29.). 

Magic, connected with astrology, and extending its in- 
fluence almost to the present time ^^ % is the opposite to 
natural science. So little has yet been established respect- 
ing its origin and diffusion, that we can venture only to 
mention a few names illustrating the part taken in it by the 
Jews and by Jewish literature. "^^ The connexion of this 
art with the Secret Science (Theosophy) and practical Kab- 
bala (§ 13.) is too recent to lead to any decisive conclusion. 
The principal representatives of Jewish literature — philoso- 
phers, simple believers in the Bible, and doctors of the law — 
express themselves strongly against the magic forbidden in 
the Bible and all such things ; and Salomon Duran (1437) 
answers the attacks of Hieronymus de Sta. Fide (§ 15.), by 
saying that necromancy was a subject of public teaching at 
Salamanca. The common people still had recourse to it, 
according to the prevailing tendency of mind. To such in- 
fluences we may ascribe the notes scattered about old MSS., 
sometimes written by their possessors ; but there could be 
no real literature in a subject so ill adapted to writing. 



202 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period II. 

It thus happens that whatever appears in a scientific 
form belongs to the Arabian period; and the few works 
worth mention bear marks of foreign origin. 

The principal sources for the historical and critical treat- 
ment of the secret arts of the pagans by Jewish writers on 
the philosophy of religion and commentators of the Bible, are 
the extremely interesting writings of Ibn Wahshijja (903), 
which have been drawn from Nabataean (Syriac) authorities. 
They were studied by Jehuda ha-Levi (1140) and Mai- 
MONIDES (§ 21.), whence some valuable information respect- 
ing the old Sabseans has been derived by recent authors who 
had access to the Arabic sources.^^ The work nVDti'lT^ n:DNV7:), 
ascribed to Apollonius of Tyana, was translated by Solomon 
BEJ^ Nathan in Provence (cir. 1400).^^ Besides the trans- 
lations of Arabian astrologers mentioned above (§ 21.), 
we meet with some works in the original language written 
in Hebrew characters, for instance those of the Christian 
Abdallah ben Masrur (9th century) ^^, Joan Gil de Bur- 
gos ^^, &c. 

Of the various branches of astrological medicine and 
physics there are some germs as early as in the Talmud and 
Midrash ; they found even some support in the biblical dog- 
matism and philosophy of the time, as e. g. the Oneirocriti- 
cism (mQlVn ]1"ins) ''*, which the Arabians and Jews ascribe 
to Joseph and Daniel. A work on this subject was sup- 
posed to have been written by Hai Gaon (ob. 1038)^^; and 
another on the philosophers' stone (□*'£)1DlV3n ]1K), was 
ascribed to Saadja, who combated the popular astrono- 
mical superstitions.^^ On Augury (minpn np"l), we have 
the Books of Fate (mV~n:i), some of which were ascribed to 
Achitophel (2 Sam. xv. 12.); others are by Ibn Ezra^^ 
and Jehuda Charisi: Meteorogical remarks and rules for 
agriculture are to be found in the old kalendars and rituals, 
&c. (§ 19.). Geomancy Q)^X^T^ DTODH, ^^)\ ^\ traced by 
the Arabians to Enoch (Hermes), Daniel and others, fur- 
nishes no names of Jewish authors belonging to this period ^^ ; 
the same is the case with Physiognomy (D"^S1Ji~i3n DTDIJn 
ijl-lll ^2.^^ or the more biblical D"*]!} DiDn) ; but a complete 
essay on physiognomy in connexion with the form of the 



Period III.] TRANSITION. 203 

letters of the alphabet is inserted in the book Zohar (Section 
Jethro). On Chiromancy (]^n r\'0:^r], also D"^1^n JT'^i^-i) there 
is a tract printed under the title DTK miVlD, alluding to 
the biblical passage (Gen. v. 1.) from which some Jewish 
Midrash authors deduce physiognomy ; later editions give, 
we do not know upon what authority, Elia Galling 
BEN Moses as the name of the author, who, if we are not 
mistaken, quotes an Arabic authority. The pseudo- Aristo- 
telian physiognomy and similar subjects are parts of the 
Secretum Secretorum, translated into Hebrew from the 
Arabic of Jahja Ibn Batrik (cir. 800), by Jehuda Cha- 
Risi.^'^ Under the head Soothsaying may be reckoned a 
work on the prognostications to be gathered from convulsive 
motions in the limbs of the human body (mS5"i, D1:d"i£)), 
which is not rare in MSS., and has been printed and recently 
reprinted under the name of Hai ; but it is certainly a 
translation or imitation of similar Arabic works recently 
described by Prof. Feischer. 



PEEIOD III. 

Fkom the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century inclusive. 

§ 23.] Transition, 

The grounds for our division into periods belong partly to 
the general history of civilisation and of the world, and partly 
to the particular history of the Jews ; but, as transitions of 
this kind are never sudden, and some authors seem to belong 
exclusively to neither period, it will be necessary to intro- 
duce their names in this as well as in the preceding. 

In the middle ages, the Arabic and Latin languages were 
almost the only organs of Muhammedan and Christian 
authors, and the two principal groups of Jewish writers 
arrange themselves accordingly ; but, in this Third Period, 
nearly all the languages of Europe, with their important 
varieties and written characters, came into use among the 



204 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Pekiod III. 

Jews, the Hebrew still remaining the only one generally 
understood. The invention of printing was soon hailed by 
the Jews as an important means of communication — and 
thoughts, now so easily reproduced a thousand times, actually 
flew over the limits of countries and continents, although 
their wings were certainly bound or clipped by the hostile 
and often laughably ignorant censures of the clergy, and 
even of the better-informed Italians. A kind of internal 
censorship was also imposed by the custom, subsequently 
pushed too far, of requiring approbations from the rabbles 
and learned men as a recommendation, and also as a security 
against piracy, on pain of excommunication. This custom 
has afforded some rich materials for the history of literature 
and civilisation. We cannot here follow out in detail all 
the effects produced on Jewish literature by the invention 
of printing, such as correctness of text, &c. The ex- 
pulsion of the Jews from the Peninsula, their migration to 
the Slavic nations of the East, and the increasing external 
communication among Jews, changed the scene, and brought 
fresh influences to bear on the character of their literature ; 
but at the same time some particular works became rare, 
others were entirely lost. Spain vanishes entirely ; France 
(including Provence, but not the German Alsace) retreats 
far into the background ; and we lose all sight of Northern 
Africa, now under the Muhammedan dominion. The fore- 
ground is occupied by the gestheticism of Italy (including 
Corfu, Candia, and in some measure Greece), the mysticism 
which it shared with Palestine, and the controversy, philo- 
logy, and antiquarian research common to it and to Holland ; 
as well as by the casuistry of the Halacha, which was 
transplanted from Germany to Poland, and thence returned 
with over-ripe fruits. This continued until the influence of 
the school of Mendelssohj^ made Germany the centre of 
the philosophical and historico-critical movements of the 
present times, some rays of which were first reflected from 
Poland and Italy. From the rise of this school a new 
period of Jewish literature will be dated. 

The connexion of the Jewish development with the general 
chano-e from mediaeval to modern science is difficult and 



§ 23.] TRANSITION. 205 

obscure, and will become clear only after tlie issue of the 
struggle now going on within it, if indeed any issue can be 
expected without a general revolution of the world, such 
as took place at the former epochs. We ourselves stand too 
completely within the circle of modern times, and are in 
other respects not yet sufficiently free from the influences of 
the middle ages, to be able to describe all the characteristics 
and features of the movements in Jewish literature which 
have followed the course of European civilisation. The 
difficulty is increased by the encyclopaedic framework of 
the huge and undigested mass, in which the literary form 
threatens to disconnect itself entirely from the contents ; while 
sometimes the subject-matter, sometimes the plan of the 
earlier collective and normal works, has the greatest weight ; 
and in which the great variety of language renders a con- 
siderable part of the literature unintelligible. The prevailing 
languages, besides the Hebrew, are Latin, Spanish, Portu- 
guese, Italian, German, Dutch, and, in some instances, 
Persian, Turkish, Modern Greek, and Polish (§ 27.). Nearly 
all knowledge of the Arabic in Europe had at this period 
died out; and Joseph del Medigo (before 1629) declared 
that the study of Arabic science was superfluous, since the 
Greek sources themselves had become accessible. The fact 
of the attention of the learned having been turned from 
Arabic science and scholasticism to the pure fountain-head, 
classical and Hebrew literature, demands a special investiga- 
tion of the 15th and 16th centuries, during the whole of 
which time the movement in philosophy, astronomy, medicine, 
&c., continued. The Jews took part in this in various ways, 
and under circumstances no less various. 

In the middle ages the Jews, by their external position 
and the close connexion of the Arabic language with the 
Hebrew, gave independent assistance in the cultivation of 
Arabian science. In Christian (Romanic) countries the 
Latin continued to be used for literary purposes even after 
the rise of its affiliated languages, whose scanty scientific 
literature was confined to a few learned Jews and apostates 
from Judaism, secured for the most part from the persecu- 
tions of the times by the temporal and spiritual rulers, and 



206 .JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period III. 

employed as oral or literary interpreters for tlie translation 
of Arabic works. The controversial use of these languages 
by Christian theologians, and Jewish apostates, such as 
Petrus Alphonsi (1106), Alphonso de Burgos and 
others, was little to the purpose. " Greek philosophy" was 
from very early times considered as synonymous with atheism 
and paganism, although individual followers of Arabico- 
Greek science drew nice distinctions, or altogether denied the 
imputation. The Graeco-Roman mythology could not fail, 
even in its most beautiful poetic and classic formations, to 
offend Jewish spiritualism (§ 28.) by its idolatry. The dark 
and fanciful pantheon of the Kabbala alone was always 
open for the reception of new forms. Thus the new classical 
studies could exercise an important influence on the general 
movement of Jewish literature only when science was freed 
from theology, and Judaism and the Jews from spiritual 
and temporal oppression ; individuals and classes of writers 
soon participated in the new movement. 

The Arabian love of books had had some influence among 
the Jews in Spain and Provence ; but at the beginning of the 
14th century the Italian bibliomania spread generally ; even 
at the present day the greatest proportion of Hebrew MSS. 
are to be found in Italy. Some learned Italians of the 1 5th 
century are distinguished for their knowledge of Christian lite- 
rature ; and the influence of classical Latin is visible in the 
writings of Jehuda ben Jechiel (1460) (§ 20.). Jehuda 
Abravanel, called Messer Leone Hebreo, author of 
the Dialoglii d^ Amove (1502) is called " the Flower of Italian 
Philosophy " by his father the celebrated Don Isaac Abra- 
VANEL, who himself had transferred the last spark of Arabian 
scholasticism to Italy (where the Zohar was attacked by 
Elia DEL Medigo, and philosophy by Joseph Jaabez), in 
the same way as Isaac Arama carried it to Saloniki, and 
Moses Alashkar to Egypt. In opposition to these men, 
Leo Hebraeus represented the Neo-Platonic School of Pico 
della Mirandola in its connexion with the Jewish Kabbala. 
By him and his cotemporaries, e. g. Abraham Farissol, 
notice was first taken of the new maritime discoveries, which 
in fact laid the foundation of a realistic science. Asarja 



§ 23.] TRANSITION. 207 

DE Rossi at Mantua (1514 — 1577) not only made himself 
master of the learning of his time, but raised himself — the 
only man who did so before the last century — to a height 
of criticism and historical research which soon excited the 
envy of fanatics and plagiarists. He has not, however, in 
modern times, received the credit due to him; and his 
Chi'istian namesake, G. B. De Rossi, has been obliged to 
defend his praise of a Jew in a work the substance of which 
is borrowed from Asarja. 

In the last struggles of the Ai'abists it was Jews, princi- 
pally Italian physicians and public teachers, who translated 
philosophical, medical, and astronomical works into Latin 
from the Hebrew (the Arabic being generally lost, inacces- 
sible, or not understood), such as Elia Cretexsis (del 
Medigo), public teacher of philosophy at Padua (1493), who 
translated for Pico della Mirandola (1485, 1486); Abra- 
ham DE Balmes (de Palmis), professor at Lecci (ob. 1523); 
Calo Caloxymus (Kaloxymos BEX David) of Xaples, 
at Venice (1527); Jacob Maxtixo of Tortosa, at Rome 
and Venice (1534-50); Moses Axatixo, at Spoleto; and 
Moses Fixzi (1558). Ritter, the Historian of Philosophy, 
denies that the Jews had either knowledge of Latin, or 
" true love of their work ; " although he has no foundation 
for the opinion beyond the general inveterate prejudice 
against them. On the other hand, Renan does them more 
than strict justice in attributing to them the translations 
of Averroes which appeared under the name of Burana; 
but he could not resist a sneering allusion at " some money " 
as a probable stimulus to the laboiu'. Besides these, various 
others wrote in Latin, as Boxet de Lattes (§ 21.) on 
astronomy; and Oba^dja Sefoexo, who dedicated to the 
king of France the Latin translation of his Pliilosophy of 
Religion (1548); others wrote in Italian, as De Pomis. 

But Jewish Literature was not merely j)assive, it had also 
an active influence on the study of the Bible, and the Hebrew 
language, which was cultivated as well as the classics, and 
upon which the reformers of the Church grounded their 
labours. The Kabbala influenced the Xeo-Platonists, the 
Christian Mvstics, and even the medical reform of Paracel- 



208 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period III. 

sus, and the philosophy of Spinoza. The Bible and Kab- 
bala — the latter having been afterwards studied also by 
theologians — were the principal parts of " Kabbinical litera- 
ture/' and Hebrew literature generally, in which Christian 
students interested themselves. For centuries, the Biblical 
scholars and students of modern Hebrew literature, from 
Beuchlin to the Professors Delitzsch and Ewald, were, like 
Jerome, directly or indirectly pupils of Jews (§ 28.). But 
theologians expressed their gratitude principally in attempts 
at conversion, or applied for instruction rather to those who 
understood Judaism in a Christian sense, and made it an 
object of attack. Baptized Jews taught Hebrew to the 
founders of classical studies, as Poggius ; not to mention 
the revivers of Hebrew studies, Beuchlin, Seb. Miinster, 
and others. A former controversialist against Christianity 
taught Agricola (1443-1485); and Matthew Adrian 
was (about 1513) the teacher of W. Capito (ob. 1541), 
and perhaps also (a.d. 1518) of Trotzendorf (ob. 1556). 
In later times Christian de- Pomis was tutor of Wiilfer 
(ob. 1714); Ezra Edzard of Franke, the German founder 
of the Mission; and Baptist Jona of Safet (ob. 1668) was 
the guide of Bartolocci. Among the Jews of important 
literary celebrity who were faithful to their creed, Jochanan 
Allemano was teacher and friend of Pico della Mirandola 
(ob. 1494). Widmanstadt (1532), the pupil of Beuchlin 
and friend of -^gidius de Yiterbo, speaks with respect of 
his teachers, Dayid Ibn Jahja ben Joseph of Lisbon, at 
Naples (born A.D. 1465, ob. at Imola 1543), and Baruch 
of Beneventum. Through the instrumentality of ^gidius, 
who was the pupil of the well-known Elia Levita, the 
above-mentioned Baruch first introduced the book Zohar 
among Christians ; and Beuchlin himself was pupil of Jacob 
Jechiel Loanz, physician in ordinary to the emperor at 
Linz (1472), and of Obadja Sforno at Rome (1498). To 
Jacob ben Isaac Romano, teacher of Harlai de Sanci at 
Constantinople (ob. 1650 at Jerusalem), Buxtorf is indebted 
for the valuable supplement to his Bibliotheca Rahhinica. 
Hottinger, whose Promptuarium owes much to Manasse 
ben Israel's materials for a Bibliotheca Rabbinica, was 



§ 23.] ' TRANSITION. 209 

induced to study Oriental literature by the linguist Saadja 
BEN Levi AsANKOT (1644). Unger's correspondence with 
Jacob Aboab at Venice (1727), Isaac Cantarini at Padua, 
and others, assisted Wolf in his BihliotMca Hehrdica &c. 
Scaliger, a pupil of Philip Feedinand, confesses that Jews 
were the only teachers of Hebrew ; and Ockley asserts that 
no one can understand the New Testament so well as a Jew. 
Even public educational establishments were obliged to seek 
Jewish teachers, the number of whom is considerable, e. g. 
the physician Paul RiCCI at Pavia (1529), protege of Eras- 
mus; Paul Canossa of Venice at Paris (1530); Peter 
FLtJGEL at Strasburg (ob. 1564); Philipp l'Aquino at 
Paris (since 1610); and many others. In the Vatican, 
Jewish converts, for example, lo. Paul Eustathius, pro- 
bably the same as Eli a de Nola ben Men ahem (1552), 
and others, were employed as copyists ; but they were not 
always well selected, as is shown by their mistakes, some of 
which are pointed out by Assemani. The series of anti- Jewish 
works for the purpose of conversion was considered as the 
special task of the converts to Christianity. A flood of these 
writings inundated Germany, where more stringent laws re- 
specting Jews were enacted than in any other country, and 
where, had it not been for Reuchlin's strong opposition, and 
the keen satires of the EpistolcB ohscurorum virorum, the ava- 
ricious Pfeffercorn and his associates at Cologne (1509) 
would have gained as complete a victory in the internecine 
war against Hebrew literature, as their companions did in 
Italy, where the burning of the Talmud at the instigation 
of neophytes (1553 4) was felt for centuries. 

With what intentions and success other attempts to ac- 
quire a knowledge of Hebrew literature were made, we may 
gather from the instance of Thomas Murner, commissioned by 
the Minorite Friars, to which order he belonged, to translate 
more than twenty tracts from the Hebrew, of Avhich only 
the Passover-Haggada (§ 5.) and the Benedictions appeared 
(1511-12). Soon afterwards the convert Boschenstain 
concluded a few specimens of the Jewish Prayer-Book with 
the following characteristic remark : " From these every 
one may perceive that the Hebrews also desire the grace 

p 



210 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period III. 

and mercy of God, and hope for future blessedness ; " and 
Aug. Sebastianus at Marburg, who filled up a few re- 
maining pages of his Hebrew grammar with passages from 
the litany and the Sephardic Selichot (1537), went so far as 
to say, that these prayers, if recited in a right spirit, might 
be used even by a Christian. But these were isolated 
opinions ; and Arias Montanus in return for his great under- 
taking, the Antwerp Polyglot (1569-71), was rewarded by 
the Pope with exile, ^' because he had introduced too many 
Rabbinical explanations.'' Even the series of better trans- 
lations (chiefly in Latin) of later Hebrew works, beginning 
with Buxtorf (1603 sqq.), who may be called the Christian 
Ibn Tibbon (§ 12.), were in general undertaken less for the 
sake of instruction than for polemical and other purposes 
unconnected with the literature itself; and an imperfect 
knowledge of the idiom, together with a very partial acquaint- 
ance with the various branches of the literature, occasioned 
even in the best translations made by Christian writers, from 
Seb. Munster (1525 sqq.), celebrated for his perversions, to 
Bialloblotzki (for the Oriental Translation Fund, 1835), 
grosser errors than would have been possible in any other 
literature. 

Besides this one-sided tendency, there was also the fact 
that most information respecting Jewish literature was 
drawn from sources obscured by the fanaticism, hatred, 
ignorance, and fraud of such persons as Galatin (1518), 
Maegaritha (1530), J. C. Otto, Naphtali Maega- 
LIOT who disbelieved all religion (1605), Brenz (1614), 
Geeson (ob. 1627), and their followers, whose tendency 
has been justly appreciated even by Christian students 
like Wiilfer (1681) and Muhl (1701). By degrees, and 
especially when Biblical study was considered to have 
become independent of Jewish literature, the latter was 
entirely left in the hands of the missionaries to the Jews ; 
and thus a singular "ghetto" in science was established, 
almost more inextricable than that which restricts their 
political and social condition. But to the attacks either 
written or oral, multiplied by j)eculiar literary circum- 
stances, answers were not wanting in this period ; and 



§ 24.] POLEMICAL AND APOLOGETIC. 211 

with this class of writings we open our concise survey of the 
particular branches^ premising, however, that no new kind of 
literature appears within the limits of this period, and that 
our details, though revised afresh, will still need correction by 
means of a laborious study and investigation of particulars, 
and we therefore claim indulgence from those who understand 
the subject. 

§ 24.] Polemical and Apologetic Writings. 

The known authors are mostly of Spanish descent, some of 
them being persons who had feigned themselves Christians in 
order to escape from the Spanish Inquisition in Holland and 
Italy, where from 1584 a compulsory conversion of the Jews 
was carried on. Hence the writings are, for the most part, in 
Spanish and Italian ; but few are in Latin or German (Jewish 
German), because in Germany so many obstacles were thrown 
in the way of printing Hebrew works of this kind that it 
was seldom attempted. The circle of ideas having been 
already exhausted, little novelty in dogmatic matter was 
possible; and therefore most persons confined themselves 
merely to the publication of older writings. The use of 
European languages, however, gave an opportunity of direct- 
ing this literature more pointedly against the Christian 
aggressors; while the older literature had aimed rather at 
furnishing the Jews with weapons for their own defence, 
and for the preservation of the faith of their fathers. At 
the same time the reproaches cast upon the Jews, to justify 
their unhappy fate, are retorted upon their oppressors. Thus 
we find, closely connected with the polemical literature, 
either lamentable but heart-stirring descriptions of persecu- 
tions combined with the hope of the promised Advent, such 
as Samuel Usque's Consolacion a las tribulacoens (1553); 
or apologies for Judaism and tradition, some treating his- 
torically of the departed glory and splendour of the Jewish 
power and wisdom, and some deserving more attention 
and better treatment from science and true Christianity, 
for example, David de Pomis De Medico HehrcBo (1588); 
Emanuel Aboab's Spanish iVbmoZo^za (1629); Simon Luz- 

P 2 



212 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Pekiod III, 

zATTo's Discorso (1638); Manasseh ben Israel's (1650) 
tracts, some in S2>anisli and some in English, e. g, the Vindicim 
Judceormn, recently again translated, and liis Esperanza de 
Israel, upon the Ten Tribes ; Isaac Cardoso's Excellen- 
cias de los Hebreos (1679); Daniel be Barrios's Spanish 
works (1683); David d'Ascoli's (1559) ^jooZo^/m against 
the badge ordered by Paul lY., punished by a long impri- 
sonment ; and Thomas de Pinedo's (1678) learned Latin 
edition of Stephen Byzantinus, in which he recognises the 
merit of Christianity in the struggle against Paganism. 
We may also refer to similar tendencies Joseph Semah 
Arias's Spanish translation of Flavins Josephus's work 
Contra Apionem (1687), and some Hebrew works by Lewa 
BEN Bezalel, a Habbi of Prague (1599 — 1600). 

The following are authors of important and interesting 
polemical writings : Mordechai Dato (1575-89) ; Isaac 
Onkeneira, the pretended editor of a disputation by Jo- 
seph l^ASi (Miquez) the Duke of ^Naxos (1577), a brother 
of the later David Nasi, who is said to have been the 
author of a work in which not only the Thirteen Articles of 
the Jewish, but also conclusions adverse to the Nine Articles of 
the Christian faith, given by the author in a notice of a parody 
on the Hebrew hymn h^y, are drawn from passages of the New 
Testament ; and Isaac ben Abraham Troki the Karaite 
(ob. 1594), whose famous CJiizzuk Emuna, completed by 
his pupil Joseph ben Mardochai Troki, is preserved in 
its original form only in MS., the corrupt edition being taken 
from a copy altered by a Rabbinical author (eir. 1605). This 
work is interesting for its quotations from some little-known. 
Christian and polemical works in the Polish language; it 
has been made use of by critical writers upon the New 
Testament from Voltaire to Strauss, and a refutation of it 
was undertaken by Duke Louis of Orleans (ob. 1752) who 
was dissatisfied with Gousset's refutation. Some translations 
made by Jews are still unpublished, e. g., in Spanish by 
Isaac Athia (1621); in German by the baptized Jew 
Michael Gelling in Hamburg (1631-3); in Italian by 
Marco (Mardochai) Luzzatto (ob. 1799 at the age of 80), 
who translated also (1753) into Hebrew the Spanish Forta- 



§ 25.] HALACHA. 213 

lozza of Abeaham the Proselyte (Peregrine) (cir. 1600) ; 
Salman Zebi Offenhausen, author of the Jewish Theriak 
against Brenz (1615); Jacob ben Amram, who wrote in 
Latin (1634); Jacob Lombroso, the defender of Judaism 
against Hugo Grotius (1640); Jehuda di Modena, who 
boasts in his unpublished polemic (1613) that he has not 
allowed any anti- Judaic work in Latin, Italian, or Spanish, 
to escape his notice ; Isaac Lupercio, who defended Juda- 
ism against a monk of Seville (1658); Saul Levi Mor- 
TERA(ob. 1660), the opponent of Sixtus : Isaac Abend ana, 
who carried on a controversy with Hulsius (1669); Isaac 
Aboab (ob. 1687), whose Spanish work is the foundation of 
the Israel venge of Henriquez (1770); MoSES Germanus 
(Spaeth), who after having changed his religion several times 
ended as a Jew, and who had a controversy with Wachter 
(1699); the learned Jehuda Briel( 1702), and David Nieto 
in London (1705), the former of whom wrote in Hebrew 
and Italian, the latter in Spanish, against the Inquisition and 
the Archbishop of Cangranor; and others. The continued 
auto-da-fes of the Spanish Inquisition, many of whose vic- 
tims were relations of the Jews who had fled to Holland, 
provoked Jacob Belmonte to write some Spanish polemical 
poems (17th century); perhaps also the Silva coiitro la 
Idolatria of MosES Belmonte owes its origin to the same 
influence. Mendelssohn's answer to Lavater belongs 
more to the present times, the peculiar polemics of which 
have the common characteristic of freedom of thouo:ht. 



§ 25.] Halacha, 

The most important representatives of this, in the 16th 
and 17th centuries, were the Rabbles and heads of schools of 
the Spanish and Portuguese congregations in Turkey and 
the Venetian islands. From the beo^innino^ of the 16th cen- 
tury downwards the schools of the Slavic countries (Bohemia 
and Poland) began to be held in high esteem, to over- 
spread Germany, and to extend their influence as far as 
Italy, where, since the burning of the Talmud (1543), 
study in general had declined (§ 23.). Holland and after- 

• P 3 



214 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period III. 

wards England must here, to a certain extent, be con- 
sidered as colonies, since, in general, the wide diffusion of 
both the earlier and later literature allows of no such sharp 
and fundamental division of schools as existed in earlier 
times. The old beaten paths were still trodden ; and there 
are only two separate classes to be distinguished ; — 1st, that 
of Armour-hearers (□''Vd Kti'lD) to the ancients (Rishonim, 
W^^Wi^^), i. e. as commentators and the like; 2nd, that of 
independent Decidentes (jli^^yn miTD), as advocates and judges 
in the casuistic doctrine of the Law of God, The former 
had, again, two principal fields of operation, namely, the dis- 
cussion of the Talmud and Halachaic Midrash, and the 
Compendia of the Poskim (§ 9.) ; the latter deliberated upon 
actual or fictitious questions arising out of judgments. Among 
the former, who had the predominance, the abbreviation 
n'^£):i, i. e. mDDin, D^pDIS, >^17D:i (Gemara, Poskim, Tosa- 
phot), signified the entire Halachaic discussions with their 
various denominations, such as, Dmi^'^n Expositions, WX^ym. 
Novellce, D^2S1"i^n Solutions of difficulties, Jacob Pollak, 
i. e. the Pole (ob. 1530), is regarded as the founder of the 
Chillukim (D^plb^n), a kind of school disputations or disserta- 
tions upon a given theme, still in use in Poland, Hungary, 
&;c. ; this led to the last and greatest degeneration of Hala- 
chaic spirit, ni3nn. Amongst those who opposed this abuse 
we may mention the celebrated David Oppenheimek, a 
Rabbi of Prague (ob. 12th Sept. 1736), whose pamphlet, 
written in the form of a Kesponsum (printed before 1707), is 
almost unknown, being omitted even in the printed catalogue 
of his library, where there are many copies of it. 

Various literary and other circumstances caused the Hala- 
chaic literature to increase in an incredible manner ; and 
although the greater part of it may not be of general interest, 
yet it furnishes indispensable materials for the complete 
history of Judaism, and will reward the patient inquirer 
with fruitful results. On the other hand, the practical 
requirements of the Halacha occasioned many valuable 
monographies : for instance, those upon Jewish names, 
by Abraham Motal (ob. 1658), Simha ben Ger- 
soN Cohen at Belgrade (1657), Samuel ben David 



§25,] HALACHA. 215 

Halevi in Germany (1668), and others. The study of 
older writings caused the issue of many new editions, and 
the adoption (particularly in the 16th century) of references 
to passages (Dlp72 nxiTD), so much neglected by the ancients, 
of various kinds of indices and keys (ninnB/O), and of other 
practical aids to the use and study of the Halachaic and 
Haggadistic literature (§ 26.) ; for example, the cross refer- 
ences {Masora) of the Talmud (1523), enlarged by Joshua 
Boas ; the list of the passages of the Bible explained or 
quoted in the Talmud (TiD^nn nn:in, 1511), enlarged by 
Joshua Boas (1546), Simon ben Isaac ( Aschenburg ?) 
(1571-2), Aaron Pesaro (1583-4), and Aaron ben 
Samuel (1690) ; a supplement to the Jerusalem Talmud, 
which was published by Jacob Saspostas at Amsterdam 
(1650); a similar index to Jacob ben Asher's Turim, by 
Sabbatai Hassan (1652); the Key (]i-ir!Tn ^d), by Ismael 
Cohen in Egypt (1543); an alphabetical index of subjects 
by Chijja Cohen di Lara (1753); &c. 

The commentators, who generally borrowed from their 
predecessors, became very prolix, and often lost sight of 
their primary object, turning aside to something else, and 
thus approaching more nearly to the Tosaphot (§ 9.) ; we 
find even in this period supplements to the old Tosaphot, for 
instance one by Issachar ben Israel (1614). There are, 
however, praiseworthy exceptions. We may mention some 
of the most widely known, in the order of their subjects. 
The Mishna was explained by Obadja Bertinoro (ob. 
1500 — 1510) in the East, and a glossary was added by 
LiPPMANN Heller in Prague (1600), Jacob Chagis 
(ob. 1689), EiHANUEL EiccHi (1714-31), David Chajjim 
CoRiNALDi (1738-9), and David Pardo BEN Jacob(17o2): 
a Spanish translation of it was made by Jacob Abendana 
(ob. 1696 in London) ; and a Latin one by his brother Isaac 
Abendana, which was used by Surenhusius. Aaron Ibn 
Chajjim of Fez (1609) wrote a commentary on Sifra; 
David Pardo on Sifri; and Moses Frankfurt (1712) on 
the Mechilta. The Babylonian Gemara had been already, for 
some time, treated in so-called novels (§ 9.) ; and ingenious 
explanations of this kind, either shorter or longer, in the 

p 4 



216 JEWISH LITEEATURE. [Period III, 

form of glosses, were written by Meir Lublin (ob. 1616); 
Solomon Luria (1581-1587) ; Samuel Edeles (Eidels) 
(1612 sqq.)j who also, in a separate work, gave a glossary of 
passages of the Haggada; Meir Schiff at Fulda (1734); 
Jacob Joshua Lemberg ; and others ; critical notes were 
also given by the learned Eli A Wilna -(ob. 1797). The 
Jerusalem Gemara was expounded by David Fraenkel 
at Dessau (1743); and Bezalel Ashkenasi in Egypt 
(1530) made a collection from the old Tosaphot. The Hala- 
chotof Isaac Alfasi were edited and expounded by Joshua 
Boas in Italy (1554), and Menacem David ben Isaac 
TiKTiN (1597); and the code of Maimonides by Joseph 
Karo (1574) and Ephraim ben Naphtali Shor who 
completed his work 1615 ; by Abraham de Boton (1609) ; 
Jehuda Eosanes (ob. 1727); Jehuda Ajjasch (1747); 
Isaac Nunez Belmonte (1771), &c., whose chief object 
was to exercise their ingenuity in bringing the conclusions 
of the great teacher into harmony with the older authorities, 
especially in Germany (Poland), where the " difficult pas- 
sages of Maimonides " became almost a stereotyped expres- 
sion; and a key to it was written by Samuel Athia of 
Tunis (16th century). The four Turim of Jacob ben Asher 
were commented by Joseph Karo, Abraham ben Abig- 
DOR a Eabbi at Prague (1540); Joshua Falk Cohen 
(beginning of the 17th century); Joel Sirks (1631-70); 
and Joseph IscaphA (nSK^pt^-^i^, 1658). 

An epoch is made in the history of the Halacha by a work 
said, in a legend, to have been miraculously composed, viz. 
the Schulchan Aruch by Joseph Karo at Safat (written 
1554-7, published 1565), who arranged the practical part 
of his subject in four divisions, according to the example of 
Jacob ben Asher, and adopted the brief style of a law book, 
imitating Maimonides in the exclusion of all discussion. Ad- 
ditions concerning the different usages of their respective 
countries, consisting, for the most part, in elaborate and 
ascetic observances, were written nearly at the same time 
by Moses Isserls (1570-7) for Poland, and by Jacob 
Castro (ob. 1610) for Egypt. These contained the general 
conclusion and result of the practical observances of the 



p 25.] HALACHA. 217 

exiles, arranged according to the parts and chapters of the 
Tur and the Schulchan Aruch, for the benefit of succeeding 
writers {Aharonim, U^VD'n^), who directed their attention to 
practical results. The subjects of the 3rd and 4th parts (re- 
specting women and jurisprudence) found less application in 
practice, and were therefore less studied. The best-known 
commentators and editors of Karo's Schulchan Aruch (who 
generally completed the text from Books of Sentences) are, 
Joshua Talk Cohen (1614); Zebi Hirsh ben Joseph 
Cohen (1646); David ben Samuel Levi Osteow 
(1648); Sabbati Cohen (ob. before 1663 in Leipnik) ; 
Abraham Abbele Cohen Gumbinner (ob. 1682); 
Moses ben Isaac Jehuda Lima of Slonim(1670); Hil- 
LEE BEN Naphtali (ob. 1690 at Zolkiew); Hezekiah de 
Silva(1692) ; Moses Chabib of Constantinople (ob. 1696) ; 
Moses Jekutiel Kopman Cohen ben Abigdor (1700); 
Isaiah ben Abraham (1708) ; Jehuda Ashkenasi 
(1742); Jonathan Eibenschutz (ob. 1757) who was 
very discursive ; and Chajjim Cohen of Aleppo (ob. cir. 
1662) who expounded in a Kabbalistic sense. A list of 
authorities, with an explanation of difficult words, was given 
by Moses Zebi Ribkas (1662); alphabetical indices or 
keys were added by Benjamin ben Jechiel Levi at 
Lublin (1617), and the same was done to the 4th part 
only by Samuel ben Alexander (1691). Of various 
other forms in which the subject of this work was treated, 
we may mention the Rhymes by Isaac Chajut at Cracow 
(1591); Isaac ben Noah of Meseritz (1599); a certain 
Jechiel (1616) ; and others; also the forms of Problems or 
Riddles already employed by Jacob Landau (end of the 
15th century), and later by Isaac ben Joshua ben 
Abraham (1606), and some quite recent authors. A popular 
Hebrew Compendium was composed by Joseph Pardo of 
London (edited by his son David Pardo, 1686), and another 
in Spanish by a certain Meir, probably in Turkey (about 
1568) ; the last-named writer admonished his brethren not to 
print his work in Roman characters, as an anonymous author 
had done in the case of a compendium of Jacob ben Asher's 
four Turim, for the use of the Crypto-Christians in Flan- 



218 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period HI. 

clers (?) ; it was^ nevertheless, reprinted in that way by 
Moses Altaras (1609). Finally Joshua ben Boaz Ibn 
Baruch (1554), in his various Indices mentioned above, 
also furnished the Talmud with references to Maimonides, 
Moses Coucy, Jacob ben Asher, and Joseph Karo's law 
works, thus establishing a connexion between discussions 
and decisions. More important and independent collections, 
however, were made upon the Tur and the Shulchan Aruch, 
for example, at an earlier period, by Jacob Landau in Italy 
(1487), and afterwards by Mordechai Jaee at Prague 
(1594-1599), whose commentator is Eli A Spira of Prague 
in Poland (1689-1712) ; the most learned of all was written 
by Chajjim Benveniste in the East (1658 sqq.). 

The older form of works on the 613 Commandments had 
already issued in the rhymed and mostly liturgical Azharot 
(§ 19. and § 28.), which now became again little else than 
memorial verses. Such were composed by Dayid Vital 
of Patras (1536), and Jekutiel ben Solomon Levi 
(1696), The few dissertations on that subject were either 
mere balances between the conflicting opinions of earlier 
writers, like that by Moses ben Abraham Mat of Prze- 
mislaw (1581); or Compendia, like that of J. Corbeil's 
Amude Gola by Jekutiel (Salman) ben Moses (1579), 
and that of Moses Coucy's work, probably made by Mun- 
sterus with the assistance of a Jew. There exist some 
more independent works by Eleazer Askeri in the East 
(1588) and Jehuda ben Thillel of Schwersenz (1693), 
translated into Latin by Schultenius. The trifling spirit of 
the time is also here exemplified in the deduction of the 613 
commands from the 613 letters of the Decalogue, alluded 
to by David Vital, and treated especially by Jacob ben 
Jekutiel in Germany (1627). 

Finally, to this class belong, besides many miscellanies 
which can scarcely be brought under definite heads, the 
Sentences (mmt^m mVxti'), generally arranged according 
to the codex (or indexed), of which almost every Rabbi or 
teacher of importance made a collection, generally also 
publishing it " In majorem Dei gloriam." Amongst the 
hundreds of authors, we will mention only the following 



§ 25.] HALACHA. 219 

(omitting, indeed, the greater number of those who have 
been already mentioned in this section) : Moses Alashkar 
in Egypt ; Benjamin (Seeb) ben Matatja (1534) ; Jacob 
Berab (ob. 1546); his opponent Levi Ibn Chabib; 
Meir Katzenellenbogen at Padua (ob. 1565); David 
Ibn Simra (Abi Samira); Joseph Ibn Lebb (till 1579); 
Samuel di Medina (ob. 1589); Isaac Adarbi (1585); 
Samuel Cohen in Saloniki ; Moses de Trani ; and Moses 
Galante (1608); all in the East; Lowe ben Bezalel 
(the "high Rabbi Lowe," ob. 1609) and Ephraim Lent- 
SCHUTZ (ob. 1619) at Prague; Chajjim Sabbatai (ob. 
1647); Serachja Gota (Gutta? ob. 1648); Abraham 
Broda in the East (1696); Abraham Chajjim Shor 
in Poland (1628) ; Simon Luzzatto at Venice (1630-60) ; 
Gerson Ashkenasi at Metz ; Aaron ben Samuel 
Kaidenower at Frankfurt on Main (ob. 1676); Chajjim 
Jair Bachrach (ob. 1702); David Oppenheimer at 
Prague (1690-1737); Moses Chagis of Jerusalem at Al- 
tona (1704 — 1738); Elia Alfandari at Constantinople 
(1719) ; Elia Cohen at Smyrna ; Zebi Hirsh Ashkenasi 
at Hamburg (1711); Samson Marpurgo at Ancona 
(ob. 1740) ; Meir Eisenstadt (ob. 1744), Joseph Stein- 
hard (1747-1774), and Arje Lob ben Asher, at Cracow 
and Metz (1739 sqq.). 

Methodological Works were written by Solomon Finzi 
(not Panzi) of Bovigo (before 1622); Joseph Ibn Verga 
(1554); Joseph Kara; Immanuel Sefardi; David 
BEN Simra; Samuel Alvalensi (not Albalnasi); Ibn 
MusA ; (the writings of the last four were edited by Abra- 
ham Ibn Akra, 1599—1601); Aaron Ibn Chajjim of 
Fez (1609); Eliezer Rieti at Conian (1612); Solomon 
. Algasi (1639 — 1663); Jacob Chagis (1647); Solomon 
DA Oliveyra (1688); Moses ben Daniel of Bohatin 
(not Rathen) (1693); Moses Chagis (1704) and David 
Meldola at Amsterdam (1754), both of whom treated 
of the ethical and disciplinary part; Chuja Cohen 
de Lara at Amsterdam (1753); Moses Chajjim Luz- 
zatto, who tried to reduce the method of the Talmud to 
logical principles, an attempt which, at any rate, was more 



220 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period III. 

honest and meritorious than the pretended mathematical 
formulae of Dr. Hirschfeld's '^ Halachische Exegese ; " Luz- 
zatto's friend Jekutiel Wilna, who also intended to write 
a Methodological work for the use of young persons; and 
Malachi Cohen ( 1767)^, whose learned work has recently 
been republished with the notes of Jesaia Berlin. 



§ 26.] Homiletics, Ethics, Religious Philosophy, and 
Kabbala. 

The civil and social life of the Jew, even in its smallest 
manifestation of the moral and religious sense, was closely 
and rigidly bound by the Law ; the Pilpul was subtle and 
complicated for the understanding, and the Pesak Din was 
a dry exercise of memory ; but all these circumstances, to- 
gether with the necessity of the unlearned for education and 
improvement in religion and morals, combined to direct atten- 
tion to the old institution of public lectures, which, as early 
as the 15th century, had inherited an immense treasure of 
literature, of great authority for the connexion of different 
parts, and presenting every variety of form: — Bible, Tal- 
mud, and Midrash, seen through the medium of the earlier 
expositors, and frequently interwoven or simply connected 
with the Halacha. The Kabbi, or the travelling preacher 
(jti'ni, Darshan), — particularly known in Germany as Moral 
Teacher (n^r)!?::)), and Expounder of Sagas ("T^^lTD, Maggid), — 
collected his discourses (T\wyi, xy^VJTs'l) into a cycle according 
to the Perikope text, in the same manner as he arranged his 
decisions according to the Shulchan Aruch. Others, often 
without any apparent reason, imitated this fashionable and 
convenient form of literature. The lectures, properly so 
called, were generally delivered in the language of the 
country (although the exiled Spaniards and Portuguese 
carried their own to the East and the North), with oratorical 
method and art, for which theoretical and practical rules 
were framed ; and they were published either in their original 
language or in a Hebrew translation for the use of the whole 
Ifiraelitish nation. But in Germany, after the 16th century, 
th^ language, hitherto pure, was corrupted into the so-called 



§26.] HOMILETICS, ETHICS, ETC. 221 

Jewish German. In the absence of institutions for improve- 
ment and instruction (except the Halacha) this system of 
lectures also either fell into decay, or went astray among 
the mazes of the Halacha described above, or else lost itself 
in the trifling fancies of the Kabbalistical interpretations, 
against which the censure of well-meaning learned men, as, 
for example, that of Del Medigo and others, and the efforts of 
M. Ch. Luzzatto to introduce general principles for Rhetoric 
and Homiletics (1742), availed as little as the mockery of 
the enemies of the Jews, until the period of the Mendels- 
sohn ian revolution. 

The general tendency of Halacha and Haggada to produce 
something new, and the desire to furnish the young and un- 
learned with the appearance of learning, gave rise to the novels 
(D^tZ/n^n) on the Pentateuch, a fashionable literature of the 
18th century; e. g. one in question and answer by Joshua 
(Falk) Lisser at Hamburgh, printed at least seven times, 
(1699 — 1738); and several collections gathered principally 
from the lectures of celebrated Kabbies, such as Israel 
BEN Isaac Levi, Abraham Broda ben Saul, &c., 
published under various titles (D'^DDn DS^DK, D^]'i>^;in ^ti^n^n, 
D^TOrin nm). They were the sources from which the young 
student at the academy (r\'2^W^), drew his " specimen erudi- 
tlonis " called Pslietd or Pshetchen (a diminutive of tot^s), 
or Gleicher (a German Hebraism), being too often just the 
contrary of what the name implies. 

Homiletics, properly so called, in its literary formation, 
is distinguished from exegesis (§ 28.) not so much by 
practical tendency, as by the above-mentioned artificial 
arrangement, especially by its making the treatment of 
the Haggada and iMidrash a particular, if not the prin- 
cipal, point ; and it is thus connected with the adding of 
references, the collections, and the real and verbal explana- 
tions of all the Haggadistical authorities (§ 5.), by references 
to the Bible and to the various methods of treatment used by 
the writers of the middle ages (Philosophers and Kabbalists) ; 
all these have again many points of contact with the Halacha, 
and, moreover, afford some useful information for modern 
criticism and history. To this class belong, for instance, the 



222 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period IH. 

famous abridgement of the Haggada from both the Gemaras 
by Jacob Ibn Chabib, called En Jacob, and in later edi- 
tions (1566 sqq.) En Israel, and another similar work pub- 
lished anonymously in 1511, and confounded by bibliographers 
with the former. Jacob Ibn Chabib intended to give in 
this anthology not only the Talmudical text, but also extracts 
from the most celebrated expositors (Rashi, Tosaphot, Nach- 
manides, Ibn Aderet, Jomtob ben Abraham, and Nissim 
Gerondi), and occasionally explanations of his own. This 
he did in the parts which he himself published; but after his 
death, which occurred before the publication of the larger 
portion (the seven last Orders of the Talmud), his son Levi 
Ibn Chabib completed the work in a very imperfect man- 
ner as respects the explanations. The work consequently 
became the subject of various others ; some authors wrote 
commentaries comprising a selection from the text, and 
also the explanations given, which were printed with the 
work itself, for instance JosiA Pinto at Damascus (1643); 
others made books of reference to his explanations, e. g. 
Zacharia Porto (1675), whose list was augmented by 
the printer S. Proofs (1725). Some editors omitted all 
the explanations (even the prefaces of the author and his 
son, which are only to be found complete in the first and 
most rare edition), and gave the mere text, or a short 
exposition extracted from various authors ; others wrote in- 
dependent commentaries upon the text (some of which are 
named by Azulai sub voce) ; finally, to the passages col- 
lected by J. Chabib under 12 heads, Jehuda di Modena 
0625) added others with his own explanations. Valuable 
independent commentaries, or novels, upon the Haggada 
(nn:in "'iL^lTn) were written by Samuel Edels (1627) and 
many others ; and on the Jerusalem Gemara by Samuel 
Jafe at Constantinople (1590), and Joshua Benveniste 
(cir. 1648). The Easter Haggada offers (as in the former 
period § 19. p. 167.) various points of connexion with the 
subsequent expositions. Indices of the passages of the Bible 
quoted in the Babylon and Jerusalem Talmuds were com- 
posed by several authors mentioned above (§ 25.) ; Alpha- 
betical Beferences to the Sas^as connected with Biblical 



§26.] HOMILETICS, ETHICS, ETC. 223 

personages, by Jehuda ben Bendet (1688), and Simon 
BEN Jehuda Peiser of Lissa (1728); Alphabetical Lexica 
of subjects, and Concordances of the Talmud, Midrash, &c., 
by Moses Pigo (1554); Naphtali Altschuler (1602); 
Eliezer Eieti (1612); Moses Raphael d'Aguilar 
(cir. 1660); Abraham ben Jehudah Przemislaw of 
Oiianow (1691); David ben Hirz Posner of Krotoschin 
(1691); Simon Akiba Bar, and Seligman Levi of 
Zeckendorf (1702); Samson Modon (cir. 1725); David 
NiETo(1727); and Isaac Lampronti (ob. 1756) who shows 
the most astonishing industry. The works of the latter were 
bought by the Library of Paris ; but the publication of the 
last volumes, at the expense of the government, announced 
when this essay was first written, is stiU one of the many 
pia desideria in Jewish literature. For the Kahhala in par- 
ticular we have the Neio Jalkut (1648), the author of which 
seems to be Israel a Babbi of Belcziz and Lublin ; the 
completion of it by Nathan ben Jacob Bonn at Frank- 
furt; and the Jalkut Reuheni of Reuben Hoshke (1681). 
Moreover commentaries were written on the Midrashim, 
and particularly on the Midrash Rabboth (§ 5. n. 2.) by 
Aaron ben Asher at Haleb ; Meir Benvenisti at 
Saloniki (1560) ; Naphtali (Hirz) ben Menahem Kra- 
KAU (1569) ; IssACHAR BEN Naphtali Cohen in Palestine 
(1584); Samuel Jafe (cir. 1597); Jehuda ben Moses 
Gadilia(Gedalja) (1594); and Eliezer Archa at Hebron 
(1630) ; a commentary on the Jalkut was written by Abra- 
ham Gadilia (1630 — 1640), and a key was composed by 
Abraham Fonseca at Hamburgh (1627), &c. In Germany 
some older ethical and historical Midrashim were also trans- 
lated: for instance, the book Hajashar (§ 10.) by Jacob ben 
JiRMiJA Halevi (1674), and the Midrash of the Death of 
Moses by Aaron ben Samuel (1693). With the older 
Talmudic- Aramaic Dictionaries (§ 9.), and also with Hebrew 
lexicography, are connected the explanatory works in various 
languages by Elia Levita (1527); Menahem Lonsano 
in the East (1618); David de Pomis (1587); David 
Cohen de Lara at Hamburgh (1638) ; Benjamin Musa- 
PHiA (1655); and Elia Wilna (ob. 1797). 



224 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period TIT. 

Ethics, moreover, are connected with the explanation of 
older writings (§ 12. C), such as the Talmudic Treatise 
Abot, expounded by Samuel Uceda (not Oseida) at Safet 
(1579) ; Bechai's Duties of the Heart, translated into Spanish 
by Zaddik ben Joseph Foemon (16th century, printed in 
Roman characters by David Pakdo at Amsterdam, 1610), 
and into Jewish German by Rebecca Tiktiner (Prague, 
1609) ; and Jedaja Penini's rhetorical Bechinat Olam 
explained by Samson Maepuego (1704); the Letters of 
Seneca were translated, but not published, by Jehuda 
Beiel (1712), and others. Besides these there were special 
moral writings for both the learned and unlearned, treating 
of the vanity of terrestrial things, exhorting to a moral and 
pious life, inculcating the most important moral and ceremo- 
nial precepts, introducing Haggadistical elements, and some- 
times taking a rhetorical and poetical form (§ 29.). They 
are often composed in the language of the country, particu- 
larly in Jewish German, or translated into it ; and, as popular 
books, they bear the stamp of various stages of cultivation. 
Thus we find ethical admonitions in the form of tablets to be 
fixed on the wall, e. g. by Jiftach of Worms (clr. 1660), 
and Elchanan ben Issachae Cohen of Prostitz, who 
recommends his Zier- Spiegel (Looking-glass) published in. 
Hebrew and German (1693) to be used even on the Sabbath. 
Indeed, long before Knigge, Joseph Dacosta in his Tractado 
de Cortesia (1726) taught, amongst other things, the proper 
manner of behaviour at balls. These books were intended 
for the young; and there were also others, for example, 
one in Portuguese by Samuel da Leon (1712), and a 
Catechism by Abeaham Jagel (1595, translated into Ger- 
man in 1678) ; the Spanish Fundumento Solido of J:eh.V'DA 
Leon Perez at Amsterdam (1729) seems to be something 
similar. Among the oldest and most widely known writings 
of this kind are, the Hebrew Menorat Hamaor by Isaac 
Aboab (first printed in 1514), translated into Spanish, and 
afterwards into German by Moses Feankfuet at Amster- 
dam (1722), and lately into pure German by Fiirstenthal ; 
and the Sur Mera against gambling by Jehuda de Mo- 
den a (1596), which has been translated into almost every 



§ 26.] HOMILETICS, ETHICS, ETC. 225 

language. The following, moreover, deserve especial men- 
tion : Gedalja Ibn Jahja, who wrote in a rhetorical style 
on the seven principal virtues of the Jews (cir. 1543) ; Moses 
DE Trani (1553); Moses Almosnino (in Spanish, 1567); 
the Kabbalist Elia de Yidas (1575); his epitomisers, Jacob 
BEN Mardochai Pogetto (1580), and Jechiel Melli 
(1623), both in Italy; his German translator, Nathan 
Heksher (1750); Isaac ben Moses Elles at Cracow 
(1583); Chajjim ben Bezalel of Friedburg (ob. 1588); 
Abraham Zahalon (1595) ; Isaac Obabja ben Jacob in 
Italy (1597) ; Moses Henoch, author of the Brant-Spiegel 
(1602); the authors of the anonymous Rosengarten (1609), 
and Sitten- Spiegel (1610) ; Benjamin ben Aaron Salnik 
of Grodno (1577), erroneously called Benjamin Ardono, 
who re-edited the Weiberhuch (1552) ; Shmelka ben Chaj- 
jim of Prague, who did the same (1629); Isaac ben El- 
jakim PoSEN (1620); the author of the S&pher Sichronof, 
Isaac Jeshurun, or according to others Samuel Aboab 
(1631-51); Jacob Zahalon (1665); Abraham Israel 
Pereira, who wrote in Spanish (1666-1671) ; Jehuda ben 
Joseph Puchawitz at Pinsk (1681-1700); Joseph ben 
Elimelech at Torbin (1690), who introduces poetry ; Zebi 
Hirsh Kaidenover, author of the favourite iwn Ip (He- 
brew and German, 1705); Hahdel Kirchhahn, author 
of the ^53n nnT^t^ (1707) ; Solomon ben Simon Wetz- 
LAR, who wrote in German ; Elia Cohen at Smyrna (1712); 
Isaac Pinto, the opponent of Voltaire (1762-1774), and 
many others. 

Of those who founded their ethics on Scripture (§ 27.), 
we shall here mention only the celebrated favourite of the 
women, Jacob ben Isaac Eabbino, author of the Zeena- 
u-Reena, a title originating in a mistake about the motto. 
It would lead us too far from our present purpose to enter 
further into particulars respecting individual works ; we shall 
therefore briefly remark, that in all times and places we find 
a struggle going on against abuses of every kind. We take 
the following instances at random out of a great mass: — 
the remarks upon study by MoSES ben Abraham Mat 
(1584-91) ; the interesting essays on education by Samuel 

Q 



226 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period III. 

BEN Jacob (16th century), and Moses ben Aaron Mo- 
RAWCZIK at Lublin (1635); and tlie denunciation of luxury 
in women by Isaac Zoref of Nikolsburg (1715). 

Thus the pen and the press were engaged, with uninter- 
rupted activity, in a variety of ways in the cause of religion. 
But the intellectual movement necessary for this activity was 
neither new nor original, nor was it free from external dis- 
turbance. The struggle of faith and authority with science 
and philosophy, to which the most important changes in 
Jewish literature belong, had already, some centuries before, 
apparently ended in the dogmatic system founded upon 
Aristotle, and in the fantastic eclecticism of the Kabbala; 
and the broad battle-field had now become fertile soil. By 
means of some exploded applications of scholastic gymnastics 
Obadja Seforno (1537) easily demonstrated his 15 ortho- 
dox theses, speciously and with fatiguing uniformity, using 
Sometimes single axioms of the " inconsistent " Stagirite 
himself as expounded by the Arabs, and at others pre- 
tended arguments from the Bible ; and Aaron Berachja 
tells us, in a manuscript work, that it is said in some 
Philosophical Writings that Aristotle denied prophecy, be- 
cause, if any such existed, it would certainly have been 
granted to himself. The great changes subsequent to the 
Middle Ages were much influenced by Judaism, but did 
not produce a corresponding effect in return. The Spanish 
exiles, finding Greece and the East recently subjugated by 
the Turks, who had not yet appropriated the Arabian 
learning, gave themselves up entirely to the influence of 
Oriental mysticism. Neo-Platonism, the first-fruits of the 
Classical studies which passed from Constantinople into Italy, 
could thrive only on the soil of the JcAvish Kabbala. There 
was not any new philosophy properly so called ; the Jew 
Spinoza was an immediate follower of Cartesius. The 
Christian Reformation in Germany was analogous to the 
Karaitic movement in Judaism, and was founded upon a 
knowledge of the Bible, that which related to the Old Tes- 
tament being derived from the Jews (§ 23.). The darkness 
of the Middle Ages arrayed its latest, and sometimes vic- 
torious, champions against the new and threatening light; 



§ 26.] HOMILETICS, ETHICS, ETC. 227 

and superstition of all kinds found advocates. Paracelsus 
and his followers tried to popularise the mystic doctrine, in 
the same way as others did the sciences in general. The 
same took place also among the Jews. 

At the beginning of the 16th century the later Kabbala 
had already found its way into the East and Poland. Je- 
HUDA Chajjat (1496) ; Joseph Jaabez, the opponent of 
philosophy ; David Ibx Jahja, the teacher of Widman- 
stadt(§ 23.); Joseph Iaytazac; David Ibn Abi Simra 
in Egypt ; Abraham Ibn Saba of Lisbon, perhaps at 
Adrianople, in the beginning of the 16th century; Isaac 
GiACON ; his pupil Abraham Levi ben Eliezer, called 
"the old" (ip'^rt), and erroneously said to have been a 
pupil of Isaac Loria, in Turkey, who, in a manuscript 
work, opposes the students of ancient wisdom according 
to private judgment (KnnD) unassisted by a teacher, and 
was the author of a remarkable treatise against the invo- 
cation of angels, which deserves to be published ; Meir 
Ibn Gabbai (1523-1539) in Italy and Constantinople; the 
fanatical proselyte Solomon Molcho at Mantua (1529); 
Solomon Alkabiz at Safet(fl. 1529-53); Matatia De- 
lacrut in Poland and Italy (cir. 1530) ; and the renowned 
Moses Cordovero in Palestine (ob. 1570), who is said to 
have had a revelation from the prophet Elias, at the end 
of that century ; are the names of the authors of the most 
important monographies and commentaries of this class. The 
opposition of Elia del Medigo and others had had no 
effect. Isaac de Lattes in Italy collected Sentences for 
the printing of the Zohar (1558) : against which the voices of 
the Rabbies had been raised in consequence, it was said, of 
the previous burning of the Talmud ; and Emanuel ben 
Jekutiel Benetento at Mantua employed his money 
and philological learning in the publication of KabbaHs- 
tical writings (1558-1560). A new phase of the Kabbala 
was formed by the school of the famous oral teacher Isaac 
LoRiA AsHKENASi at Safet (1534-15.72): amongst his 
followers we may particularise, as an author (see below), 
Chajjim Vital Calabrese (ob. 1620 in Damascus), and 
as apostles, Israel Seruk who travelled in Europe, and 

Q 2 



228 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period III. 

his san-in-law Solomon ben Chajjim Meinstrel of 
Lautenburg at Safet. In a very short time the master and 
some of his pupils were made the subjects of miraculous 
legends; and a new flood of supposititious writings and 
interpolations threatened to overwhelm the history and 
criticism of this literature. The restored Kabbala was not 
a systematic theosophy, but was a bold and conscious in- 
trusion of the Kabbalistic doctrine, now called the -Theo- 
retical Kabbala (D^^t^P TTb'2p), upon practical and religious 
life, thus forming the Practical Kabbala (^1VX!J2^12 nb^p). 
Against the latter it was now necessary for the orthodox 
Halacha to defend its authority amongst the masses, in the 
same way that philosophy had formerly withstood the Kab- 
bala in general in the narrow circle of independent thinkersv, 
until the aberrations of astrology, &c., had laid claim to the 
highest authority in religion. Now, however, the popularised 
Kabbala (a Hebrew translation of the book Zohar is at least 
as old as 1506) made its way into all branches of life and 
literature. The secret meaning ascribed to the letters of the 
Bible, to the signs (vowels, accents, even ornaments), and 
to their Masoretical rules, and the higher intention (riDnD) 
attributed to the prayers and ceremonies, reached their 
greatest pitch; and to the exercise of this knowledge was 
ascribed a powerful influence in the afiairs of the present and 
future worlds. It was no wonder that at last this Kabbala 
regarded the Zohar in the same light as the Bible and Shul- 
chan Aruch, and that it led to a degradation of Judaism ; 
for instance, to the extravagances of the Sabbatians and of 
the Chassidim, amongst whom appeared the last effort of 
mysticism, the apotheosis of their master. A compendium 
of Kabbala, perhaps by a pupil of M. Ch. Luzzatto, extant 
in MS., and written in the form of question and answer, 
defends these doctrines against attacks from different quar- 
ters ; and amongst the objections answered are those of phi- 
losophers believing only in scientiflc demonstrations, who 
called the Kabbala Anthropomorphism ; of others who said 
that it led to apostasy, by suggesting an analogy between 
the Ten Sefirot and the Christian doctrine of the Trinity 
(an observation as old as the 10th century); of others who 



§ 26.] HOMILETICS, ETHICS, ETC 229 

merely preferred the simple Jewish faith without specula- 
tion or philosophy ; of others who objected to learning from 
writings without teachers ; and of others who said that life 
was scarcely long enough for the study of the Talmud alone, 
and that the Kabbala was too dark and deep to be fathomed. 

The strictly Kabbalistic literature of this period consists 
principally in commentaries on the Bible, and the books 
Jezira and Zohar (the last being also furnished with indices 
and keys of all kinds) ; and in super-commentaries on Nach- 
manides, Bechai ben Asher, Recanati, Gikatilla, and other 
older writers, and also on Loria's pretended traditions, and 
the writings of MosES Corduero and Chajjim Vital. 
Besides this, the Kabbala gave a colouring to homiletical, 
ethical, and other writings. 

It may be considered certain that Isaac Loria neither wrote 
himself, nor, as an oral teacher or leader, at all encouraged 
his pupils to write down his ideas, if such a word is appli- 
cable to his fancies. If he has any literary merit, it consists in 
his having written some notes of critical value on the margins 
of older printed books and MSS., e. g. those published upon 
the Zohar, some of which, however, even the editor and cor- 
rector, Moses Zacut, did not believe to be by him. Chajjim 
Vital, whom later Kabbalists pronounce to be the only 
authentic interpreter of Loria's ideas, thought it necessary to 
apologise for writing down the mysteries of his teacher by 
the altered circumstances of literature. His example gave 
a great impulse to his fertile followers ; and not long after- 
wards Aaron Berechja of Modena declared (in a manu- 
script work, 1629) that he had somewhere read, that it is the 
duty of every student to write down the principles of the 
Kabbala. With respect to the authenticity and arrange- 
ment of these writings, nearly all of which bear the name 
of Chajjim, and are extant in hundreds of MSS. (the very 
few that are printed having appeared together with other 
older Kabbalistic works at Korez, 1784-5), we find an ^4;?- 
paratus criticus of no less than four recensions ; and Chaj- 
jim himself began his comprehensive work with such care, 
that he distinguished what he found taught in Loria's name 
from what he considered as authentic tradition. But his 

Q 3 



230 JEWISH LITEEATURE. [PekioD III. 

own acount of the different ways in which he arranged 
and rearranged his materials, and the accounts of those who 
again prepared his writings for the press (viz. his son Sa- 
muel Vital at Damascus; the polygrapher Jacob Zemach, 
a Portuguese physician in Palestine, 1619-52 ; and his Ger- 
man pupil Meir Poppers at Jerusalem, ob. 1 662), and lastly 
a comparison of the different forms in which the same formulae 
and plays upon letters appear and reappear, must make every 
honest student despair of ever producing light and order out 
of this vast mass of confusion ; and we might sum up our 
judgement, like an ingenious bibliographer, in the words, 
" The dream of Pharaoh is one." 

The most remarkable authors are : I^aphtali (Hirz) 
Treves ben Eliezer (cir. 1530); Abraham Galante 
(1568), and Moses Galante (ob. 1618), at Safet ; Simon 
ben Samuel (1560) ; Elia de Yidas in Palestine (1575); 
MoRDECHAi Dato in Italy (1570-1600) ; Samuel Arepol 
(1576-1586); Samuel Uceda of Safet (1579); Israel 
BEN Moses at Lublin (1592), whose work was translated 
by Voisin ; Elia Loanz (1606-1620) ; Menahem-Asarja 
Fano at Mantua (ob. 1620) ; Issachar (Baer) ben Moses 
Petachja at Krzeminez (1609-1611), who tried in various 
ways to make the Zohar accessible ; Eleazar Perls Alt- 
SCHIJLER at Prague, who collected older books and MSS. 
(1609-1616); Sabbatai (Sheptel) Horwitz (1612-17); 
his renowned kinsman Isaiah Horwitz at Frankfurt, 
Prague, and Safet (1622, seq.), author of the ethical n'^h'^ 
(She?ie luhot hahrit) of which compendiums were made by 
Jechiel Epstein in Prossnitz (1683) and Samuel David 
Ottolengo in Italy (1705) ; Abraham Jafe Kalmankas 
(1652); Chajjim Cohen of Aleppo, who was censured for 
introducing the Kabbala into the Schulchan Aruch (§ 25.) ; 
two Germans of the name of Nathan Spiro, the one (ob. 
1603) at Cracow, the other (of Jerusalem, ob. 1662) at 
Rheggio; Abraham Asulai (ob. 1644); Naphtali Hirz 
BEN Eichanan Jacob in Frankfurt on the Main (1648), 
a suspected author ; Abraham Chaskuni and Abraham 
Cohen Herera (Irira) in Holland (1659); Keuben 
PIoshke (ob. 1673), author of the Jalkut Reubeni, an imita- 



§26.] HOMILETICS, ETHICS, ETC. 231 

tion of the old Jalkut (§ 9.) ; David di Lida (of Lithu- 
ania) at Amsterdam (ob. before 1710); MosES Zakuto 
at Mantua (ob. 1697); the voluminous writer Samson 
OsTROPOL (1655 seq.); Abraham Rovigo (1701-1710); 
Alexander Susskind at Metz, who wrote for Professor 
Ouseel in Leyden (1708); Nehemiah Chajjun (1713- 
1716), against whom a vehement controversy was carried on 
from London to Mantua, among others by Joseph Ergas, 
David Nieto, Moses Chagis, Jehuda Briel (ob. 1722), 
and Emanuel Ricchi (ob. 1743); and lastly the remark- 
able fanatic and poet MoSES Chajjim Luzzatto (1727), 
who, according to the opinion of Professor S. D. Luzzatto, 
attempted to effect a reformation of mysticism. 

Besides the Kabbala, Religious Philosophy employed 
itself principally in the explanation of the older recog- 
nised and more important writings : for instance, the Cu- 
sari of Jehuda Halevi was explained by Jehuda Mos- 
CATO (1573) and Israel Samozc (ob. 1772) at Brody, 
and translated into Spanish by Jacob Abendana (ob. 
1663) at Amsterdam; the Moreh of Maimonides by Jo- 
seph BEN Isaac Halevi (1611-1614), Mordechai 
Jafe, and others; the Ikarim of Albo by Gedalja Lip- 
SHATZ (1618), &c. A compendium of the Summa of 
Thomas Aquinas was written by Jacob Zahalon (ob. 
1693), but never printed. Besides the treatises, excur- 
suses, digressions, &c., included in the commentaries on 
the Bible, sermons, and popular dogmatical (ethical) writ- 
ings, there are also monographies of all kinds in various 
languages, mostly by Spanish, Dutch, and Italian authors, 
which are bright points in this melancholy period : for 
instance, the works of Obadja Sforno (ob. 1550) ; Asarja 
de Rossi (§ 23.); Jehuda (Leo) deModena (1571-1648); 
Mordechai Jafe in Germany (1600) ; the wandering phy- 
sician Joseph del Medigo (ob. 1655); Manoah Hen- 
del in Poland (ob. 1612); Isaac Jeshurun at Hamburg 
(1663); Manasseh ben Israel (1632-1651); Leo del 
Bene (1646); Simon (Simcha) Luzzatto, who in his 
Socrate, dedicated to the Venetian Senate, proves the insuf- 
ficiency of natural knowledge (1651); Naphtali Hirsh 

Q 4 



232 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period 111. 

GrOSLAR at Halberstadt, vvlio a century later opposed philo- 
sopby, particularly the prima materia, partly in rhyming 
prose; David Nieto (ob. 1728 in London), author of the 
Second Cusari against the Karaites and the followers of 
Cartesius and Copernicus ; and many others, whose writings 
were not confined to the circle of Jewish readers. 



§ 27.] The Bible and Hebrew Language. 

The Exegesis of this period, which branched out into 
Homiletics (§ 26..), gathered into itself all the earlier studies 
to such an extent as to cause them to degenerate. The 
Spanish School, like the German (which continued to regard 
the Haggada and Midrash as authorities in exegesis), be- 
came much involved in trite philosophical distinctions and 
pretended Kabbalistic mysteries ; and this was the cause of 
the frequent explanation of the Commentary of Rashi (a 
Judaeo-German extract of which was made by Jehuda ben 
Naphtali, 1560) ; and even of the super-commentaries, e. g. 
that of Elia Misrachi (1527). In this manner so rich a 
treasure of thought, and such a variety of methods of exe- 
gesis were brought in, that even literary artifices and tricks 
were at last considered admissible ; e. g. the explanation of 
passages of the Bible in different ways (D'lia'iK) : in 26 by 
Moses Margaliot (1589); in 50 by Moses ben Jesaia 
Cohen (1721) ; in 70 by Eeuben David Tebel (1626) ; 
in 210 by Jedidja Gottlieb ben Abraham of Lemberg 
(1671); in 252 out of 1000 by Nathan Spira (ob. 1633); 
and in 345 by Elia ben Abraham Ottingen (1642). 
Of the fashionable " Novels " we have already spoken above 
(§ 26. p. 221.). 

The most important Biblical commentators are : the two 
Jaabez (1492 — 1583); Johanan Allemanno in Italy 
(cir. 1500); Meir Arama (1505-12); Joseph Taytazac 
at Saloniki (cir. 1520) ; Joseph Ibn Jahja b^n David 
in Italy (1527-1528); Isaac ben Solomon Cohen at 
Constantinople (1549); Solomon Athia (1549), who in 
the preface to his commentary mentions the learned men of 
his acquaintance ; the family SroRNO in Italy ; Solomon 
Ibn Melech of Fez, at Constantinople (1554), who was 



§ 27.] THE BIBLE AND HEBEEW LANGUAGE. 233 

celebrated as a learned compiler of tlie older graiDmatical 
Exeo^etes, and whose works were translated into Latin 
(completed by Jacob Abendajs^a, 1661); Moses ben 
EiSAK Engerlein at Cracow (1561); Moses Alshech 
(more properly Alsheikh) at Safet (1563), celebrated 
rather than studied, on account of his philosophical pro- 
lixity ; YiDAL Zarfati at Fez (1560); Moses ]S"adjara 
(Nagara) (1571), whose exposition was rather of a Hagga- 
da-Halacha character ; Baruch Ibn Jaish ben Isaac 
at Constantinople; Elisha Galliko (1576); Eliezer 
AsHKENASi BEX Elia, latterly in Poland (1576-1584); 
Abraham Menahe3i Cohen Porta at Cremona (1582); 
Samuel Yalerio in the Morea (1586); Abraham ben 
Jehuda Chas.an at Lublin ; Solomon Duran ben Ze- 
MACH in Africa (1593); Baruch Ibn Baruch at Yenice 
(1598-99); Solomon ben Isaac Kalevi (1600); Abra- 
ham Gavison, an Arabic scholar (ob. 1605); Moses 
Albela (before 1600); Samuel Laxiado at Haleb ; 
his son Abraham at Yenice (1603 — 1619); Ephrai3I 
Lentshutz (or Lenczic) at Bamberg and Prague (1608); 
MoRDECHAi CoHEX at Safct (1610); Aaron ben David 
Cohen at Eagusa ; Chajjim Fixzi at Urbino (1631); the 
physician Jacob Lombroso, who gave a grammatical ex- 
planation and translated the difficult words into Spanish 
(1639) ; Abraham Heilbron at Lublin (1639) ; Samuel 
Cohen of Pisa (1650), whose works were of a philosophical 
character; Moses de Mercado (ob. 1652 at Amsterdam); 
Solomon Marino bex Isaac (1652) ; Seeb Abraham of 
Brzesc (1685); Moses Chefez, called Gextile of Trieste, 
at Yenice (ob. 1711 at the age of 48, not 103 years), author 
of a philosophical exposition of the Pentateuch, of great 
prolixity, and exhibiting much research in recent Christian 
literature; Selig bex Isaac Margaliot (1712); David 
Chasan bex Chajjim at Amsterdam (1724); Chajjim 
(not Abraham Chajjim) Cohex of Poland (?) at Hebron 
(1750); and the physician Aarox Emrich, super-commen- 
tator of Ibn Ezra (1765). Commentaries and glossaries to 
the various Targums were written by Mardochai Loria 
(1580); Jacob (Koppel) ben Samuel (1584); the hym- 
nologist Moses Cohen of Corfu (cir. 1588), not published ; 



234 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period III. 

David ben Jacob Sczebrin at Prague (1609) ; Chajjim- 
Pheibel (not Abraham) ben David at Hanau (1614); 
Eljakim Rothenburg (1618); and Mardochai ben 
JSTaphtali of Cracow, wlio died while his work was print- 
ing at Amsterdam (1671-7); all these authors and their 
works, although useful for a knowledge of the Chaldee 
version, have been neglected by Christian, and even by 
recent Jewish, authors on the subject. We may here men- 
tion also the Hebrew translation of the 2 Targum Esther 
by David ben Elia (Constantinople, 1732). The period 
of the Biurists, or latest exegete, begins with Mendels- 
sohn's edition of the Bible ; they wrote under the influence 
of Christian biblical studies, which had made some progress 
in the meantime. 

With the various editions of the Bible are connected 
critical annotations, based upon the comparison of MSS., 
arid on grammatical and Masoretic studies, and monographies 
on the Masora ; such as those by Elia Levita, the founder 
of the true view of the origin of punctuation; Jacob ben 
Chajjim of Tunis, corrector of the first Bible printed 
with perfect Masora (1525), afterwards baptized (ob. before 
1538) ; Menahem Rabba ben Moses at Padua (1582) ; 
Joseph ben Shneor Cohen at Constantinople (1598); 
Joseph ben Samuel Ibn Rei (? "'n), who adds some ethi- 
cal applications (1607); and the sound grammarian Mena- 
hem LoNSANO of Jerusalem (1618), Sixty ponderous 
old works, and many MSS. of the Bible, among which 
was that of Toledo of the year 1277'(now Cod. Rossi 782), 
were the sources from which Solomon JSTorzi at Mantua 
(1626) drew his celebrated remarks, forming the foundation 
of Hahn's Bible. The expositions of Elia Levita were 
completed by Samuel (Shmelka) ben Chajjim of Prague 
(1610), and others, who however gradually introduced criti- 
cal, Kabbalistic, and other unsuitable explanations. Among 
the latter we may mention : Jacob ben Isaac, Rabbi at 
Zansmer (1616); his son Jehuda (1650); Meir Angel at 
Safet (1622); Jedidja Gottlieb ben Abraham at Cra- 
cow (1644); David (Teble) ben Benjamin of Posen at 
Hamburg (1663); Aaron ben Samuel, who published a 



§ 27.] THE BIBLE AND HEBREW LANGUAGE. 235 

specimen (1690); Joseph ben Moses Frankfurt (1725) ; 
Dayid Yiterbi at Mantua (1748) ; Anschel Worms 
(1760); and his adversary Joseph ben Dayid Eschwe ; 
in a Kabbalistic sense, Jacob (Koppel) ben Aaron of 
Saslaw (1686-7), an. extract from whose work was made by 
Jekutiel Lasi ben Nachum (1718); and in an ethical 
sense, Eliezer ben Jehuda Eabbi of Pinczow (1723). 

Translations of Biblical writings, especially of the Peri- 
copes, are met with at an earlier period (§ 16.). The need 
of educational works for youth, and of books for females and 
persons ignorant of Hebrew, was on the increase ; and con- 
sequently the translations which were at hand were published 
in Hebrew or other characters (e. g. in the different Con- 
stantinopolitan Polyglots of 1546 and 1547), emendated 
and extended or rewritten ; they were intended by the 
booksellers or publishers for the use of Christians also. 
Moses ben Elia Pobian (1576) translated the Bible into 
Modern Greek ; the Karaites of the Crimea have a Tartar 
Bible and Liturgy; Turkish translations are extant in MS., 
as well as a Polish translation of the Psalter by Moses 
BEN Mordechai (1510); and a learned society at Ferrara 
published a Spanish translation of the Bible by Abraham 
Usque (1553), parts of which were re-edited or translated 
anew by IVIanasseh ben Israel (1627), Jacob Lombroso 
at Venice (1639), Jacob Jehuda Leon at Amsterdam 
(1671), Mendez de Castro (1672), and Joseph Franco 
Serrano (1695). Rhymed paraphrases were published by 
David Ibn Atthar Melo (1626) ; Juan (not Moses) 
Delgado Pinto, who dedicated his poetry to Cardinal 
Richelieu (1627) ; and Daniel Israel Lopez Laguna 
at Jamaica (1720 not 1742). Homilies and reflections or 
paraphrases in prose were given by Isaac Aboab (1681), 
Moses Diaz ben Isaac (1705), and Isaac Acosta 
(1722), all three at Amsterdam. The Grlossary, r\72hw pwn, 
was edited by Gedalja Corduero (1588) ; the Targum 
of the Canticles was translated probably by Moses Laniado 
(1619). De Pomis (1571) and others (e. g. Isaac Moro- 
siNi, 1586, and Ephraim ben Johanan, 1589, both in 
MS.) translated some parts of the Bible into Italian, but 



236 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period III. 

the complete translation, planned by Jehuda (Leo) de 
MoDENA, dwindled under the scissors of Catholic censure 
into a translation of the difficult expressions and passages, 
and an alphabetical glossary (1612). A similar cause may 
have hindered the publication of a perpetual glossary to the 
Bible by Jedidja of Rimini (1597), and also the Hebrew 
translation of some Apocryphal books by the same Jehuda 

DE MODENA. 

In Germany Luther's translation of the Bible was not 
without its influence on this literature ; and Luther himself 
complains that an edition of the Prophets (according to Wolf 
the same as that of Worms, 1527) was made with the assist- 
ance of Jews, although it was in fact substantially the same 
as his own. The Jewish-German had become so indispensable 
that it was used by baptized missionaries, such as Michael 
Adam, whose translation of the Pentateuch and Megillot 
(Constance, 1544), made with the assistance of Paul Fagius, 
and published together with extracts from Hebrew com- 
mentators, was erroneously ascribed to Elia Leyita ; this 
work produced a lasting effect upon the Jews (see below). 

Indeed it seems strange that not only Biblical translations, 
but generally speaking the most valuable and popular (§ 28.) 
productions in the German language (all printed in Hebrew 
characters), originated away from Germany, or at least only 
on its frontiers, in Italy, Switzerland, and (later in the 16th 
century), in Poland ; as if the German Jew felt the want of 
his native language the more in places where it was not 
spoken by his Christian countrymen. How the Jews viewed 
this circumstance may be illustrated by a striking instance. 
Chajjim ben Menahem of Glogau, the author of a short 
manual for the use of females (shortly before 1717), in 
explaining the orthography of some names of towns in 
Poland and Germany, says, that in Germany the " Ishmael- 
ites (meaning Christians) speak like the Israelites," as if 
German were the Jews' own language. But at the same 
time (1710) Phobus of Metz, in a similar publication, ex- 
presses the opinion, that the neglect of Hebrew philology 
among the German Jews, in contradistinction to the Spa- 
niards, is to be attributed to the different amount of pains 



§ 27.] THE BIBLE AND HEBREW LANGUAGE. 237 

bestowed by tliem respectively upon their vernacular lan- 
guages. In fact among the various political and social cir- 
cumstances which explain the singular course of the Jewish- 
German language, we may reckon the impulse and example 
given to the many German Jews in Northern Italy by their 
Spanish and Italian brethren. 

To return to our special subject, the Bible, we find far 
fewer strict translations than paraphrases, rearrangements^ 
and versifications, the last perhaps originating in the prece- 
ding period. But the whole subject has never been treated 
by itself; and even the notices collected by Wolf have 
not sufficiently attracted the attention either of the Ger- 
manists (§ 28.), or of biblical scholars (e. g. Gesenius, in 
his essay on translations of the Bible, De Wette, and others), 
although Wagenseil confessed that he had learned the sense 
of some passages of the Bible from Jewish expositions rather 
than from any other source. In fact a due appreciation and 
proper classification of the various branches of this literature, 
a part of which, perhaps, yet remains to be discovered, would 
require a more careful investigation than the author of this 
essay has hitherto been able to apply to it. Only a super- 
ficial survey will therefore be attempted, omitting the 
anonymous publications, many of Avhich may be much older 
than the editions as yet known. 

A translation of the Psalms, published in 1545 under the 
name of Elia Levita, and afterwards often anonymously 
reprinted (and also inserted in prayer-books), was revised by 
Eljakim ben Jacob, corrector of the press at Amster- 
dam (1703), and republished with an interlinear text, by 
Michael Cohen ben Abraham of Fiirth (1723). A 
Jewish translation of the whole Bible was not completed 
much before the end of the 17th century; but then two rival 
editions appeared almost simultaneously. The first translator 
was Jekutiel Blitz (1676-8), corrector of the press for Uri 
Phobus ; whose translation was revised by Meir Stern ; 
and another revision (especially with respect to passages 
considered as anti-Christian) was published by Josel Wit- 
ZENHAUSEN, a compositor at Athia's printing-office, with 
the assistance of the bibliographer Sabbatai Bass. After 



238 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period III. 

this meritorious undertaking, although another translation 
was published by Eliezer Sossman in conjunction with 
his brother-in-law the historian Menahem ben Solomon 
Leyi (1725-9), no real progress was made, until Men- 
delssohn by his translations gave an entirely new direction 
to Jewish literature. Another kind of literature was origi- 
nated by Jehuda ben Moses Naphtali or Lob Brzesc 
at Cremona; he revised (1560) Michael Adam's translation 
of the Pentateuch, and added extracts from Kashi, in German, 
which Isaac ben Samson Cohen, at Prague (1608-10), 
enriched from the Midrash, &c. This was the origin of the 
Teutsch Chummasch or German Pentateuch, which in va- 
rious slightly altered forms became, and in some parts of 
Poland and Russia continues to be, a favourite book with 
women; it was so popular that Isaac's grandson could not 
procure a perfect copy of the earlier editions when he 
undertook the third in 1687. But it was soon rivalled by 
a similar edition of the Pentateuch by Jacob ben Isaac 
at Janow, known as the Zeena-u-Reena (by mistake, see 
§ 26. p. 225.), the earlier editions of which were so rapidly 
exhausted, that we know only that of Basel of 1622, which 
seems to be at least the third. The same author wrote a 
similar work on the Prophets entitled Maggid{^'^yc^, 1623-7), 
published probably after his death ; and also an exposition of 
the Pentateuch (1622), compiled from various sources. Of 
those who paraphrased various books of the Bible, inserting 
ethical applications or legends in the historical parts, generally 
from the Haggada in Midrash and Talmud, or translating 
from the Targum, we shall only mention the following, 
who were almost all Poles and Bohemians : Isaac Sulkes 
(1579), Mordechai ben Jacob (1582-97) ; Naphtali 
Altschuler (1595) ; Moses Saertels ben Issachar 
(1604-5); Jechiel (Michael) Epstein (1707); Joseph 
BEN Abraham Issachar, and Simon Frankfurter, at 
Amsterdam (1711); and Aaron ben Mordechai (1718). 
The historical part of the Bible and also of the Apocrypha 
(the latter after Luther's translation) was published by Chaj- 
JiM BEN Nathan (1625-30 ?). The versifications of Biblical 
and especially the historical books, whose prototype is the 



§ 27.3 THE BIBLE AND HEBREW LANGUAGE. 239 

Samuel-Buch (probably 15435 or still older), in " 8 Gesetz," 
i. e. Ottava rima, bear considerable resemblance to the last- 
mentioned class, although their style and form present some 
interesting peculiarities; they form the transition to the 
popular songs (§ 28.). But few authors of this class of po- 
etry are at present known, e.g.: Aaron (ben Israel?); 
Jacob ben Samuel of Brzese (1583), who versified the 
Targum of Megillot ; Moses Stendel, whose Psalms were 
copied and published by Rosel R. Fischels (1586); 
Abraham ben Moses at Prague (1602); Dayid ben 
Menahem Cohen at Amsterdam (1644) ; and Jacob ben 
Isaac Levi (1692 ?). Some Apocryphal books were trans- 
lated into German, as the book Ecclesiasticus from the 
Dutch by Joseph von Maarssen at Amsterdam (1712); 
and the New Testament was translated or transcribed by 
one Jewish convert, and published by another, as early as 
1540, some parts having previously appeared in Hebrew. 

The following lexicographical works are less etymological 
than explanatory of the Hebrew : Italian and Latin, by PoMis 
(1587); Portuguese, by Solomon de Oliyeyra (1682); 
Jewish-German, by Anschel at Cracow (1534), and Jehuda 
(Arje) ben Zebi of KJrotoshin, at Carpentras (1719-1721), 
who wrote also on synonymes and nomina propria ; a He- 
brew-Arabic nomenclature was composed by Manasseh 
ben Israel ; a Hebrew-German vocabulary, and a Chaldee 
lexicon, especially on the Targumim, by Elia Leyita ; and 
a practical Hebrew-German-Italian-Latin vocabulary by 
Nathan ben Moses Hanover of Russia (1660). As an 
etymological curiosity, we may mention the attempt made, 
long before Dupuis and Kanne, by Dayid Proyencale 
at Mantua (cir. 1570) to deduce all languages from the 
Hebrew. 

Hebrew Grammar reached a new stage of its progress in 
Elia Levita's (nat. 1472 near Nuremberg, ob. 1549) clear 
conciseness, which resembled that of David Kimchi (§ 16.). 
Both were leaders of the Christian grammarians who, down 
to the middle of the 17th century, did Kttle else than trans- 
late or rearrange materials furnished by Jews. Their 
authority was, however, so great as to throw independent 



240 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period III. 

investigators into the shade. When we remember that the 
Jews were destitute of the encouragement derived from 
the hope of distinction ; of all practical interest in other 
Oriental languages, except the Chaldee (a knowledge of 
which enabled Joseph Zaefati, son of the physician 
of Pope Julius IT., to become interpreter between the first 
Syrian scholars in Europe and Theseus Ambrosius, the 
first teacher of Syriac, 1539); that they had no need for the 
philological study of a language still in use, and that faith 
in the authority of antiquity, and the supremacy of the 
Midrash, the Kabbala, and Halacha, were opposed to gram- 
matical studies ; we must with Luzzatto think highly of even 
the small performances of this period. Of the important 
grammatical and critical commentaries of Ben Melech, 
LoNSANO, Norzi, and Lombroso, we have spoken above. 
Beside the authors of compendia and tables for teaching, 
we may name as grammarians, the brothers Proyencale 
(1535 seq.) at Mantua; Emanuel of Benevento (1557); 
Isaac Uziel at Amsterdam (ob. 1620), whose grammar was 
provided with a Hebrew and Spanish index of technical 
expressions by his pupil Isaac Nehemia (1627); Abra- 
ham BEN Raphael at Prague (1623); Sabbatai of Prze- 
misl, who defended Kimchi against Levita (1622) ; ISAx4.C 
BEN Samuel Levi of Posen (1627), who, even before 
Alting, based the theory of language on phonetic laws; 
Spinoza (1677) whose views are not without peculiarity; 
Moses Abudiente (1633); Moses Raphael d'Aguilar 
(1661), and Solomon de Olivet ra (1689), at Amsterdam, 
who wrote in Portuguese, the latter also on Chaldee ; Je- 
HUDA Lob Neumark (1693), who wrote on accents; 
Alexander SiissKiNDat Kothen(l7l8), author of a work 
on the same subject in the Jewish-German language (pro- 
bably after Wasmuth) ; and Jehuda (Arje) ben Zebi, who 
drew up some rules in rhyme (1719). Among the primers of 
minor importance, we will mention that of Phobus of Metz 
(1710), on account of his general remarks, and his desire 
to awaken a taste for grammar although his own knowledge 
was inconsiderable. One of the most important writers 
was Solomon Cohen (of) Hanau (1708-1762), who, like 



§ 28.] POETRY AND LITURGY. 241 

Kimchi and Levita, was a travelling teacher of children, 
and gained some credit for his knowledge of the doctrine 
of accents. The unusually severe criticism with which he 
attacked the ancients, especially in his earlier writings, 
gave rise to some ill-will, and met with opposition from 
Reuben Levi (1744), and Aaron Moses of Lemberg 
(1765); and his strictures on the prayers were attacked 
by MoRDECHAi Dusseldorf (1738), and Jacob Emden 
(1769); he, however, fought his way, and met with an 
imitator and a plagiarist in the converted Jews, Christian 
David Bernard (1722), and Professor Sonnenfels at 
Vienna (1757). Mendelssohn's school introduced the 
grammatical and critical researches of learned Christians 
among his countrymen and co-religionists, and thereby laid 
the foundation of the general philology which subsequently 
flourished again. 

§ 28.] Poetry and Liturgy, 

The elegant literature of this Period was developed in 
a different way from that of the first (§ 18.). The use of 
the older Hebrew artificial forms, generally imitated from 
the Arabic, was, unfortunately for philology, much too fre- 
quent to allow the various classical modes and their modern 
imitations to be followed out with anything like the same 
readiness and success. The poetry of the Christians, in its 
new mythical garb, did not exercise any considerable in- 
fluence. The isolated position of the nation, the Hala- 
cha, and the Kabbala had deprived poetry in general of 
all freedom of spirit. Moreover, in the voluminous pro- 
ductions of the former period, the Liturgy had already 
reached its culminating point. But to the Jews the house 
of prayer had become, in some degree, a home, a school, a 
forum, a club ; and although the letter of the appointed rule 
of prayer (^Siddur), and the Pijjut of the Machsor as a 
" Usus " (:in3D), had been subjected to the decisions of the 
Halacha, and the free liturgical literatiu*e of the preceding 
period (§ 20.) had terminated in the Schulchan Aruch, still 
mysticism, especially that of the East and South, which in 

R 



242 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period III. 

general began to chafe against the fetters of the Law and 
to introduce the mysteries of Theosophy into the prayers 
and hymns (ni'T'tiT^ Tin*'T[ ^^'il/), suggested new ideas to the 
imagination and extended the sphere of the Liturgy ; e. g. 
by vigils (miin, mniTrjIi'r)), especially those of the feasts 
of Pentecost and Hosianna {I'^H W ]^p''r), mmii^ W ]1p^n, 
and other D^SIpTi), ascribed to MosES Coedovero and 
Isaac Loeia. In the 16th century there were formed, 
particularly in Italy, pious societies for a daily matins 
(npmV nnmti^), which laid the foundation for the literature 
of nnDPTD or ')p^^'n Dl^r^Wi^, compiled from the Bible and 
the prayers. The multiplication of the prayers (D'^niTDT/O, 
msnn, mtt^pn, niVsn) used on all occasions, such as birth, 
marriage, journeys, death, &c., was quite in accordance 
with the spirit of the age ; and above all, the circumstances 
of the times led to the composition of historical lai/s of 
lamentation and repentance (m^p, DITI^Vd) written in blood 
and tears. Some imitations of old forms, not intended for 
recitation nor for insertion in the liturgy, were made, on 
account of the interest which attached to the subjects of the 
original compositions : e. g. Asharot and Keter Malchut (after 
Gabirol) were imitated by David Ibn Simea and Joshua 
Benbeveniste (cir. 1634-62); and psalms were written by 
Abeaham ha-Jachini in the East (1655), M. Ch. Luz- 
ZATTO, both considered as heterodox authors, and by others. 
But although the creative genius was extinct, much labori- 
ous work remained to be done. It now became necessary to 
fix the old and new rites of the many wandering congrega- 
tions by means of printed forms, a matter which occupied 
editors, commentators, and poets. There are collections 
for different countries, cities, societies, &c., J^elonging to 
this Period: e. g. for Poland (1522), Mantua (1612), contain- 
ing compositions by Chananja E. Kieti ; Italy (1627) by 
Joseph Jedidja Kaemi and others in the 17th century; 
Jerusalem by Joseph ben Moedechai Cohen and Mi- 
chael ben Moses Cohen (1707-1708); Corfu (1718); and 
Q^^0L SLud Cochin--^^b'(1757), in which there is some- 
thing by the Babylonian physician Ob ad J A Cohen ben 
UsiEL. Mystical collections were made by the Russian 



§ 28.] POETRY AND LITURGY. 243 

Nathan ben Moses Hanover at Jassy (1662), and 
Moses Chagis (1703); there were also various Sabbataic 
and Chasidaic collections. The Chinese Siddur, however, 
is said to consist almost entirely of passages from the Psalms. 
We will mention a few more hymnologists, composers of 
prayers, and authors of special collections (for the most part 
Kabbalistic), as, Moses Hammon, physician in ordinary at 
Constantinople (about 1524); Aaron the Blind of Safet 
(1561); Solomon Loria (ob. 1573), who wrote a com- 
mentary on his own songs ; Mordechai Dato in Italy 
(1575-1600); Moses Abbas, physician at Magnesia (cir. 
1580); Moses Cohen of Corfu (1580-1600); Israel 
Nad JAR A, the most talented man of this period (1587-99) 
in Palestine, whose hymns form the main part of a collection 
by Joseph Shalom Galliago at Amsterdam (1628 30); 
his imitator Joseph Ganso at Brussa (cir. 1630); Akiba 
Frankfurt ben Jacob (ob. 1597) ; Elia Loans Rabbi 
of Worms (1599); Ephraim ben Joseph Chelm at Cra- 
cow (1605); Chan AN JA Asael Rieii (1615); Aaron 
Berechja de Modena (1624); Moses Jehuda Abbas 
in Egypt, and Abraham Samuel in the East (1650); 
Moses Zacuto (1645-97), at Venice and Mantua; and 
Moses Pisa, at Amsterdam (1750). Among the various 
commentators on the old and new hymns and prayers of 
different rites and collections we may mention, Johanan 
Treves at Bologna (1540); Abraham (ben Abigdor?) 
of Prague (1550); Benjamin ben Meir at Saloniki 
(1553-5); Naphtali Treves (1560); Mordechai ben 
Jehuda (1567); Moses Pesante (1567); Zebi Sundels 
and Mordechai ben Abraham Cohen (1571-1578); 
Moses Shedel (1585); Moses bln Machir (1594); 
Joseph ben Abraham Cohen (1598); Isaac ben Je- 
huda Levi (1600) ; Abraham ben Jehuda Levi (1605) ; 
and Israel Kimchi at Smyrna (1737). Translations of 
prayers, published subsequently to the commencement of 
this period, served to render the Hebrew text intelligible, 
and realised the old maxim of praying in a language under- 
stood by the people ; instruction in Hebrew prayers was ex- 
tended also to female children. German as well as Hebrew 

R 2 



244 JEWISH LITERATUKE. [Period III. 

hymns for the synagogue probably existed as early as the 
Middle Ages. The attempt made by Aaron ben Samuel, 
of Hengershausen (1709) to bring the German element into 
common use at the expense of the Hebrew, was frustrated 
by the interdict of the Rabbles whom he attacked ; but the 
German made only so much the more progress in everything 
except obligatory prayers. The High-German translation 
of the Bible by Mendelssohn became a standard in lan- 
guage for the liturgy (e. g. Isaac Euchel and D. Fried- 
lander's translation of the Prayer-Book), which was how- 
ever combined with new elements; but it would exceed 
the limits of our essay to discuss this subject. 

The form of poetry and rhyming prose was gradually em- 
ployed for all possible subjects. Biblical books were versi- 
fied, e. g. Esther by Moses Cohen of Corfu (end of the 
16th century), and Saadja ben Levi Asankot at Am- 
sterdam (1647); the Psalms and Lamentations by Moses 
Abraham Cohen of Zante (1719), and as early as the 16th 
century by Chananja Ibn Jakar (unpublished) ; Ruth by 
Moses de Milhau (1786); the Halacha after the Talmud 
by Abraham Samuel of Venice (1719); the Schulchan 
Aruch by various authors (§ 25. p. 217.); Grammar by 
Elia Levita, M. Proyencale, and others (§ 27.); the 
Kalendar by Joseph ben Shemtob ben Joshua (1489) 
and David Vital ; a poem on chess was composed by 
Solomon ben Massal-tob at Constantinople (1518-40); 
and even sermons were, after the fashion of the Pijjutim, 
introduced with a DW) (§ 19.). 

Larger ethical and didactic or collective poems (Diwans), 
often with commentaries by the authors themselves, are ex- 
tant, by Samuel Archevolti (1551); Jacob ben Joab 
BEN Elia Fano (1554) ; Jehuda Sarko (1560) and 
Saadja Longo, both in Turkey and poets of the first rank ; 
Menahem Lonsano (cir. 1572); Isaac Onkeneira 
(1577), whose subject is the dispute of the letters of the alpha- 
bet at the time of the Creation ; Meir Angel at Belgrade 
(cir. 1620) ; Moses Abudiente (1633) ; Leo de Modena 
(ob. 1648); Solomon Oliveyra (1665), and Samuel de 
CacTeres at Amsterdam; Jacob Frances (Francese) 



§ 28.] . POETRY AND LITURGY. 245 

(ob. 1667), of whose works a poem against the Kabbala is 
the only one printed (1704); his brother Emanuel; Leo 
DEL Bene (ob. 1677); Daniel Belillos (not Belilios) 
(1683); Isaac Cantarini at Padua (1718); Samson 
MoDON (1725); Jacob London of Lissa (1737), at Am- 
sterdam and in Italy, who besides a commentary on his 
subject-matter added references to the Biblical words and 
passages used; Mordechai Samosc ben Meir (1745); 
and Jehuda Hurwitz ben Mordechai (1765) whose co- 
temporary Isaac Belinfante at Amsterdam wrote after 
the model of Wessely. 

The Gnomics of this period were little else than versified 
compilations from the Bible, Abot (by Sabbatai Marin i 
ob. 1748), Talmud, &c. ; such as those by Saul ben Si- 
meon (1557), and Saadja ben Levi Asankot, author 
of a Hebrew translation of the Arabic proverbs of Ali 
and others, extant in the Bodleian, but never published. 
Eiddles are to be found in the writings of Isaac On- 
keneira (1577); Akiba Frankfurt, mentioned above; 
and more recent authors. On the other hand there is a 
copious literature of occasional poetry and epigrams, com- 
posed at births, marriages, deaths, consecrations of syna- 
gogues, and dedications of Thora-rolls, &c., by learned and 
literary societies, especially in Italy and Holland (in the 
17th century), beside those occurring in dedications, ap- 
provals, prefaces, &c. Wit and satire found a place in 
productions of this kind ; but the broader expressions of 
humour and parody were more strictly than ever confined to 
the occasion of the privileged national festivals Purim and 
Chanuka, by the stiff and rigid morality of the time.* Car- 
nival squibs, such as the anonymous (and perhaps older) 
DnriD nVjTD (1507-18), and other trifles, were written by 
Jehuda ben Jacob of Chenciny (1650) ; David Raphael 
PoLiDO (1703); and others. Songs or Pijjutim, either 
translations or original compositions in the Jewish- German, 
Italian, Spanish, and Latin languages, and even mystic 



* The author will enlarge upon this subject, and give more particulars of 
the curious literature belonging to it, elsewhere. 

B 3 



246 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period HI. 

poems, were made on tlie occasion of feasts. A kind of 
sacred drama (e. g. the plays of Ahasuerus, Goliath, Joseph, 
&c.) was tolerated, and the first who took offence at a parody 
on the Talmud (which De Rossi did not recognise as such 
in his codex 1199.) was a Karaite. A similar parody was 
applied to Chanuka by Joshua (Abraham) Callimanki 
(1617) at the age of 13. Elia Loanz (1600) sang of the 
battle between water and wine ; Samuel Sanwil ben 
Aaron Sofer (1693), the praise of tobacco ; and an ano- 
nymous writer, the battle between Chanuka and the other 
festivals, in Jewish- German. 

The influence of classical and modern literature on Jewish 
poetry is most prominent in Italy, and subsequently also in 
Holland. The earliest specimen of the non- Semitic drama 
(on the theory of which there exists an unpublished work 
by Jehuda DEI SoMMi in Italian) is the Spanish Esther, 
probably by Solomon Usque, the translator of Petrarch 
(1567) at Ferrara; Joseph Penco at Amsterdam (1673) 
was hailed in Latin epigrams by his contemporaries, as the 
first author of a Hebrew allegorical " Commedia;" Chajjim 
Sabbatai JVIarini (ob. 1748) translated Ovid after Anguil- 
lara ; and Dr. Isaac Luzzatto translated a canzonetta of 
Metastasio at his desire (1779). Moses Zacuto and Je- 
huda Olmo (1720) followed the older imitators of the 
" Divina Commedia." In Germany the period, not yet 
closed, of poetical translations, with their curious offshoots, 
could not have commenced before the revival of the study of 
German. A characteristic feature of them is the combina- 
tion of languages in alternate strophes (cf. § 20.) and in 
poems (even liturgical) written throughout in two languages 
(Hebrew and Italian, Spanish, or German), for instance the 
celebrated epitaph by Jehuda de Modena, and an epi- 
thalamium by MoSES Catalano ; this extension of the old 
art of Homonyms (§ 20.) did not escape censure. According 
to Delitzsch we find reference also to musical performance in 
Raphael Meldola's songs (1742). Solomon de Eossi 
published Hebrew songs (1623) in from 3 to 8 parts. 

Finally, we must bestow a few Avords upon a kind of 
poetry, which, although included in the great class of " oc- 



§ 28.] FOETRY AND LITURGY. 247 

casional poetry" noticed above, deserves particular men- 
tion on account of its special object and recent origin. We 
might call it "loyal " or "patriotic" poetry, its object being 
the celebration of days and events connected with the history 
and politics of the countries where it was written and their 
rulers, and, since the end of the last century, the progress of 
the emancipation of the Jews themselves. The language is 
either the Hebrew or the vernacular, or both together. The 
oldest Hebrew specimen known to the author of this essay 
is a Hebrew and German song on the birth of Leopold I, 
(1676) by Noah Abraham Asher Selig ben Chiskuja. 
A song on the victory of Frederic II., 28th December 
1745, by the Rabbi of Berlin, Dayid Fraenkel, was re- 
cited with music in the synagogue, and translated into Ger- 
man by Aaron ben Solomon Gumperz, then a student 
" der Philosophic und Mathematik beflissen," and afterwards 
mentioned as Dr. Gumperz by Maupertuis ; this transla- 
tion was altered into miserable Jewish-German by Mendel 
Schwab. Whether the German Freuden-Lied on the wed- 
ding of Joseph I. of Austria, which is directed to be sung 
to the air " Baba-Buch" (see below), is of Jewish origin or 
only transcribed we cannot decide ; but we suppose the latter 
to be the case with two elegies on the death of King Ferdi- 
nand (1654), and a song on the coronation of Leopold I. 
(1658), although the melody of the last is said to be that of 
a Jewish song. Manasseh ben Israel in 1642 addressed 
a Portuguese and Latin " congratulation to Prince Frederick 
Henry, when he visited the synagogue ; and in 1655 he 
published a panegyric on Queen Christina of Sweden, whose 
Hebrew books it was proposed that he should catalogue 
and complete. Joseph Penco de la Vega celebrated the 
king of Poland (1683), and William of England (1690), in 
Spanish. All these are isolated cases, and occasioned by 
the special relation in which the poet stood to these royal 
personages ; but ever since the time of Mendelssohn the Jews 
have tried to show (and sometimes to make a show of) their 
loyalty in answer to the accusations of their enemies, as 
well as their real gratitude to their benefactors, such as 
Joseph I. of Austria, the French Assembly, and others. 

K 4 



248 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period in. 

In external form elegant literature remained nearly as 
described above until it entirely degenerated. The ^^ mosaic 
style " (§ 20.) and its play upon words — used> for example, 
in the absurd but witty publications of Joseph Concio 
(or CoNZio) at Asti (1627) — sunk, especially in Italy, into 
spiritless affectation and quaintness. Nevertheless we must 
admire the marvellous dexterity shown in all kinds of lin- 
guistic productions, such as those of Saadja Longo and 
his contemporaries in Turkey (1550, &c.), which will never 
be equalled in any other language ; although it must be 
admitted that there is seldom any object in these exhibitions 
of art, beyond a display of poetical and rhetorical skill. We 
have a specimen of these conceits in Benjamin Mussaphia's 
(1638) History of the Creation, in which he exhausted the 
words of the Bible without a single repetition. At the begin- 
ning of the present century this singular production was used 
as a book of instruction in the Hebrew language, and glos- 
saries both German and Turkish, the latter by a Karaite, 
were added to it. A new period in this branch of literature 
commences with the mystic M. Ch. Luzzatto in Italy, 
and N. H. Wessely the friend of Mendelssohn. 

Hebrew poetry and rhetoric were occasionally treated by 
PoRTALEONE (1550); AsARjA DE Eossi (1573); Simon 
( Simcha) C allimani (1751); the grammarian Elia Levita ; 
Emanuel Benevent (1557); Archevolti(1602); Joshua 
Benveniste (1635) MS. ; Abudiente (1663); Aguilar 
(1661); Jacob Romano (cir. 1630 at Constantinople), who 
is said to have treated of 1348 (? ?) Hebrew forms of poetry 
in a monography ; Emanuel Francese (1677), whose essay 
is not published ; and Raphael Rabbenio, who wrote some 
Italian controversial works against Clericus (1709-1710).. 
Lexicons of rhymes were written by Solomon be Oliyeyra 
(1618) at Amsterdam, and Gerson Chefez at Venice 
(ob. 1700 at the age of 17): the latter was edited with ad- 
ditions by S. Callimani. Forms and instructions for 
business and other letters were brought out by Archevolti 
(1553) in the anonymous ^^13 ns^ (16th century); by Jehuda 
DE MoDENA (not printed) ; Joseph Rakover ben David 
(1689) ; and others. The usual acrostics and references to 



§28.] POETRY AND LITURGY. 249 

the Pericopes were treated by the anonymous authors of 
D^r2^b'^ riMm (1534), and ISD nV:!7D, and by their shameless 
plagiarists. A book of instruction in German, printed in 
the modern Hebrew cursive characters cut expressly for 
the purpose, was published by Joseph van Maarssen at 
Amsterdam (171 3-15). 

The Chaldee language was studied by few except the 
Kabbalists. That the Jews often took part in the poetry 
of the countries where they lived is proved even by the 
incomplete accounts we possess. A remarkable instance of 
this is to be found in the cultivation of German in Poland, 
Italy, and other countries ; and of Spanish in Holland, 
where for instance Jacob Belmonte versified the book of 
Job, and wrote against the Inquisition ; and in Italy, 
where Dr. Jacob Uziel published a heroic poem called 
David (1624). Among the best Italian authors are two 
women, one of whom, Debora Ascarelli, translated the 
religious poetry of M. Eieti (1602). Latin also was not 
utterly neglected. Some Spanish, Proven9al, Slavic, Per- 
sian, perhaps also Tatar poetry, presents considerable pecu- 
liarity in the intermixture of Hebrew words and Biblical 
passages, which, in the Jewish-German of the period, was 
carried to such a pitch as nearly to destroy its Germanic 
element. The first High-German poet is Ephraim Kuh 
(nat. 1731 at Breslau, ob. 1790), known from Auerbach's 
romance; and, as early as 1771, the Poems of a Polish Jeio 
were published by Issachar Falkensohn at Mietau. The 
Jewish-German literature has also its popular poetry, which, 
though devoid of originality to its very titlepages, formed 
a not unpleasing mosaic of older Jewish and Arabic ele- 
ments in combination with Romance and German.* To this 
class belong the Kleine Br ant- Spiegel, 50 (or rather 49) pro- 
verbs taken from Charisi (§ 20.), and increased, partly from 
older sources, to the canonical number 70 by Jehuda ben 
Samuel Regensburg, called Lob Vin^ti' of Lunde^burg 
(1566) ; Paradise and Hell from Emanuel's Divan (ch; 50.) 

* The author of the present essay has made but few additions to this part 
of the subject, as it is principally interesting to the German reader, and he 
intends to treat of it more fully elsewhere. 



250 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period HI. 

by Moses Eisenstadt ; Berachja's Fables of the Fox, 
translated by Jacob Koppelmann ben Samuel of Brzesc 
(1583-4), which, together with Sahola's fables, forms the 
Cow-hook of Abraham ben Matatja (1555), known only 
from quotations of bibliographers ; and many ethical works 
(see § 26.), e. g. the Eben Bochan of Kalonymos (p. 174.) 
by Moses Eisenstadt (1705). The principal books of 
amusement consist of legends and stories (nii'PD, "Ti3"^D) 
collected from the classes above mentioned, among whicb 
the well-known Maase-huch (1602 ?), partly transcribed in 
the original language and partly translated into High-Ger- 
man by B. Clir. Hehdcus (1611), was taken chiefly from 
the Haggada ; the Seven Wise Masters of Rome, or The life of 
Erastus son of Diocletian, was taken from a German edition 
of the Mishle Sendabar ; and the German edition of Jacob 
VON Maarssen was probably made from the Dutch. In 
Jewish-German we meet with other favourite popular books 
and legends, such as the Baba-buch of Eli a Levita (1507) ; 
the Arthus {Arthurs) ^o/of Josel Witzenhausen (1683, 
different from the older work mentioned p. 178,); Siegmund 
und Magelone, Floris und Blanchefleur, Kaiser Octavianus 
Bitter von der Steuermark, PrcBtiosa, For tunatus, Eulen- Spiegel, 
Lalleburger, &c. ; and even a part of Boccaccio was translated 
from the Dutch by Joseph yan Maarssen (1710). To 
this class belong also the versifications of Biblical books 
(§ 27.), and a mass of songs partly historical (§ 29.), the very 
existence of which has escaped the attention of bibliographers, 
even of the Germans, to whom they are of great interest 
not only in themselves, but also for their inscriptions, in- 
dicating the proper melody by the names of popular Ger- 
man songs, several of which are otherwise unknown. The 
author has been able to collect a list of more than a hundred 
pieces belonging to this class, almost all extant in the Oppen- 
heim collection of the Bodleian hbrary. 

§ 29.] History^ Geography, Antiquities, and Miscellanies, 

Chronicles (comprising also the general events of the world), 
comprehensive historical works, and essays on the biography of 



§ 29. J HISTORY, GEOGRAPHY, ANTIQUITIES, ETC. 251 

learned men, were composed at the end of the preceding period 
by Joseph ben Zaddik at Arvalo (1467); Saadja ben 
Meimun Ibn Danan in Spain (1485) ; and Abraham 
Zacut ben Samuel (1505), whose work was published 
with arbitrary omissions and additions by Samuel Shullam 
at Constantinople (1566), and again with notes by Moses Is- 
SERLS (ob. 1573). The Spaniard Jehuda Ibn Verga wrote 
a history of the persecutions of the Jews, which was com- 
pleted by his relative Solomon and his son Joseph (1554), 
and was subsequently translated into Jewish-German (1591), 
and into Spanish (1640) by Meir de Leon. Of Elia 
Kapsoli's various historical compilations and interesting 
narratives, continued to his own times (1523), there exists a 
MS. copy in Italy ; and an imperfect one has been lately 
purchased by the British Museum. Joseph Cohen wrote 
a history of France and Turkey (1554) containing an ac- 
count of the rebellion of Fiesco at Genoa, where the author 
lived, inserted with a German translation in the Anthology 
of Zedner, who points out the strange blunders of Biallo- 
blotzky the English translator of the whole work for the Ori- 
ental Translation Fund. He also gave an account of the 
persecutions of the Jews (1575), which was continued by an 
anonymous writer down to the year 1605, and has been lately 
published with the valuable notes of Professor S. D. Luzzatto. 
As. de Rossi (1575) investigated ancient history and chro- 
nology. Gedalja Ibn Jahja's Chain of Tradition (1587) 
was called by Del Medigo a Chain of Lies. A Compendium 
of Chronology (down to 1587) was mostly taken from Zacut 
by Solomon Algasi, and a larger Chronicle was composed 
by David Gans (ob. 1613), according to Zunzthe first Ger- 
man Jew who took a lively interest in history, geography, and 
astronomy. Manasseh ben Israel compiled a Bibliotheca 
Rahhinica (see p. 235. and p. 247.). On the Jewish learning 
of the East and South in the 16th and 17th centuries, the chro- 
nological work of Dayid Conforte (1677-1683) is a valu- 
able authority. A profound critical work on the learned men 
of the Talmud, made use of and plagiarised by many recent 
authors, was published by Jechiel Heilprin, Rabbi at 
Minsk (ob. after the year 1728), who also took up and com- 



252 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period III. 

pleted, but with less ability and knowledge, the Bibliogra- 
phical List of Sabbatai Bass (Bassist, subcantor of Prague, 
1680). The Jewish poets in the Spanish language were 
celebrated by D. L. de Barrios (1683). To point out 
Bartolocci's hostility to the Jews, and to correct his errors, 
Sabbatai Ambrun determined to prepare a new Bihliotheca 
Hebrdica (1712). Menahem ben Solomon Levi of Am- 
sterdam wrote a German continuation of Josippon, compiled 
from second-hand sources (some of which were Christian) 
with more fidelity than judgment (1741); a Dutch transla- 
tion with notes by G. J. Polak (partly corrected by the 
author of this Essay) has just appeared. A Biographical and 
Bibliographical Lexicon, collected in many and distant jour- 
neys, was written by Ch. D. J. Asulai of Jerusalem at 
Leghorn (1777-1796). Joseph del Medigo shows his 
critical taste in his Literary Letters to the Karaite Serach 
(ante 1629). 

Ancient history was the subject of a Jewish-German work 
by Alexander ben Moses Ethausen (1719). Of the 
rhyming versions of the books of the Bible, we have spoken 
above (§ 28.) ; connected with them are the above-mentioned 
(§ 24.) Apologies of Usque (1553), Aboa.b (1629), Car- 
doso (1679), Barrios (1683), and Luzzatto (1638); 
the translations of Flavins Josephus's Contra Apionem by 
Samuel Shullam (1566), of Pseudo-Josephus(1607), and 
other Haggada works (§ 26.) ; and the edition of the Historv 
of BoSTANAi, with other accounts of the Ten Tribes, by 
Isaac Akrish (about 1577). 

There are special historical works on particular cities and 
events ; various memorabilia were preserved by Josel of 
RosSHEiM (down to 1547) ; and a history of the sultans Solei- 
man and Selim (1520-74), by Moses Almosnino, is quoted 
in a MS. in the Bodleian Library. An account of the Aus- 
trian persecution of the Jews in 1420-21 was translated 
from the German [printed 1609], by Jechiel ben Je- 
DIDJA about 1582, and again translated into German in 
1725. The earthquake at Mantua (1570) was described by 
As. DE Kossi ; the accusation of murder at Ragusa, brought 
especially against Isaac Jesurun (Oct. 1622), is recounted by 



§29.] HISTORY, GEOGRAPHY, ANTIQUITIES, ETC. 253 

Aaeon ben David Cohen Ragusano. A history of the 
rebellion at Constantinople (1622) by an eyewitness, extant 
in a MS. in the Bodleian, has not been recognised as such by 
Uri. The Legends of Worms were edited from the notes 
of the sexton Jiftach Joshua ben Naphtali (1623), by 
his son Eliezer Liebermann, together with an elegy on 
the burning of that town by the French (1689), by Isaac 
(Saekel) ben Liebermann Leti. An anonymous author 
gives an interesting account of the calamities brought on 
Jerusalem by a rebellious pasha in 1625 (a remarkable 
parallel to the present events at Hebron), through which the 
Portuguese congregation of that town was almost ruined. 
Abraham Catalano describes the epidemic at Padua 
(1631) in an unpublished work. An interesting sketch of 
the Jews at Mantua during the Italian war was pubKshed 
by Abraham Alluf Maseran (1634). The cruelties of 
the Cossacks and Tatars under the leader Chmelnicki 
(" Chmel's calamities "), beginning at the town of Nemirow, 
were described by many authors both in prose and verse ; 
some of these elegies and penitential hymns afterwards 
became a part of the liturgy of the Polish fast day of the 
20. Siwan (the anniversary of the persecution A. d. 1171). 
Amongst those who have given more graphic descriptions of 
this event we may mention : Sabbatai Cohen ; Meir ben 
Samuel Szebrzin ; his semi-plagiator Joshua ben David 
of Lemberg ; Samuel Phcebus ben Natan, who gives a 
list of more than 140 towns involved in it, with the number 
of Jewish inhabitants in each, the total number of heads of 
families murdered being 600,000 ; and Natan ben Moses 
Hanover (1653), whose pamphlet was translated into 
German by Moses ben Abraham (1686). Amongst the 
poets we may name ; Ephraim ben Joseph of Chelm ; 
Gabriel ben Joshua ; Jacob Margaliot ; Jacob ben 
Naphtali of Gnesen ; Joseph ben Eliezer Lipmann, 
who also sang of the persecution of Kremsir in a. d. 1673 ; 
Lipmann Heller; Mordechai ben Naphtali of Krem- 
sir ; Moses Cohen Nerol ; Sabbatai Hurwitz ; and 
others. The siege of Prague by the Swedes (1648), was 
described by Jehuda (Lob) ben Joshua and in the 



254 JEWISH LITERATURE. TPeriod III. 

Schwedisch Lied, Among the histories we may perhaps also 
reckon the publications of Manasseh ben Israel in behalf 
of the establishment of the Jews by Cromwell (1650). Meir 
BEN Perez Schmelkes, a youth of Prague, who, with 
several others, was killed on the way to Nicolsburg by the 
Christians, left a diary, kept during the siege of Vienna by 
the Turks (1683), which was published by one of those who 
assisted at his burial. Isaac Cantarini describes, in 
his distorted manner, the persecution at Padua (1684); and 
the fate of that same congregation was also the subject of a 
MS. work by his nephew Moses Chajjim Cantarini. 
An unprovoked persecution at Posen (1696) is the subject 
of a German narrative published in 1725, and also of a song 
by Isaac ben Menahem. At the beginning of the 18th 
century two women of Prague published a legend about 
the first settlement of the Jews in that town, which seems 
to have been the foundation of a recent publication on the 
subject in the collection Sippurim ; and in 1718 the printer 
Chajjim ben Jacob, of Erbich, brought out a more 
authentic account of the first settlement of the Spanish 
Jews in Holland. Joseph van Maarssen was, probably, 
the German translator (1707) of a Dutch account of a tumult 
at Amsterdam (1696). An anonymous German writer 
described the procession of the Jews at Prague at the birth 
of Leopold (1716). Solomon ben Jehuda Levi of 
Dessau gave an account of accusations brought against 
the Jews at Hamburg (1730). Jesaia Segre, at Reggio 
(17 34), related the Italian war partly in ottave rime ; Joel 
(Lamel) ben Selke Levi described the siege of Glogau 
(1741); Israel Fraenkel, at Nicolsburg, wrote on the 
persecution of the Jews in Moravia (1742) ; Jacob Berab^ 
at Tiberias, described a catastrophe which befel the Jews 
of that place at the hands of the sheikh (1742) ; and Jacob 
Emden, at Alton a, published a compilation of documents, 
&c., referring to the history of various sects (about 1752). 
It would lead us too far if we were to pursue the reasons 
why the reformation of Mendelssohn and his school did so 
little to promote Jewish history, compared with the other 
branches of science. 



§ 29.] HISTORY, GEOGEAPHY, ANTIQUITIES, ETC. 255 

Historical poetry adopts sometimes the liturgical name 
and form of Seliclia, Kina, &c. (§ 20. 28.), without being 
always intended for public or private worship. Some poems 
are accompanied with a German translation, or were composed 
originally in German {Klaglied, &c.). The following chro- 
nological enumeration of subjects and authors (omitting the 
few already mentioned), although incomplete, will give an 
idea of their variety and interest, since every one of them sup- 
plies some particulars concerning historical events. Jacob 
BEN JoAB Elia Faxo describes the massacre at Ancona 
(1556); and Menahem Chajjut the fire at Posen, and 
the death of a young scholar (1590). Special SeUchot were 
composed by Moses Maegaliot, and, according to Zunz, 
by Samuel Edels, on the Polish martyrs (1596-1603); by 
Ephraim Lexczicz on the Passover Calamity at Prague 
(1611) ; by Lipmanx Heller on the conquest of Prague 
(10th November, 1620) ; and by Meshullam Sullam (or 
Salem ?), who, at the order of the Deputies, wrote a Kina 
on the burning of the synagogue at Mantua (1610). The 
plundering of the Jews at Frankfurt on Main, and the 
scandalous conduct of Yincenz Fettmilch (1614-16) are de- 
scribed in the Vine-Lied of Elchanan Helen. Several 
martyrs and victims of cruelty and extortion in Poland 
(1631, 1636, 1666, 1676, 1690-91) were celebrated by 

NaTAN SpIRA BEN SOLOMON, ZeBI BEN MaRDOCHAI, tWO 

anonymous authors, Zeeb (Wolf) ben Joseph, and 
Samuel Auerbach. The expulsion of the Jews from 
Vienna (1670) was sung by the precentor Jacob. The con- 
flagrations at Nachod (1663), Prague (1669), Frankfurt on 
Main (1711), and Altona (1711), were recorded by Zebi 
BEN Joseph, Jechiel ben Abraham Salman, Dayid 
ben Schemaja Saugers, Samuel Schotten, Rabbi 
of Frankfurt on Main (in a Selicha), by an anonymous 
author, and by Samuel Hekscher ; the epidemic of Ni- 
colsburg, and the persecutions connected with it (1680), by 
Jacob ben Solomon Singer Hurwitz; and that of 
Prague (1713) by Issachar ben Issachar Gersoni, and 
Moses Eisenstadt, who particularises the sufferers and 
the medicines employed. To these we may add an ano- 



256 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period III. 

nymous prose account in German, of a great calamity 
at Ungarischbrod (in Moravia), where the Turks killed, 
amongst others, the Kabbi Nathan ben Moses of Ostroh 
(1683). The Prostitzer Kedoshim, celebrated by Chajjim 
BEN Shalom (about 1684 ?), are two thieves who preferred 
hanging to apostasy. Aahon ben Joseph, a captive of 
Buda (1686), sings the fate of his Jewish fellow-captives 
and the generosity of their liberator. Sender Tausk of Prague 
(1688). The youth Simle Abeles, who was converted to 
Christianity, and whose grave is still shown to the visitors 
at the Teinkirche at Prague, is also the subject of two 
Klaglieder on the sufferings of his congregation (1694). 
The cruelties perpetrated at Kaidan and Zausmer (1698) 
formed the subject of special Selichot, with a commentary by 
the author, Joseph ben Uri Shraga of Kobrzin. Lastly, 
MoRDECHAi Zahalon wrotc a poem on the inundation of 
Ferrara (1707), &c. 

Legends and martyrologies, partly taken from older 
sources, and generally published anonymously, were put into 
circulation, e. g. those on K. Amnon, Meir ben Isaac (before 
1696), Eleazar of Worms, Solomon Molco (1532), Adam 
Baal-Shem (1564-76), Isaac Loria, Sabbatai Zebi, Shechna 
at Cracow (1682 ?), Joseph deUa Reina, and a German elegy 
on the death of Lipmann, precentor at Prague (before 1674). 
There were also some miraculous and superstitious ac- 
counts, for instance, those on exorcisms atNicolsburg (1696) 
and Korez (17th century?); and others pretending to be 
true, such as the History of Shusan (Susa), or of R. Cha- 
nina Albeldi and his ten brothers, who bound themselves 
to the Devil ! These form the transition to real fables and 
poetical inventions (§ 28.). Autobiographies were written 
by Jehuda de Modena (ob. 1648) and his grandson Isaac 
Levi (born 1621); Abraham Conque, at the beginning of 
the 18th century, related the events of his two missions ; 
others gave interesting particulars in their wills, e. g. 
Pinch as Katzenellenbogen (cir. 1760), whose curious 
account of the celebrated Saul Wahl (said to have been King 
of Poland for one day) has been lately published. Other 
historical materials are inserted in prefaces and epilogues. 



§ 29.] HISTORY, GEOGRAPHY, ANTIQUITIES, ETC. 257 

especially by the Spanish exiles, as Abravanel, Joseph 
Ibn Jahja, Jehuda Chajjat, and later by Solomon 
Ibn Athia (1549) (v. sup.). In memory of general and 
particular events, feast and fast days were instituted, and 
memorial rolls (nVlD) written, e. g. by Meir ben Jechiel 
Broda at Cracow, called Meir Kadosh (1632), and by 
LiPMANN Heller (1645); and Selichot by Abraham 
Auerbach (1673) and others already mentioned. To this 
head belong the funeral orations ("TSDn) ; and some impor- 
tant contests between the Rabbles and the congregations : 
as that of Levi at Ferrara ; of Berab Avith Ibn Chabib ; 
Alashkar with Kapsoli ; Misrachi and Nehemia Ch aj- 
JUN with their different adversaries (1714); Jonathan 
Ebetnschutz with Jacob Emden; the history of a di- 
vorce by Moses Proyencale ; that of the taxers at Padua 
(1711) by Isaac Cantarini, &c., which are to be found 
in the Sentences (§ 25.). Also the statutes (D''3lp^n, m^pn) 
of various congregations, e. g. of Mantua (1620, 1711-17), 
Prague (1654 and 1702), Moravia (1655-1722), Amsterdam 
(1711, &c.), Flirth (1728), and others; and memorial books, 
as that of Worms by Jehuda Kirchheim (1625), have 
been partly printed, although the greater number remain 
in MS. and await the labours of the learned historian. 

The literature of geography and ethnography increased 
in proportion to the means of communication, and to the 
interest taken in travels, which received a new impulse 
in the 15th and 16th centuries. The principal subjects of 
writers on travel, at this time mostly Kabbalists, were 
Palestine and its tombs, the journey thither, &c., on which 
we have works, treatises, letters, and the like by Ba- 
ruch (1522) ; an anonymous writer (1537); Gerson ben 
Asher Scarmela (1561); Elia di Pesaro (1563); Uri 
ben Simeon (1564), who made drawings of the tombs; 
Solomon Schlimel ben Chajjim (1606 — 1609); and 
Gerson ben Eliezer (1635), whose Jewish-German work 
Avas publicly burnt in Warsaw by the Jesuits. More- 
over, MoRDECHAi BEN Jesaia Littes (1649) and Moses 
ben Israel Naphthali of Prague (1650) wrote in Jewish- 
German. Samuel Phobus ben Nat an describes the 

s 



258 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period TIL 

towns in Russia and Poland, with the number of their 
Jewish inhabitants mtirdered by Chmelnicki's gang (sup. 
p. 253.). Gedalja of Semiecz (1716) and Joseph Sofer 
(1765, in Jewish-Grerman 1767) described the sufferings 
of the Jews of Palestine. We have besides the travels 
of David Eubeni, the pretended Prince of the Jews 
in Abyssinia, to whom the celebrated proselyte Solomon 
Molcho attached himself (1526) ; and those of Pedro 
Texeira (ob. at Yerona in the 17th century), who made a 
journey to India and Persia. The latter also wrote a his- 
tory of the Persian kings, taken from Persian authorities, 
Moses Pereira de Paiva gave some account of the 
Jews in Cochin- China (1687, translated into Jewish-Ger- 
man 1688). The pretended discovery of the Ten Tribes in 
Abyssinia or Arabia gives ample matter for the discussions 
of travellers and their interpreters. On this subject we 
have the writings of Isaac Akrisch (cir. 1577); Abra- 
ham Ibn Megas, Soleiman's regimental surgeon at Haleb 
(1585); and Aaron Halevi (Antonio Montezinos), who 
escaped from the Inquisition, and whose supposed discovery 
of the Ten Tribes in South America (1642), supported by 
Manasseh ben Israel's interpretations, provoked much 
controversy. MosES ben Abraham, a proselyte and printer 
at Halle, collected all the earlier information on the subject 
in Jewish-German (1712). There is also a doubtful letter of 
R. Samuel and Asher of Susa, who are said, on the testi- 
mony of Jacob ben Eliezer Ashkenasi, to have arrived 
in 1579 at Safet; and another letter written to the Beni 
Musa in the year 1647 (?). A topography of Palestine was 
written in Latin by Jacob Zaddik ben Abraham (1631); 
and a geography of the same country (in Hebrew), by 
Chajjim Pheibel ben Israel of Tarnigrod (1772). 
Moses Almosnino's description of Constantinople (1567) 
was translated by Jacob Cansino (1638) into Spanish; 
JoNADAB (1575) described Africa ; Menahem ZiOn 
(Emanuel) Porto of Trieste (1640) wrote a Breve InstU 
tuzione della Geogrqfia ; Meir Neumark (1703) translated 
some geographical works into Jewish-German ; MoSES 
Chagis tried to pi*ove that the wall shown at Jerusalem as 



§ 29.] HISTORY, GEOGRAPHY, ANTIQUITIES, ETC. 259 

that of the old temple is genuine (1738); Isaac Cohen 
DE Lara, bookseller at Amsterdam, published a Spanish 
Guida da Passageros, together with a calendar for thirty 
years; and Benjamin Croneberg descvihed geographische 
und historische Merkiourdigkeiten (1752). There are maps 
extant, e. g. by Jacob Zaddik and Abraham ben Jacob 
the proselyte, the latter (1695) with Hebrew letters. The 
Jewish-German Hand-book for Travellers by the biblio- 
grapher Sabbatai Bass (1680) contains posting routes. 
Plates, plans, &c., are to be found in editions of the Easter 
Haggada. N. H. Wessely (1782) laid great stress on the 
importance of geographical instruction in Jewish schools ; 
and B. Lindau (1789) devoted a chapter of his elementary 
work, published at the end of this period, to geography. 

The investigation of Jewish antiquities is immediately 
connected with the most varied Halacha subjects. We will 
mention the works and treatises referring to the ancient 
worship of the Temple, vestments of the priests, music, 
&c. ; these works are in some degree connected with the 
treatise Middol (§ 5.), and are generally accompanied with 
illustrations: viz. those by As. DE Eossi (1575); L. 
Heller (1602) ; Abraham Portaleone ben David 
(1612), who is the most important writer on this subject; 
Jacob Jeh. Leon, who wrote some essays in Spanish, and 
was called Templo, because he made a model of the old 
Temple (1646), which he exhibited amongst others to the 
king of England (1675); Nathan Spira ben Reuben 
(1655); EliezerRichetti(1676); Moses Chefez Gen- 
tile (1696); Alexander Ethausen, in the supplement 
to his Jewish-German history (1719); Emanuel (Chai) 
Ricchi (1737) ; and Jacob Aboab, the learned correspon- 
dent of linger (§ 24.), who collected stones and aromatics 
for a work on the breast-plate of the High Priest and the 
frankincense of the Temple. 

Among the Miscellanies on various subjects, or sug- 
gested by passing events, may be mentioned, a Hebrew 
translation of the prophecies &c. of Nostradamus by Moses 
BoTAREL BEN Leon at Constantinople (cir. 1561); the 
Mnemotechnics of an anonymous writer according to the 

s 2 



260 JEWISH LITERATUBE. [Period III. 

system of Pierre Fran9ois d'Orvieto; and a similar work 
accompanied with a historical introduction on Jewish Mne- 
motechnics by Jeh. Arje de Modena (1612), who, like 
Gesvaldo a little earlier (1592), treated also of Amnemoneu- 
tics.* Secret or cipher writing was cultivated by Men ahem 
Porto (1556); Abraham Colorni, ambassador of the 
Duke of Ferrara at Prague, who dedicated his Scotographia 
(1593) to the Emperor Kudolph II.; and by Jacob ben 
Eljakim in his mathematical work (1613)o Meir Magin 
of France at E-ome wrote to Sixtus Y. (1588) on the use of 
silk ; Joseph Penco de la Yega illustrated the business 
of the stock-exchange from a moral point of view (1688); 
and Jehuda Bolat attempted to make an encyclopaedical 
enumeration of all the sciences (1530). The pseudonymous 
treatise of Jehuda de Modena against tradition and the 
Rabbinical system, which has been lately published by S. 
J. Reggio^ is unique and full of 19th century ideas. 

§ 30. ] Mathematics and Physical Science, 

1 . Mathematics had in the preceding period been developed 
to a considerable extent as an independent science, and in its 
newer theories came so little into collision with the peculiar 
tendencies of the Jewish literature, that had the times been 
more favourable to, or even tolerant of, a taste for theoretical 
and scientific subjects, independent original works would 
doubtless have been written, or those of foreigners translated, 
besides the writings which were intended to throw light on 
the mathematical parts of the Halacha and other antiquities 
(§ 29.): e. g. that by Moses Isserl at Cracow (1570); MoR- 
dechai Jafe at Prague (1595); Jacob Koppelmann of 
Brzesc(1598); and Jehuda ben Chanoch ben Abraham 
at Pfersee (1708). The successors of the commentators, 
&c., in the former period (§ 21.), — to whom in some degree 
belongs Moses Provencale, who was led by a passage in 



* These and some other writings of the Jews on that subject are not men- 
tioned in the article Geddchtnisskunst in the Encyclopsedia of Ersch, sect. i. 
vol. ir. p. 411. An analysis of Jeh. de Modena has been given, with supple- 
mentary notes by the ' author of this essay, in the Journal " Oesterreichische 
Blatter," 1845, p. 709. etc. 



|30.J MATHEMATICS AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. 261 

the Moreh to compose a treatise on a theorem of Euclid, 
translated into Italian by Joseph Shalit (1550) and into 
Latin by Baronius (1586), and erroneously ascribed by the 
latter to Moses Narboni, — are followed by Joseph del 
INIedigo, an independent mathematician and rival of a learned 
Muhammedan at Kahira (1606); he wrote a book on me- 
chanics for Jacob Alexandri a Karaite of that place, and 
author of an able supplement to Euclid ; he also makes a 
quotation in his astronomical Paradoxa from the catoptrics 
of Ptolemy. Multiplication tables (cir. 1610) and arith- 
metical puzzles were framed in Germany by Jacob ben 
Eljakim (1613), for primary instruction and an exercise 
of subtlety ; and arithmetics were written by the Italians 
Emanuel Porto (1627) in Hebrew, and Iseppo (Joseph) 
LuzzATTO (1670) in Italian. Subsequently similar works 
appeared in Jewish-German by an anonymous writer at 
Amsterdam (1699), Moses Hetda (1711), and Moses 
Eisenstadt ben Chajjim (1712); and in Hebrew and 
German by MosES Serach Eidlitz (1775). Asher 
Anshel ben Wolf of Worms (1721), Samson Gijnz- 
burg, and Elias ben Moses Gerson of Pinczow (ante 
1765) wrote on geometry. Baruch Sklow (cir. 1777) 
translated Euclid; and Israel Lyons (ob. in England 
1775) wrote on the differential calculus. 

Although Astronomy had lost its practical interest through 
the general method of determining the Kalendar which was 
by this time in common use, still the reverence for ancient 
independent works and treatises on the Law, the com- 
plete revolution which had taken place in Astronomy, its 
influence on dogmatic theology, and the facilities which it 
afforded for constructing the Kalendar, all conduced to the 
production of exegetical, historical, polemical, and practical 
treatises upon this science. Thus we find perpetually com- 
mentaries on Maimonides' Laws of the Kalendar (§ 21.) e. 
g. by Mardochai Jafe (1594), J. L. Heller (1632), 
Arje (Lob) at Lublin (1667), Jonathan ben Joseph 
(1720), and others ; also, on the Astronomy of Abraham ben 
Chijja, by the same Mordechai Jafe and Jonathan 
(1746); and on the Six Wings of Emanuel ben Jacob, by 

s 3 



262 JEWISH LITERATURE. [Period III. 

Isaac ben Jechiel Ashkenasi (1558), extant in a MS. 
at Leyden. Various works were explained, and extracts 
made from them, by Chajjim Lisker (in the middle of 
the 17th century), probably of Brzesc. The theory of the 
Kalendar (m^nnp) was discussed by Issachar Ibn Susan 
at Safet (1539-1575); and Solomon Oliveyra invented 
some Spanish and Hebrew tables (1666, &c.). Of the Ka- 
lendars calculated for a longer or shorter period, furnished 
more or less with general rules, and in various languages, 
and sometimes referring to the Christian and Muhamme- 
dan Kalendars, we will mention the Threefold Kalendar in 
rhyme by Joseph ben Shemtob (1489, printed 1521), 
with a commentary by Daniel Perachia at Saloniki 
(1568), who added the astronomical tables of Abraham 
Zacut, not however to be found in all the copies of that 
rare edition; that of Abraham Zahalon (1595); the 
Italian Kalendar by Dayid Alvalensi (cir. 1660); the 
Spanish by Abraham Yesigno for 1626-1666; differ- 
ent Hebrew Kalendars by Moses ben Samuel Zuriel 
for 1654-1674, by Chijja Oabriel of Safet for 1675- 
1710, and by Isaac i>e Lara for 1704-1734; an anony- 
mous one for 1713-1827 ; one in Hebrew and Spanish by 
David ISTieto for 1718-1800; and the Lunario perpetuohj 
Aaron Franco Pinhero (1657). Astronomy in general, 
or in its more important branches, was treated by Dayid 
Gans at Prague (ob. 1613), who . corresponded on scientific 
subjects with King Rudolph's astronomer Kepler (subse- 
quently to 1599 at Prague), with Tycho Brahe, for whom 
he translated a part of the Alphonsinian Tables, and who 
was also in communication with Johann Miiller, Gans, 
although acquainted with the system of Copernicus, followed 
the Ptolemaic, considering the former to be the Pythagorean; 
he also ventured to assert that the Prophet Daniel made a 
mistake in computation. Menahem (Emanuel) Zion 
Porto wrote a Porta Astrorum (1636), and a treatise de- 
dicated to Ferdinand III. on the astronomical miracles of 
Joshua and Hezekiah (1643). Solomon Esobi (Azubius 
the teacher of Plantavitius ?) composed (1633) for Schick- 
hard, at the instance of Pereira, an introduction to some as- 



§ 30.] MATHEMATICS AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. 263 

tronomical tables, three centuries older (§ 21. n. 61.). Meir 
Neumaek translated from the German (1703); Tobia Co- 
hen (1708) argued against the Copernican system ; and even 
David Nieto in London (1714) wrote against the Coperni- 
cans, the Cartesians, and the Karaites, with a zeal which 
sometimes led him into error. Raphael Levi Hanover 
(1734) showed considerable diligence and knowledge of 
his subject ; and the same may be said to a certain extent 
also of Israel Samosc (ob. 1772), the teacher of Men- 
delssohn, and Baruch Sklow, the first editor of the 
astronomy of Isaac Israeli, which he illustrated with 
diagrams (1777). Israel Lyons was appointed by the 
English Admiralty to accompany Capt. Phipps (afterwards 
Lord Mulgrave) on the Arctic expedition (1773), and was 
intrusted with the charge of the ship's reckoning. 

On Astrology there are but few independent works be- 
longing to this period ; of these we may mention The Book 
of Lots, by Eliezer "the astronomer" (1559), and various 
productions by the Portuguese Comes palatinus Jacob 
KosALES at Hamburg (1624 seq.). Joseph del Medigo's 
treatise on practical Kabbala has never been printed. 

2. The Medical literature of this period, which is very 
poor in Hebrew works, is opened, notwithstanding the papal 
restrictions on their art, by some Italian physicians, and by 
others who derived their origin from Spain and Portugal. 
Among these Amatus Lusitanus (1547) first observed the 
valve of the unformed veins, and must have been very near 
discovering the circulation of the blood ; Abraham Porta- 
LEONE (1564) claims for the Jews the first medical use of 
gold. Two medical treatises by Abraham Nahmias at 
Constantinople were translated into Latin (1591, 1604); and 
Elia Montalto, physician in ordinary to the French 
royal family, is said to have been the author of two Latin 
works (1614) on the same subject; Rodriguez de Castro, 
at Hamburg, wrote on the duties of a physician (1596), 
and on the Plague; this subject was treated also by De 
PoMis (1577), Moses Staffelsteiner (1596), Abra- 
ham FoNSECA (1712), and in a compilation from foreign 
authorities by David Landshut. Zacutus Lusitanus 

S 4 



261 JEWISH LITERATUBE. [Period III. 

made a critical comparison between Greek and Arabian 
medicine (1629-1642). Joseph del Medigo translated 
(1629) the Aphorisms of Hippocrates from the Latin, and 
wrote various treatises on physic ; another Hebrew trans- 
lation of the same Aphorisms, published in his own name 
by Gaiotius (Rome, 1647), was certainly not made without 
the assistance of a Jew, if indeed the editor had any share at 
all in the translation. Ezekiel da Costa (1642) wrote 
on the diseases named after beasts ; Chajjim Buchner 
composed a work on diet (1669), published with a Latin 
translation by Wagenseil. Jacob Zahalon (1683) describes, 
in his Comprehensive Pathology, amongst other things the 
state of Rome during the plague (1651); the introduction 
treats the subject theologically, and the 13th section is de- 
voted to the infirmities of the soul. In the 18th century 
we have scientific dissertations written for the deojree of 
M.D., which was now more frequently conferred. Besides 
these there were the Kabbalistic mystical works of the 
Polish miracle-workers (called Baalshem, DtS'Vpn^, i. e. the 
possessor of the name of God), whom Tobias Cohen (1708), 
physician to the imperial family at Constantinople, op- 
posed in his learned encyclopasdic work, undertaken as a 
vindication of Jewish science against the calumnies of the 
intolerant professors at Frankfurt, and carried out with re- 
markable learning, and the experience of an extensive prac- 
tice. He was also the first to treat, in the Hebrew language, 
of the " Plica polonica," from personal observation. Amongst 
the writers of this century we may mention Joseph Stella 
(nmr)) ben Abraham of Ferrara, in Vienna (1714) ; Silya 
at Paris, who, according to Voltaire's judgment, did better 
service by his practice than even by his highly prized work on 
blood-letting (1727). Pereira, at the royal library at Paris, 
made the first researches on the cure of the deaf and dumb, 
in a treatise read before the Royal Academy (11th June, 
1749, earlier than De I'Epee). De Castro Sarmento, 
Fellow of the Royal Society of London, wrote on the 
use of Peruvian bark, on small-pox, and on Brazil dia- 
monds (1755-1762); Israel Lyons wrote on the English 
Flora; and Jacob Marx, at Hanover, who promoted 



§ 30.] MATHE^IATICS AND PHYSICAL SCIENCE. 265 

the use of acorn-cofFee, answered tlie exaggerated attacks 
of Herz and others on the early interment of the Jews 
(1765-1784). Several well-known physicians were brought 
up at Berlin, such as Leox Elia Herschel (nat. 1741, 
ob. 1772); Mordechai Gumpel (called Prof. Leyison), 
for some time professor at Upsala (ob. 1797 at Ham- 
bui'g), an opponent of Mendelssohn ; the famous icthyo- 
logist Bloch (ob. 1799 at Karlsbad); and Professor Herz 
(ob. 1803). These close the Third Period, and commence 
a series of Jewish writers on medicine and natural history 
who have not yet been brought under review. 



NOTES. 

PERIOD I. 

§ 1. Page 1. 

1 We have scarcely any compendious account of Jewish literature 
not written in the Hebrew language. The Spanish might be collected 
out of De Castro's '^ Bibhotheca Espanola," if this work could be relied 
upon. Of the printed Jewish-German literature, the author of this 
essay has given an alphabetical list of 385 books or works (after a 
MS. catalogue of the Oppenheim collection now in the Bodleian, and 
Wolfius) in the German journal Serapeum, 1848-1849. But this is 
now superseded by the Catalogue of the Hebrew books in the Bodleian 
by the present author. A monograph on the Jewish hterature in the 
Arabic language, and the translations from that and other languages 
in the Middle Ages (comp. §§ 11, 12. 21, 22.), was promised by the 
author ten years ago, when he began collecting materials for that pur- 
pose ; but the specimens of his researches given in the Catalogue men- 
tioned above will be sufficient excuse for still delaying the completion 



§ 2. Page 2. 

1 Zunz, Gottesd. Vortr. (see note 13.), pp. 22. 31. 

2 Rapoport, Osterr. Blatt. f. Lit. u. Kunst, 1845, p. 580. 

3 Zunz, G. V. p. S3.; conf. Geiger, Der hamburg. Tempelstreit^ 
p. 17.; M. Sachs, Die relig. Poesie der Juden in Spanien, p. I67. 

4 Zunz, G. V. pp. 44. 98. 120. 170. 

5 Jellinek (Franck, Die Kabbala, Germ. Transl. by Jellinek), p. 
292.; Schlesinger, Einl. zur Uebers. des Buches Ikkarim, p. 21. If, 
with certain modern authorities, we ascribe to Zoroaster a higher anti- 
quity, the Parseeism which influenced the Jews is not much older. 

6 Krochmal, Kerem Chemed, v. QS.; Frankel's Zeitschr. ii. 301. 
On the canonical number 70-72 see Steinschneider's essay in the 
Zeitschr. der d. m. Gesellsch. iv. 147. 

7 See Rapoport in Frank. Zeitschr. i. 355., and also below, § I6. 

8 Concerning the early separation of these see Zunz, G. V. p. 44. 

^ The Samaritans are excluded from this account of Jewish lite- 
rature. 

10 Zunz, G. V. p. 36, 



268 NOTES TO § 3. 

^^ Krochmal, loc. cit. in note 6. 

^2 The Mishna Abot (see p. 40.) contains opinions by men of the 
Great Synod, &c. See Rapoport^ Ker. Chem. vii. 16?.; conf. Zunz, 
1. c. 

^3 ZuNz (Die Gottesd. Vortrage &c. Brl. 1832) is the main authority 
for §§ 3. 5, 6. The popularising "^ Aphorisms " in Fiirst's Littera- 
turblatt, 1841, are suited to no class of readers. 

^^ Among whom Jason^ Fuscus, and Theodoret (Wolf. Bibl. Hebr. 
iii. 667 c.) are to be reckoned. See Delitzsch, Zur Gesch. d. hebr. 
Poesie, pp. 28. 134. That Phocylides was a Jew has been recently 
demonstrated by Bernays. 



§ 3. Page 5. 

1 The Midrashim Tanchuma Jelamdenu, Esther Rahha, Midr. 
Tillim, for example^ have two kinds of redactions. A part of the 
Tana debe Elijahu is introduced into the middle of Wajikra Rahha, and 
a fragment of the Pesikta Rahhati is subjoined. The genuine Pesikta, 
a name claimed also by two later works, has been lately reconstructed 
from fragments discovered some years ago in different recensions. 
Even the Halachot gedoloth and pesukoth were long known simulta- 
neously in their separate and their combined forms. The frequent titles 
5<2"l (great) and XJOIT (small) are important; and perhaps, as with 
persons (§ 19-):' ^^7 denote old and young. 

2 See the author's remarks in the Serapeura, 1845, p. 294. sq. 

3 Id. p. 289. ; Frankel, Zeitschr. ii. p. 385. 

^ Zunz, G. V. pp. 41. 322.; comp. Formstecher, Die Religion des 
Geistes, p. 262. 

^ Ben Bag Bag (Abot, 5. 22.). ^^ As early as the times of Aristeas, 
Hillel, Jonathan, Philo, and the Apostles, Biblical interpretation was a 
wide-spread study and an honourable occupation." Zunz, G. V. p. 323. 

^ Respecting the Jewish origin of the Peshito see Frankel, Vor- 
studien zur Septuag. p. 184. (and pp. 170, I7I. 197- 210, 211. 217. 
223. in the notes upon the influence of the Talmudical exegesis, upon 
which subject Frankel has since published a monography). Rapoport, 
Frankel's Zeitschr. i, 358., where more valid grounds than those refuted 
by Rodiger (Encykl. sect. 3. vol. 18. p. 29^.) are brought forward. 

^ Luzzatto, Geig. Zeitschr. iv. 412., v. 124.; Rapop. Ker. Chem. 
v. 178. sq. 224. sq., vi. 172.; Frankel, Zeitschr. iii. 111.; A. Levy, 
Geig. Zeitschr. v. 175. sq.; Lit. bl. vii. 337- sq. See also below, § I6. 
note 3. 7. 

^ Zunz, p. 38. The opposite to these were the Idiotae (]>"li<n DV 
Pagani), by which terra men of the wildest immorality, guilty of 
murder and the like, are generally to be understood in the Talmud (in 
opposition to Jost, Gesch. iii. 110., Anhang, p. 150.); conf. Rossi, 
Delia Vana Aspettazione degliEbrei del loro Re Messia (Parma, 1773), 
p. 209- The distinction of " clergy " and '^ laymen " is but an in- 
vention of modern Idiotse. 

9 Respecting funeral . discourses see in particular Dukes, Rabb. Blu- 
menlese, p. 247. sq. 



NOTES TO § 4. 269 

10 Zunz, G. V. 323. 331. 337.; Geiger, Zeitschr. v. 67. Cf. 
Wiener Jahrbiicher, vol. c. p. 93., and on the Pesikta beloWj § 5. 
note 108. 

11 Zunz, G. V. p. 308. 

§ 4. Page 9. 

' 1 The modern works and treatises on this subject, viz. by Brtjck:^ 
Chorin, CreizenacH;, Fassel^ Frankelj Geiger, Holdheira, S. Sachs 
(Frank. Zeitschr. iii. 133. sq.), and others^ form a literature of them- 
selves^ a sketch of which would exceed the limits of this article ; conf. 
ZuNZ^ Kurze Antworten auf Cultusfragen (Bed. 1844), p. 15. 

2 It is important to observe that the same expression is also applied 
to the prophetical books (Zunz, G. V. 44., contra Briick, Rabb, Cerem. 
p. xi.). On the later signification of Kahhala, see § 13. note 15. 

^ The notion that Jewish practice has grown up principally from 
this kind of interpretation of Scripture (cf. Maimonides, Introd. to the 
Mishna-Comm.) has been of late successfully combated. 

4 Zunz, G. V. pp. 42. 421., § 13. 

^ So, for example, even after the termination of penal jurisdiction, 
up to recent times, the Jewish "Court" (|n D''^) could enact the 
most severe disciplinary punishment (niTlD. fl^D) for transgression 
of the ceremonial law. This is still the case in Turkey, &c. The 
expression pi, judgment, remained in the ritual decisions of later 
times. To the writers on Jewish law and rabbinical authority men- 
tioned by Zunz (Kurze Antw. § 90 we may add the names of 
Frankel, Fassel (cf. Lit. bl. viii. 203.), Saalchutz, Bodenheim^ 
Stein, and others. 

^ Creizenach, Tharjag (conf. Geiger, Zeitschr., ii. 548.) j Briick, Das 
Mosaische Judenthum, and 1. c. p. 1. On the part of the older Kara- 
ites, the treatise of Hedessi, § 242., must be mentioned. 

7 Zunz, p. 43., cf. Jalkut, § 1000. 

8 The Chaldee Paraphrase has n'^hn for the Hebrew DSK^D 
(Ezech. xxi. 9-) ; for which the Chaldee ^^''JID (rad. ^5JD) was then 
adopted ; corresponding to the Arabic bj^^\ (Nathan, s. v. in Dukes, 
Glossar. zur BlumenL, conf. Zunz, G. V., pp. 42, 43.); and thus it 
originally meant the simple thesis, doctrine, in contradistinction to 
K^IID, study, investigation (see also Targum Koh. 12. 12.); then also 
the result of investigation, tinal judgment (Gerson in Buxtorf, Lex. 
s. v.), as a rule for practice (ncyo), and finally everything relating to 
practice, in contradistinction to Haggada. Respecting Eisenmenger's 
mistake, see the foot note, supra, p. 18. Besides Zunz's enumeration 
of authorities, see also Succa, 28., and especially Sanhedrin, 101., conf. 
Jalkut, Proverbs, § 953. The remarks of Graetz (Gesch. p. 489.) 
against Zunz are, like some others (cf. n. 53. and § 5. n. 11. \ founded 
on a distortion of his views. I wish here to remark, once for all, upon 
the extreme uncertainty of this and all other technical terms used in 
this article, in consequence of which the determination and development 
of the various periods of literature are rendered extremely difficult, and 
have frequently occasioned various mistakes and anachronisms. 



270 NOTES TO § 4. 

9 The Midrash, after its manner, interprets the end of Ecclesiastes 
as a warning against apocryphal books, as Krochmal (Ker. Chern. 
V. 80.) acutely remarks. A similar case is found in the Muhamme- 
dan literature,, vid. Hadschi Chalfa, ed. Fliigel, i. p. 97. ; conf. Mills, 
Hist, du Mahommetisme, p. 37. The Gauls also were prohibited from 
com„mitting their traditionary songs to writing. Csesar (De Bel. Gal. 
vi. 4.) recognises in this a precaution against levity in learning them. 
Thamus (see Plato, Phaedrus) makes a similar remark on the disadvantage 
of writing. See Grimm's preface to the Kin derm ahrchen (Gottingen, 
1843), p. xvii. note. 

^^ These must have existed long before the date assumed by Briick, 
p. XXV. See also § 5., and cf. n''"n^?1 (Mehlsack), Lit. bl. xii. 143. 

^^ The main authority for this part of the essay is an unfinished 
work by Krochmal, prepared for the press by Dr. Zunz, with the 
assistance of the author, in which the first attempt is made to arrange 
in a historico -philosophical manner the origin and development of the 
Halacha. That work has been since published, (Lemberg, 1851,) but 
is printed very incorrectly. The corresponding chapter is the 13th, 
p. l6l. sq. 

^2 Even later great litterati retain that name (Kelim, 13. 6.) ; after- 
wards it was used for transcribers and notaries, teachers of children and 
prelectors (conf. t^lp, § l6. rem. 15.). Hupfeld (De Rei Gramm. 
p. 2.) takes it as a denominative participle of "ISD, and says of Gese- 
nius's satisfactory derivation, '^^ Nihil cogitari potest absurdius." 

^3 For the transcription from the old Hebrew into the square cha- 
racter, the testimony of Eliezer ben Jacob (Sebachim, 6'2.), an authority 
in matters of tradition, is of some importance. (Cf. the dissertation of 
M. A. Levy on the inscriptions on the vessels discovered by Layard, in 
the Zeitschrift der d. m. Gesellschaft, ix. 476.) Azaria de Rossi (see 
§ 23.) is to be considered as a leader in these investigations, 

14 See Erubin, 14. b. The expression D^iaiD Hl^'pn, therefore, does 
not occur, as Krochmal remarks, p. l6'7. 

^5 Krochmal, 1. c. p. 169-:, gives authorities. That the beginning of 
the Masora reaches so far back is probable, although the expression 
Soferim may be referred to the younger transcribers (note 12.). It is 
worth mentioning that Joseph Ibn Wakkar (see the article in Ersch, 
sect. ii. vol. 31. p. g6. note 3. c.) designates the variations of Keri and 
Ketib " variae lectiones " (niXriDIJ). Respecting the changes of punc- 
tuation for euphony, after the manner of the Targum, see Luzzatto, 
Proleg. ad una Gram. Ragion. &c. p. 21. and below, § l6. 

16 Hither, according to Krochmal, p. I67., is probably to be referred 
the warning of R. Ismael, Erubin, 13. (^contra Jost, iv. Anh. p. 225.). 
On DnDID ^Jlp^n, Buxtorf, in his Lex. Chald. p. 2631., says, '' Ex- 
plicationem prolixiorem, imo tractatum justum, res ista requirit." 

^^ See the commentary to Succa, 28 a. Ibn Ezra, Zachot. According 
to Kircheim (Lit. bl. v. 674.), perhaps grammatical rules; on the 
other hand, see below, § I6. rem. 49. This subject still requires 
further light to be thrown on it. See Krochmal, p. 173. 

15 By a similar metonymy mD signifies a certain ethical deport- 



NOTES TO § 4. 271 

ment, a virtue, nilO (in the plural), the attributes of God, character, 
ethics. See below § 12. B. and § 13. 

^^ Synh. 7' b. Krochraal, p. 175. Parallel instances of the deriva- 
tion of such expressions for judgment, &c., from roots which signify to 
cut, to cut off, &c., have been collected by the author from the new 
Hebrew and Arabic in his notes to Maimonides, Maaraar Hajichud, 
p. 9. note 8. 

20 Megil. Taanit. ; cap. 4. conf., on the subject of '' Judges of Sen- 
tences " (nnnj ^:)>n), Ketub. cap. is. 

20a Frankel, Die Lehre vora Beweis nach jud. Rechte, p. 60. 

2^ On the language of the Mishna there have appeared, besides the 
essays of Hartmann, Reggio, and Luzzatto (mentioned in Luzzatto, 
Proleg. p. 6Q.), special tracts by Geiger and Dukes ; conf. also the 
author's Die Fremdsprachl. Elera. in. Neuheb., &c. (Prague, 1845), 
p. 24., and Lit. bl. vii. 325. 

22 See below, note 29- 

23 '^ Repeater." The Hebrew form is the common active participle ; 
the Chaldee a frequentative, and consequently equivalent to " Repetent" 
(note 29.) j conf. sup. note 8. 

24 Krochmal, p. I76., still takes 'Xno: for HD^E^H, ''completion," 
comprehension of tradition, and discussion for the purpose of practical 
results; but see Zunz, pp.43. 324. sq. On ^1070, as a method of 
teaching, see note 55., ^5"lDII, to learn (from others), in contradistinction 
to "l^D, to discuss. Sabb. 6S a. (Dukes, Blumenlese, p. 195.). 

25 Sabb. 8. 1. Schekal, 3, 2. Krochmal, p. 184. 

26 The expression ypEJ^J, ''"sunk," was used with respect to ele- 
ments interwoven in this way, e. g. the Mosaic Halachot in the Mishna ; 
Krochmal, 1. c. 

27 Krochmal, p. 193. Conf. Ker. Chem. v. 183., on the compo- 
sition of the '* Testimonies," and ib. vi. 98. ; also below, § 5., end of 
note 1. 

28 Krochmal, p. 187- Conf. also Lit. bl. vii. 325. rem. 6., and the 
(^^\)z>-\ of the Koran. 

28a Moed. Katan, 9. 

29 nJ^D means repetition, Greek devripcocng (conf. mifl n^l^Ki 
Deuteronomy); hence. Second Thora, or oral law in general = mm 
ns ?y2E^ (which expression is used already by Shammai, Labb. 
31. b., see Wolf, ii. p. 663.), so that Mishna at first would signify 
the whole Halacha, and have been later applied to single Halachot ; 
the expression Ml^'pn HJIK^, however, would be the denominative of 
n^^'O. But if we start from the supposition that the Halacha must 
have been handed down orally, and diligently repeated, then ilJS^D 
might mean originally a repeated Halacha. Jbn Balam (ad V. Mos, 
v. 4.) derives niJI^O from pK^(!). The following is worth notice: the 
Chaldaic plur. pn^^D corresponds to both nVJ&J^D and nO^D, whilst 
i^TT'^jriD in singular is = 5^n''"'"11 (see below, note 49.) ; and the fre- 
quentative ''^^i^ appears in the same sense as the simple participle il^lK^. 
Conf. also on pn'PD^ and J^JlPDtD, Zunz, p. 47. note, and Krochmal, 
p. 195. Briick (p. xxii.) makes the Synedrion of Hyrcanus introduce 



272 NOTES TO § 4. 

a new book of the Law^ the Mishna^ and appeals to the fact that 
Nehemiah is called Mishna. See, however, above, note 22. 

so Conf. As. de Rossi, Meor Enajim, cap. 15., and Stein Schneider, 
Fremdsprachl. Elemente, p. 9. note I7. The author has collected 
some information on Jewish Mnemotechnics in the Oesterr. Blatt. 1845, 
Nr. 91, ; see also below, note 58., § 5. note IO6. Some more general 
remarks " Ueber die sogenannte Hamiltonische Methode der Juden " 
are given by Dukes, Lit. bl. xi. 382. 

2^ "I There are no notes corresponding to these numbers, the series 
^2 J in the text jumping from 30 to 33. 

33 See the journal (published by Jost) Israel. Annalen, i. 108. 131. ; 
the Hebrew periodical Jerusalem, ii. 56. ; we need some special in- 
vestigations on the subject of the composition of the Synedrium. Cf. 
Frankel, Der Beweis, &c. p. 68. ; also on the influence exercised by 
the Maccabees on the Hebrew style. 

34 See Jost, iii. Anh. p. 148. note 9., p. 150. note 13. ; Bruck, p. 
xxiii. ; cf. Zunz, p. 45. 331. ; Jerusalem, ii. p. 62. sq. ; Kerem Che- 
med, vi. 143.; Frankel's Zeitschrift, iii. 211. 

35 Jost, iv. 318.; Formstecher, p. 311.; Geig. Zeitschr. ii. 41?.; 
M. Sachs, Rel. Poesie, p. 144. ; Frankel, Der Beweis, &c. p. 94., and 
on the practical influence, p. 53. 

36 Edujot, i. 3. ; conf. Ker. Chem. v. 172. 181. ; Frankel's Zeitschr. 
ii. 171.; Rapop. Gon. ad Quaest. 9* a. ; Lit. bl. vii. 622. Respecting 
the names of the schools conf. also Wolf, ii. 914., iv. 446.; Lit. bl. 
viii. 100. 

37 See Ker- Chem. vi. 138. 

38 lb. V. 217. § 25. 

2^ On what follows next see Rapoport's letter to Slonymski, trans 
lated into German by Delitzsch in Lit. bl. i. 195. 

^0 See the quotations in Zunz, p. 46. ; Briick, p. xxvii. 

41 Rapoport, Kerem Chemed, vii. 175. 

42 See the Biography by Schwarzauer, Lit. bl. iv. 630, sq. 

43 Zunz, p. 49. 

44 Rapoport, Ker. Chem. v. 153. sq., and Erech Millin. Cf. 

Y'bnn, a. 123. 

45 On the opinions of Geiger, Luzzatto, Rapoport, and Reggio, see 
Geig. Zeitschr. iv. 412., v. 68. ; Bodek, Jerusal. ii. 53. On the pre- 
tended object see S. Sachs in Frankel's Zeitschr. iii. 205. On the 
sections, Bruck, Pharis. Sit. p. 10, (after Geig. Zeitschr. ii. 56.). See 
also § 5. n. 19- 

46 Some antiquated notions are quoted by Jost, iv. Anh. p. 242. 
A more correct view is to be found in Zunz, G. V. p. 336. ; cf. Zion, 
ii. 58. ; Lit. bl. v. No. 18.; Frankel's Zeitschr. iii. 174. 

"^^ ni is Babylonian, ^21 Palestinian. Fiirst, Lit. bl. viii. 18. n. 76., 
explains i53''1K, " of Areka } " 

48 Rapoport, Ker. Chem., vi. 143, sq., vii. 158. sq. (against Fiirst's 
Gesch. der Babyl. Lit., Lit. bl. viii. 107.) in the preface to the 
Responsa Gaonim, ed. D. Cassel (Berlin 1847) fol. 10., coinciding with 
Geiger, vi. 17.; cf. also the articles i?5<"l2J^ pJ< in Rapop. Erech. Milhn. 

49 Conf. Briick, p. xxxi. 



NOTES TO § 4. 273 

^^ Always in the sing., see above n. 29- Wolf (ii. p. 662) reads 
fc<n''jnD, which however should be written NnX''jnD as in Scherira 
NHN''")!. The usual spelling Boraita has been adopted, although it 
ought to be vocalised either Boraito (Chald.) or Baraita (Heb.). On 
the obsolete Hi'ino see Y'hnn, i. 64. Hedessi, § 224. 

^^ Conf. supra p. 16. and Landauer, Lit. hi. i. 743., ii. 34. An 
obscure hypothesis, Lit. bl. viii. 410. See Ker. Chem. ix. 23. 

52 Rapoport, Ker. Chem. vi. l6g.; Lit. bL viii. 506. 

53 Id. vii. I69.J and the article Jochanan in Ersch and Gruber's 
Encycl. by Zunz, whom Graetz, however, attacks, Gesch. p. 482. (p. 
290.), with his usual sophistry. (Cf. § 17.) On the interpolations 
from later sources conf. also Lit. bl. viii. 330. 

54 Jost, iv.; Anh. p. 253. n. SQ. 

^^ Rapop. in Zunz, G. V. p. 53. sq. ; and in Ker. Chem. vii. l64., 
cf. vi. 232. 248.; Lit. bl. iv. 753., vii. 325.; Bruck, p. xxxii.; Chajes 
in Bikkure haittim, 5606, p. 14. Frankel also (Vorstud. p. 29.) 
admits that the Babylonian Talmud injures the more correct ideas con- 
tained in the Jerusalem Talmud by many unwarranted additions and 
inexact statements, and has given examples in different places of his 
new Monatschrift. 

5° The expression "!1D?n was thence used in the signification of 
method of teaching, see Rapoport, Ker. Chem. vi. 127. 

57 See Rapoport, I.e. p. 100.; Zion. i. 108. 126. 

58 Zunz, p. 53. n. 2.; Briick, ii. p. 9. Conf. Ker. Chem. vi. 254.; 
Frankel's Zeitschr. ii. 326. 

59 Jost, V. 225. 319.; Ker. Chem. iv. 187. On the other hand, 
Geiger, Zeitschr. vi. 103. 

^^ See passages quoted in Zion, ii. 83. sq. ; Ker. Chem. vi. 250., 
conf. Beer in Frankel's Zeitschr. iii. 473. note ; Rapoport, Erech 
Millin, p. 10., conf. supra, n. 30. and § 5. n. IO6. Jost (Lit. bl. vi. 
818.) considers |'!p''"lDD to have been secret writings at the time of the 
Christian persecutions; see K — m. Lit. bl. vii. 326., and the article 
^' Abbreviaturen," printed as a specimen of the intended Jiid. Real- 
encykl. by Cassel and Steinschneider, 1844. According to Jost, iv. 
p. 35., mention is made of sympathetic ink in the Talmud, Jer. Sabb. 
cap. 2. On the later interpolations in the Talmud see also Rapoport 
in Zunz, G. V. 141 b.; Chajes, Mebo ha-Talmud, p. 256.; Oppenheira, 
Lit. bl. X. 312. 

6^ See the author's Fremdsprachl. Elem. p. 20. sq.; Frankel's 
Zeitschr. iii. 179* i Jellinek in Debarim Attikim, ii., and Nachtrag zu 
Sefat Chachamim, Leipsig, 1 847. On the Persian literature of the 
Jews see § 8. n. 13. 

^2 5^2") SS^'irOK^, see M. Konitz, 2, 3. § J 5.; Conforte, ed. Cassel, 
S a., conf. Jost, v. 319. Sabbatai, sub voce, ascribes it however to the 
Gaonim, conf. § 5. note 23. Perhaps it is the foundation of the small 
treatises Tefillin, Sefer Tora, Soferim, and Zizzit .'* cf. the fragment 
of Jehuda ben Barsillai at the end of Asheri, Tr. Tefillin. (cf. Zion, i. 
97.) 

63 See Zunz, p. 89. sq. 310.; Briick, p. 11.; Zion, i. 136., ii. 85. 
165. 181.; Rapoport, Ker. Chem. vi. 247.; Frankel's Zeitschr. i. 357. 
n. 2. 



274 NOTES TO § 5, 

6'^ Jost, V. 229.; Anh. p. 341. The Semicha has however not been 
restored, see Zunz, p. SO9. n. 6, The Gaonim composed few works, 
because the oral tradition was still continued and preferred to written 
documents. Meiri, Introd. to Abot. (Revue Orientale, ii. 34.) 

6^ Conforte, 3 a. Against Rapoport's artificial derivation of the 
title (Ker. Chem. vii. 26'8.) see Jellinek, Lit. bl. vi. 172. The time 
of its origin requires to be defined more accurately. R. Jose (early in 
the sixth century) is already called Gaon, while IMaimonides (Introd. 
to the Mishna Comm.) speaks of Gaonim in Spain and France. He 
designates their writings as Responsa (DUIS^^H), Comm. on the Talmud, 
and Decisos (nip1D2 Dl^'pn). 

^^ Rapoport, Ker. Chem. vi. 230. sq. 

67 Bruck, p. 13. 

^ Conf. Rapoport, Nissim. n. I6., and epistle to the assembly of 
Rabbles at Frankfort- on -Main, 1845. 

6^ Rapoport's treatise, Ker. Chem. vi. 233., gives some new and 
interesting dates. Conf. Geig. v. 441.,- see also Zunz, p. 57-; conf, 
Zion, ii. 159.; Allg. Zeit. d. Jud. 1840, No. 30.; Briick, p. 15. sq., 
is also here one-sided. It is, however, remarkable that an anonymous 
Arabic work on the killing of cattle (composed in the twelfth century) 
always mentions Jehudai Gaon before Simon Kahira, whose Aramaic 
statements are said (f. 95.) to be given word for word in the Hebrew 
DDt^'n ^IID (see above, p. 27. ; cf. Zunz, p. 281.) : moreover, the 
same work calls Simon simply i^"l^Xp (^sic only f. 80., in the subsequent 
places always t^lX^p), '' the author of the m'PnJ niD^Pn ;" while 
Jehudai Gaon is mentioned without the title of his work, and in only- 
two places (f. 80. and 94.) the quotation is literally " the 1X1 niD'^M, 
attributed (n2"lDJ?0?X) to Jehudai Gaon." Jeshua, the Karaite (1 0th 
century), quotes both these Hebrew titles without naming the authors. 

"^^ [^Note to " Halacha," p. 26. of text, line 13. from bottom.] See 
also Dernburg in Geiger, Zeitschr. v. SQQ. (and note GQ-)- On the 
different redaction of Joseph Tob-Ele3i see Rapoport, Introd. to the 
Resp. Gaeon. § 5., and Luzzatto, Biblioth. f. 53. 

71 Ker. Chem. vi. p. 242. § 20.; cf. Hedessi, Alphab. 131. 151., 
and Xnp^DS NHD^pn, Aboda sara Ta. 

72 Rapoport's Emendation (1. c. p. 240. 244.) is confirmed by the 
new edition of the letter of Scherira (Chofes Matmonim, p. 82, 83.). 

73 [Page 27. line 2. of text.] Conf. Zunz, p. 279* l conf. Zeitschr. 
der d. m. Gesellsch. iv. 148. 

'^ Hn^^^n^ pnn, Rapoport, p. 246. 

75 Printed at Venice, 1545. 

''6 The best edition is Dihrenf. 1786, with the excellent notes of 
J. Jesaia Berlin. Zunz, p. 56. ; Briick, p. I6. 

77 [Note to '' Gedolot," p. 27- of text, line 10. from bottom.] Zunz, 
p. 309. ; Rep. Ker. Chem. vi. 235. 246., and § 5. n. 23. 

§ 5. Page 28. 

[On the whole Section conf. Rapoport in the article n^^^ of his 
Erech Millin (published since this esfay), and Abraham Schik's Introd. 
to En, Jakob. 



NOTES TO § 5. 275 

1 Zunz, p. 322.; conf. Frankel's Zeitschr. ii. 383.; M. Sachs, Rel. 
Poes. p. 147. 

2 See the author's "^ Miscell." in Zeitschr. der d. m. Gesellsch. vi. 
539. 11. 6. 

^ Conf. M. Sachs, 1. c. p. 150. From the Judaeo-Muhammedan 
legend of the Covenant of God with all souls, arose the Muhammedan 
dogma of the Covenant of the Prophets. 

^ Zunz, cap. 4., conf. pp. 43. 324. ; Zion, ii. 107. sq. 

^ Zunz, p. 354.; Frankel's Zeitschr. ii. 385.; Sachs, p. 174. 

6 Zunz, p. 354., conf. 195, 324. 344. 

^ On the later meaning of TD"!, see § 17. n. 8. 

^ Sachs' remark, 1. c. p. l6"2., must be restricted to this. 

^ Zunz, p. 325. sq., conf. sup. § 4. n. 30. 

10 j^^Q ^ L<«wJ5 explanare, hence originally synonymous with ^*'\1 
(Geig. Zeitschr. v. 289.) '> while a later period distinguishes between 
Pashtanim and Darshanim (§ 17.)' ^^ ^^^ Arabizing style of the 
philosophers, Dlt^S is — l^^' ^^^ simple in a metaphorical and her- 
meneutical sense. See also inf. n. 102. 

^^ Zunz, p. 59. On the later exegetical meaning see below, n. 102. 

12 Id. pp. 60. 325. 341. 

13 The limits here traced out are of course not to be taken in too 
exact a sense. 

1^ Zunz, p. 358. ; conf. Rapop., Ker. Chem. iii. p. 48. 

15 Zunz, pp. 172. 324. 

^6 Id. pp. 84. 86. 

17 Zunz, p. 85. ; Discrepant MSS., Oppenh. 627. The way in 
which Graetz has distorted Zunz's views is shown by the authof in 
Catal p. 1435. ; conf. § 10. n. 14. 

'8 Zunz, p. 86. 

-9 On this Geiger and Bruck founded an alteration in the division 
of the Mishna. See § 4. n. 44. 

20 Zunz, p. 110,, also see inf. 2 a. 

21 Id. p. 95. (and sup. § 4. n. 6I.), and inf. § I6. n. 17. 

22 Id. 377 e. ; conf. § I9. n. 10. sq. 

23 Conf. sup. § 4. nn. 60. 75. 

24 Conf. Zunz, p. 93. 

25 Jewish authors meet with neglect and contempt from foreigners. 
According to Jehuda Halevi (Cusari, ii. § 64., iv. § 31.), medical 
notices are found in the Talmud, which were unknown to Aristotle, 
Galen, &c. An author of the tenth century (Lit. bl. vi. 564.) speaks 
of a medical work by R. Gamaliel Ha-nasi, " who is called Galen 
by the Greeks," which was translated from the Hebrew into Arabic (conf. 
§ 21. n. 10.). The assertion that the learned Greeks were pupils of 
the Jews is found as early as in the works of Aristobulus (Formstecher, 
Die Relig. des Geistes, p. 317.)^ Josephus, and Eusebius (D. Cassel on 
Cusari, ii. § 66. p. 172.) ; and afterwards it became a prevalent opinion. 
The instances given by Buxtorf on Cusari, i. § 63. (whose principal 
authority is Moscato on the same), might be multiplied ; e. g. Pal- 
quera, Komm. Moreh, p. 7. j Joseph Ibn Caspe (Cod. Uri, 365. 
f. 172 b. ; see the author's article in Ersch, s. ii. vol. xxxi. p. 72. n. 74. 



276 NOTES TO § 5. 

where he remarks that Roger Bacon already protested against the Chris- 
tian authorities who took the same views) ; Aaron hen Elia^ the Karaite^ 
Ez Chajjim, p. 4. ; and others, especially with respect to Medicine : see 
also Assaf's Introduction [see § 22. n. 34.] ; and Jonathan ben Joseph^ 
who, in the commentary on yi^T] Jlll^, speaks of Aristohulus as the 
person who communicated Solomon's Philosophy. On the other hand, 
the Kabbalistic opposition to the Peripatetic philosophy gave another 
direction to that supposition. Moses de Leon (nnyn pK^D, MS., chap. 
5. ; cf. n?33nn SJ>DJ at the end of chap. 2.), the book Zohar, and M, 
Recanati (in Az. de Rossi, ii. chap. 2., about the end), pretend that the 
old Greek philosophers were more in conformity with the Rabbles, and 
that Aristotle took a different turn. Abraham Levi ben Eliezer 
('Tin\"l'' 'D MS.), however, returns to the old fiction, which makes 
Aristotle a pupil of Simon the Just, and attributes to him '^ secret 
writings " containing his true opinions. The same author believes that 
the " Philosophers " took some doctrines from the " truly wise " 
(riDXn '•D^n = Kabballsts), although they did not interpret them in a 
literal sense, " which occurred also to some Jews." Joseph ben Shemtob 
(see that art. in Ersch, Enc. s. ii. vol. xxxi. p 92.), an orthodox philo- 
sopher, contents himself with the conditional statement, that "i£" Aristotle 
had met with the Jewish wise men, he would certainly have adopted 
their creed. Moscato also doubts the genuineness of the epistle of 
Aristotle in which he confesses his return from philosophy to positive 
belief (on that epistle conf. Catal. p. 743. op. 6.). On a passage of 
Moses Isserls see Catal. p. 1832. The Jews, moreover, were not alone 
in these opinions ; and perhaps they did not even invent them. The 
Arabian " Brothers of purity" (see §12. n. 1.) derive science from 
the* Jews (Nauvverck, Notiz., &c. p. 41., and in Hebr. iii. cap. 7.); 
and a passage of Averroes to that effect has become a locus classicus. 
In Christian Europe also it was usual to derive arts and sciences from 
Biblical personages (Roger Bacon, 1. c, and Sprengel, Gesch. d. Med. 
ii. 25.). Cf. also on '' Greek wisdom " below, note 9^. 

26 Conf. Rapop. Bikk. haitt. 5588, p. 14. On Jewish medicine, 
especially of this period, the following authorities are quoted by several 
authors ; but only a few of them which were accessible to the author : — 
J. P. Spekth, De Ortu et Progressu Medicinse per Judseos (8., Ham- 
burg, at the end of the seventeenth century; see Wolf, iii. p. 742.); 
some materials have been collected, but principally in the later periods, 
and those in a hostile spirit, by Schudt in his Jud. Merckw. (4. F. a. M. 
1714-17); GiNZBURGER, Medicina ex Talmudicis illustr. (Get- 
ting. 1743); J. H. Lautenschlager, De Medicis veterum Hebraeorum 
(Schleitz, 1786); Meyer Levin, Anal. Hist, ad Medic. Ebraeor. (HaL 
1798); D. Carcassonne, Essai hist, sur la Medic, des Hebr. anciens 
et modernes (Par. I8I6, Montpel. 1818); Lilienthal, Die jiidischen 
Aerzte, eine Inaugural Dissert. (Miinch. 1838); Israels, Tent. Hist. 
Med. ex Talm. De Gynseol. &c. (Lugd. 1845); Cohn, De Med. 
Talmud. (Vratisl. 1846) ; G. Brecher's long-promised comprehensive 
work of the medical parts of the Talmud and Midrash — of which 
Das Transcendentale, &c. (Wien, 1850), is a prehminary part. The 
work D''21 TM^D on this subject is known only from the Add. to 
Buxt. Bibl. (according to Jacob Romano?), and Sabbat, (conf. Israels, 



NOTES TO § 5. ^ 277 

1. 1. pp. 8. 29. ; the book on the Hundred Maladies of the In- 
dian Tanfestal in A. Sprenger, De Orig. Med. Arab. [Lugd. 1840], 
p. 14.; Miah Kitab of Abu Sahl in Amoreux, Essai, &c. p. 14?.; 
and Wustenfeld, Gesch. der Arab., Aerzte, § 118. 1.). On Carmoly's 
work see § 22. Whether Sprengel's Jong-promised work on Hebrew 
medicine has ever been published, is not known to the waiter. The 
earliest record of Jewish medicine is the niXIDI "ISD (cf. n1^51S-| h^ s'pnD 
[tabula] Talmud Jer. Pesachim, chap. 9-) of King Solomon, said to 
have been set aside by King Hezekiah, and to refer to Sabaism (contra, 
Dukes, Blumenl. p. 29-), see the author's Fremdsprachl. Elemente, 
p. 10. n. 20.; conf. Moreh, iii. c. 37. p. 259v ed. Scheyer ; Joseph 
Ibn Aknin's Comra. on Cantic. (Ersch, s. ii. vol. xxxi. p. 53. n. 60.) ; 
A!lemanno, pL^'^^ "iV^^, p. 17. (conf. Carm. p. 5.) ; S. Sachs, 
n^nnn, p. S2., cf. Jalkut Reubeni, f. 25 a.). Of the Physicians in 
the Talmud, Abbaja, Samuel at Babylon (see n. 32.), and Theodos in 
Palestine (contra, Carmoly, see Geig. Zeitschr. v. 462. ; conf. Zion, iii. 
p. 16.); and besides these, MoschioxX (perhaps a.d. 117 — 138) is 
worth mentioning, as a translator of Jewish writings into Latin. See 
Bergsohn, Lit. bl. iv. 86. sq., and the Magazine for the History of 
Medicine, Janus, 1853, p. 657. 

27 Conf. Franck, Kabbala, Germ, transl. by Jellinek, p. 58., with 
Sachs, Rel. Poes. p. 230., Reifraann, Pesher dabar, ii. Q. sq. (uncriti- 
cally used, Lit. bl. viii. 40.). 

28 Beer, Lit. bl. viii. 311. Sure, 73. v. 20. of the Koran, seems to 
be a treatise against the three watches of the night (ni1170C'i<) : see 
the author's Fremdsprachl. Elemente, p. 18. n. 38 b., and § 21. n. 4. 

2^^ The author's treatise, Orientalische Ansichten iiber Sonnen-und- 
mondfinst. in the Magaz. f. die Lit. d. Auslands, 1845, no. 80. 

30 On the contrary opinion see Israeli, Jesod Olam, iv. cap. 6. ed. 
Goldberg; conf, Sloni.mski, Ker. Chem. v. 104. (Jesod ha-lbbur, 
p. 33) ; Rapoport, Ker. Chem. vi. 186., vii. 255. 264. sq. ; conf. Jost, 
iv. 197. Anh. p. 253., and inf. § 21. nn. 9. 17. On the Christian calcu- 
lation of Easter, see the author's refutation of Ideler in HJITl, p. 29. ; 
see § 21. n. 15. 

^1 Rapoport's letter to Slonimski (quoted § 4. n. 38). There are 
other astronomers in the Talmud, e. g. R. Chijja, Simon, Zeira the 
father of Simlai, Johanan, Nachman, Raba, and others (see follow- 
ing note). 

31^ Not '^Hajarchi," '"''the lunatic," as Ideler (Handb. d. Chron. i. 
574.) erroneously calls him. The derivation " of Orchon " is proposed 
by Lebrecht in the Allg. Zeit. des Judenth. 1849, P- 657; cf. Lit. bl. 
1850, p. 398. where Fiirst claims the priority over Bohmer. 

32 Slonimski (n^lTl p. 4. n. 4.) explains "linyn TlD as congregation held 
for intercalation; but see n. 102. Cod. Vat. 285. 11. (conf. Wolf, i. 
2130.) begins with a sentence of Samuel's (see n. 26.) on blood-letting, 
which even Assemani has grossly misunderstood. In a Machsor MS. of 
1426 a short piece inscribed HTpn pjy (of blood-letting) begins in the 
same manner. The same is probably the case with the Cod. Vat. 387. 
(Boraita of Samuel), see inf. § 21. n. 12. 

33 Conf. sup. § 4. 28. Different views upon this subject are quoted by 
the author, Catal. p. 2032. (conf. n. 6I.). The Orientals are generally 

T 3 



278 NOTES TO § 5, 

fond of' combinations of numbers ; see Hammer, Wien. Jahrb. vol. 
cxiii. p. 11. 

34 The precept of the N. T., '' Render unto God the things that 
are God's/' %ic., is properly a Halacha precept of this description. 

^•^ Hammer (Wien. Jahrb. cxiii. 1. sq.) goes too far, if he removes 
all imperatives from Gnomonics to Ethics ; in the Ethical Haggada no 
such distinction can in general be carried out. 

3-5^ See the author's article on the history of Hebrew Poetry in 
Frankl. Zeitsch. iii. 405, ; conf. Delitzsch, zur Gesch. d. Heb. Foes, 
p. 135. Lit, bl. viii. 394. 

S6 Chald. ^hn'D, Arab. J^t^, See, see Dukes, Rabbinische Blu- 
menlese, Leipz. 1844, p. 6. (His Zur k abb. Spruchkunde, Wien, 1851, 
is an appendix to it); Hammer, 1. c. pp. 3. 18. 46.; conf. DeUtzsch, 
1. c. p. 32., where the Indian (.'') Juda and his son Samuel are 
noticed, see n. 54. 

37 Hofer, Blatt. f. lit. Unt. 1844, p. 387; conf. Dukes, 1. c, 
pp. 5. 12. 

38 Dukes, p. 48.; also his Introd. to Proverbs (in Cahen's Hebr. and 
French Bible, Paris, 1847), p. 25. 

39 Conf. Dukes, p. 10. In the Palestine Talmud there is an entire 
Greek proverb untranslated, of course in Hebrew letters, see Lit. bl. 
viii. 330. 

40 Proverbs of *^^ Corporations " (Dukes, p. 11., eonf. p. 41.) are, 
however, not a scientific category. 

41 Dukes, p. 18.; Hammer, pp. 3. 5. 46, 

^^2 Geiger ("^Was hat Muhammed," &c., p. 92.) has pointed out 
some sentiments from the Talmud in the Koran, but not all ; see for 
instance the author's '^' Miscelle " in Zeitsch. d. m. Gesell. vi. 538. n. 5.y 
where a varia lectio in the Koran is decided by reference to the Rabbi- 
nical source. In the Sunne, see nos. 215. 491. 593. 651. (in Ham- 
mer's collection in Fundgr, des Orients) &c. ; conf. also Herbelot, art. 
Hadith. On the N. T., Menschen has already collected the most impor- 
tant points; see also Zipser's " Krit. Untersuchung '' (Lit. bl. viii. 733. 
sq.). Parallels from various literatures in Dukes, Introd. p. 48. n. 18. 

43 Examples in Dukes, pp. 13. l6, sq., and in the author's '' Manna," 
Berlin, 1847, p. 94. sq.; conf. also inf. § 20. n. 18, 

44 Only writings arranged in parallelism, like Sirach, use Biblical 
phraseology (conf. Dukes, pp. 43. 35.). The funeral orations also in 
the Talmud adopt parallelisms and Bibhcal phrases ; against Dukes 
p. 253., see p. 256. n. 4. 

45 Dukes, p. 44. 

46 Conf. Weil, Muhammed, pp. xix. 47- 408., and his Einl. in d. 
Koran, p. 4. 

47 Hammer, 1. c. p. 7- ; e. g. Prov. i. 1. in Hammer, p. 47. conf. 
Fundgr. No, 33. The prayer (ib. 110. 673.) consists also of Biblical 
passages. 

48 Freytag, Prov. Arab. iii. no. 3265. (Decalogue!) 1904. 2314. 
2810. 2815. 1886. 29O9. as also 522. II6O., the oniy sources for which 
known to Hammer (p. 41.) are the Gospels! Parallels in other lan- 
guages are to be found in Dukes, Introd. to the Proverb. Salom. pp. 17. 
22.; Lit. bl. viii. 518. n. 10. 



NOTES TO § 5. 279 

^^ Dukes, zur Kenntn. der rel. Poesie, p. 114. sq., Blumenl. pp. 7. 44. 
conf. p. 10. Hammer (p. 46.) compares the ^^A^'x:], but to this artificial 
form, as also to ..^^V, Hebrew parallels are first found in later pro- 
ductions ; see § 18. n. 60. On the Biblical phraseology in the Talmud 
conf. J. Weisse^ Introd. to Jedaja Penini, p. xix. 

50 Dukes, p. 49. 

51 Id. p. 17. 

52 According to this, Sachs' views (Rel. Poes. p. 333,) must be 
modified. 

53 Conf. Dukes, p. I6. Trivial and obscene proverbs (as e. g. 
Freytag, 111. 354.) are not found liere. 

5^ References in Zunz, p. 100.; Dukes, Annalen, i. 100. sq. 
(Blumenl. pp. 7. H-)' whence Landsberger, Fabulse aliquot Aram., 
Pref. p. 9- sq. The fables edited by Landsberger (DIDIDT riTlT'D) are 
considered by Jellinck (Leipz. Repert. 1846, part. 32. p. 211.) to have 
been translated in Syria from the Greek at the latest (?) in the sixth 
century, and perhaps used by the composer of the Arab. Lokman. But 
the recent composition of the latter leaves a large margin ; and the 
Jewish origin of the Aramaic fables has not yet been proved from the 
fact that they occur in an Oriental MS. in Hebrew characters. Lands- 
berger's further communications (Lit. bl. 1849) contain some erro- 
neous statements (lb. p. 7O0' 

54 2. Stein (Kohelet, pp. vi. xii.) suggests '^ stories [told] to the 
washers" (conf. Synh. 38. b.); on the improbable emendation D''2D1D ''Tt^D 
" Proverbs of the stars" see Lit. bl. xi. 6l3). Of the works n'pin p 
and r\:V^ p see Wolf, i. p. 932.; Delitzsch, p. 32. (sup. n. 38.); Lit. bl. 
iv. 250., conf. § 20. n. 32. 

55 Rapop. Lit. bl. i. 37- sq. The explanation given by Reifmann 
(Pesher dabar) is absurd. 

56 On what follows see also Dukes, Blumenl. p. 23. sq. 

57 The author has refuted Dukes' supposition of a third Ben Sira in 
the '' Spruchbuch fiir Jud. Schulen," (Berlin, 184?) p. 102. See also 
Azaria de Rossi, chap, ii., at the beginning, and § 20. n. 20. 

58 Zunz, p. 106.; Auerbach in Busch's Jahrbuch f. Israel, i. 159. 
sq. ; Rapop. Ker. Chem. vii. I66. Also see inf. n. 68. and Lit. bl. 
x. 414. 428. Frankel, in his Monatschrift, has also tried to carry out 
under a new and pompous title (Der Lapidarstyl, &c.) the old idea (see 
Samuel ben Meir, Ker. Chem. viii. 49.) of a reference in these sentences 
to the history of their authors. 

59 A want of information in this respect occasioned the errors com- 
mitted by Uri in Cod. Bodl. Hebr. 238., conf. inf. § I9. n. 42. 

^0 But in no wise mystical, still less " with the stamp of mysti- 
fication . .- . ," as Stern (Perlen des Orients, &c. Wien, 1840, p. iii.) 
designates the sayings which he leaves untranslated. 

61 Conf. Lit. bl. vii. 823.; according to Geiger, Zeitschr. vi. 20. sq., 
it was composed from later Midrashim in Palestine ; but even in that 
case there is no reason for identifying its author with that of the Middot. 
Conf. also Catal. 1. c. in. n. 33. 

62 Conf. Allg. Zeit. d. Jud. 1842, p. 447. and Catal. p. 251. n. 
1636-7, and p. 1874. op. 23. 

T 4 



280 NOTES TO § 5. 

^^ Ven. 1598. Prag. sine an. (soon after I676), with a coramentai-y. 

^^ Zunz, p. 248. In the Talmud and older Midrash some precepts 
are ascribed to the prophet Elias (H3D, the old), so that there existed 
some older collections on this subject ; conf. the Seder Eliahu above, 
p. 32. A " Rabbi " Elias appears only in the Midrash Chasith. On 
Fiirst's preposterous hypothesis, that the author is Elia ha-Saken, 
quoted in Jellinek's not less preposterous combinations (Beitrage, ii. 
79-)? see Catal. p. 74-9. 

65 See Catal. p. 596. n. 3793., where the ed. 1802 in Dn^lD of 
Sal. Isaki is to be added. 

66 Zunz, chap. viii. The author's article Zur Sagen-und Legenden- 
kunde, in Frankel's Zeitschr. ii. 380. sq., iii. 281. sq. 

67 Fremdsprachl. Elem. p. 26. and Emendations ad loc. 
67a E.g. Baba Kama, 80. b. (Lit. bl. viii. 812.). 

68 See also the author's article on the Talmudical indices rerum, 
&c. (Serapeum, 1845), p. 295. and sup. p. I7. Among similar in- 
fluences there was developed the Arabian history of the learned ; see 
inf. § 10. n. 5.; conf. also Rapoport, Pref. to the Resp. of the Gaonim, 
f. 10 a. 

69 And indeed so early that it is taken as tradition ; see Treuenfels, 
Lit. bl. vii. 62. and inf. nn. 73. J 04. With respect to numbers, the 
author has collected some striking examples in his treatise on the 
numbers 70-73 (see above, § 2. n. 6.). The number 24000 in 
Maimonides's lOt^H n"lJJ< (p. 12. in the German of Geiger) might 
be also brought under this category. On Ibn Ezra's and Maimonides's 
views on such pseudepigraphical works see infra, § 20. n. 4. 

'^ The author's article, " Ueber das Verhaltniss der Muhammedan- 
ischen Legende zur Rabbinischen," in the Magaz. f. d. Lit. des Aus- 
landes, 1845. See p. 286. sq. (used in his usual manner by Fiirst, 
Lit. bl. xii. 290, 291.) and the author's translation of the section upon 
the Jews by Hamza el Isfahani, with annotations in Frank. Zeitschr. 
ii. p. 321. sq., 447- sq., and the illustration of a passage in the Koran 
by the author in Zeitschr. der d. m. Gesellsch. iv. 148.; and on the 
Samaritan see the author's " Manna," p. 114. 

71 Zunz, pp. 155. 282 d. 149 b. 

''^ E. g. Saadja. See Dukes, Beitrage, p. 91«^ Geig. Zeitschr. v. 
311. Conf. on the saga of the " Biirgschaft" the author's remarks in 
the Magaz. f. Lit. d. Ausl. 1845, p. 208. 

73 So e. g. on the tables of nations, see Dukes, Beitr. p. 48. sq. 
56. sq. ; and, with respect to the example of the Berber, the add. to 
the German note in the Catal. pp. I8O6. 1912. &c. 

74 References are given by Zunz, p. 11 9. sq. 

'"5 Zunz, p. 121. On the ''Roll of Susa," \m^ n^:iD (Susanna 
or Judith), see Ker. Chem. vi. 256.; Lit. bl. iii. 814. 

■^6 Zunz, p. 120. Formstecher, Relig. des Geistes, p. 285. ; conf. 
Jost, Gesch. ii. Anh. p. 58. sq. 

'^'^ Zunz, p. 137. Reifmann, Zion, ii. 6]. sq, (from whom the refer- 
ences made by Mecklenburg in Edelmann's ed., Konigsberg, 1845, are 
to be derived. See Lit. bl. vi. 659.). Landshuth, Maggid. Mereshith, 
a historical commentary on the whole Agenda, with a German essay by 
the author, has been recently published. 



NOTES TO § 5. 281 

^8 See Bloch in Geiger, Zeitschr. iv. 221.' 

79 Zunz, pp, 129. 278.; conf. Geig., Zeitschr. v. 441. 

^0 Id. p. 128.; Perhaps 1 Timothy^ iv. (conf. iv. 7^ sq.) is directed 
against writings of this kind. 

*i In the authorities for this Zunz (p. 128.) sees, with great proha- 
bility, only a metaphorical expression ; conf. also Dukes, zur Rabb. 
Spruchkunde, p. 67 ; on the correction of S. Sachs see § 22. n. 76. 

^2 Trkuenfels (Lit. bl. vii. 9- ', conf. 81. 83., and the late opinions 
about this book ; the same author in Lit. bl. xii. 270.) hastily concludes 
from Hieronymus, " apud Hebraeos," that this book was originally 
written in Hebrew (conf. also § 13. 4. 2, 3.). 

^3 Hammer on Fliigel's ed. of the Faithful Companion, &c., by 
Thaalebi, p. i. (by Muharamed himself), in Wien. Jahrb. ex. 16'., Tal- 
mud, Synhedr. 42. 

^^ Zunz, p. 140. ; according to an anonymous author in Zion, ii. 
157.5 of Christian origin. Isaac Troki also (Chissuk Emuna, i. 43.) 
ascribes the historical Apocryphal books to Christian authors. 

^5 On the Hebrew and German translations and their ed., see Cata- 
logue, p. 20t'^. It has been printed in I80I by Fihpowski in Aramaic, 
together with [Gabirol's] Choice of Pearls. 

^6 See Catal. p. 609., where Bartol. i. GSQ. and the French free 
paraphrase in Carraoly's Revue Orient, i. 181. are wanting. 

^^ E. g. that Nimrod will cause the sun to rise in the west (which, 
according to the Muharamedan legend, belongs to the signs of the last 
day) ; the quarrel between Gabriel and iSIichael, and other things of 
the same kind. (Cf. Catal. p. 6O9., by which Jellinek and Beer, in 
Monatschr. iv. 59- are to be corrected.) 

^^ Catal. p. 586. no. 3740., where Asulai sub. U'D""!, is omitted. A 
copy of the Oppenh. MS., and a different recension in a collection of 
sagas in another old Bodl. MS., were sent by the author from Oxford 
in July, 1855, to Jellinek, for his 3rd vol. of Bet ha-midrasch. 

^^ See Catal. no. 3449. sq., 3996. sq. On the m2 ]2 ^DVl n'C*V^, see 
Wolf, i. no. 951. p. 555. ; cf. Lit. bh ii. 432. (neglected ib. viii. 12.). 
The 2pV^ p ^hn^: n^^llV (id.) belongs probably to Germany ; conf. 
§ 12. n. 41. 

90 Manna, p. 101. Sabbat, bl. 1846, p. 6I. ; and generally on all 
these works see the author's Catal. sub vocibus. 

91 On this and the following '^'^ Paradise and Hell" literature, which 
is not yet exhausted, see some addidons in the author's catalogue, sub 
Mose de Leon, p. 1849*; and his further communications to Jellinek 
(see note 88.). 

9-' See Catal p. 585. 

•'3 On the two recensions, the difference between which was unknown 
even to Zunz and the editor of the Bet ha-midrasch, see Catal. p. 588. 
no. 3751. sq. A work of the same name by Asher ben Meshullam, 
with an introduction by (his brother.^) Jacob (see Reifmann, Lit. bl. v. 
481.; conf. Ker. Chem. vi. 181.), probably the Asher of Liinel, about 
A. n. 1180; perhaps a Commentary of the Pijjut of Simon ben 
Isaac } See § I9. n. 20. 

93 a See the author's Schene Hammeoroth, praef. add. to p. 11. n. 11., 
and Ker, Cliem. vi. 181. 



282 NOTES TO § 5. 

93 b L. c. cap. ix. p. 157. sq., cap. xxi. p. 402. sq. On Landaueh's 

Remains in Lit. bl. vi. vii., see inf. § 13. 

94 Franck, La Kabbale, &c._, Germ, transl. by Jellinek (Leipz. 
1844-); (conf. La Cabbale, &c., Compte-rendu par Louis Dubeux, Paris, 
1844-^ and § 14.); Gratz, Gnosticismus und Jiidenthum (Krotoschin, 
1845.) Formstecher (pp. 102.265. sq.) takes the Kabbala as the par- 
ticular, and the Talmud as the general term. 

95 The exiles, on their return thence^, brought with them the names 
of the months and angels. See Formstecher, pp. 124. 279-1 Franck, 
p. 261. 

9*^ M. Sachs, Ker. Chem. vii. 273., who is neglected by Landau in 
Frankel's Monatschr. i. 175., where Johanan ben Zakkai is supposed 
to be the first who founded real schools for secret doctrine with reference 
to Pesach. 74., Chag. 13. On the forbidden JT'JV ilDnn, see Reggie 
and Gfrorer in Geig., Zeitschr. ii. 347.? lost, iii. 146.; Briick, Zerem. 
xxiii. n. 83.; Formstecher, p. 317.; Kircheim, Zion, ii. S3. ; Hirsch- 
feld, Halach. Exegese, § 40. ; Jellinek, in the notes to Franck, pp. 206. 
209. Graz, Lit. bl. vi. 796. ; Dukes, Sprache der Mishna, p. 6. ; Szanto, 
Busch's Jahrb. vi. 244.; conf. sup. n. 25. and § 28. n. 13. ; and the 
old explanations of p*"!!!!, given by Joseph Ibn Aknin and others 
(see Ersch, s. ii. vol. xxxi. p. 51. n. 31.; cf. § 12. n. 3.) ; Lembke (Gesch. 
von Span. i. 245.) laments that heathen writings were forbidden among 
the Western Goths. 

9^" This designation itself does not admit the idea of chapters of a 
particular science. (Franck, p. 40.) 

98 ^p, 1 Chron. xiii. 6. (according to Zunz, l64, sq. ; conf. Fiirst, 
Lehrg. d. aram. Sprache, p. 50. ; but might we not read D^ ?), as in 
later times ^^\ (Wetzstein, Lit. bl. ii. 55. n. 2.) is hence probably not 

an original euphemism. The " Name of the 72 " (Letters) (l"y p Q^) 
is older than Geiger (Melo Chofnajim, p. 49.) thinks; and the number 
72 is, like 70, a sacred number among the Jews and Muhammedans. 
See the author's essay on that subject, mentioned above, § 2. n. 6. 

99 Formstecher, Beitr. zur Angelologie, &c., in Israel. Annalen, i. 
361. sq., and his Religion des Geistes, p. 124. ; conf. sup. n. 95. 

100 Maimonides, Moreh, i. 33, 34.; conf. nnJlDJ Jer. Sota, ix. 11. 
(Jefe Mareh). 

101 On his views, see Franck, pp. 35. 215 ; see inf. § 13. 

102 TiD in the Talmud does not signify this (metaphysical) mysticism, 
but everything confined to the narrow circle of the initiated, e.g. 
"Iinyn "TID (IsraeH Jesod Olam, iv. § 14. fol. 29 a.; Ker. Chem. vi. 187. j 
see sup. nn. 10. 32.). Later n^J:, nDDJ — ]))S^n, ''D^JS (-jin ?) answer 
to the Arabic ^\^\j and j^\^ (the quotation of Beresh Rabba, cap. 45., 
inBuxtorf, Lex. Chald. p. 1560., cannot be found); see Maimonides, 
Moreh, ii. 25. and the emendations and translations in Simeon Duran, 
(Keshet u-magen, f. 18. 1. 3. fr. hot., where lege pxnPS PHwS, accord- 
ing to the Cod. MS. Michael, no. 412. ; Joseph Ibn Aknin (in Ersch, 
s. ii. vol. xxxi. p. 55. n. 79.). Emanuel on Prov. i. 6. (in Dukes, In- 
trod. p. xi.), accordingly distinguishes b^D and HVf^PD. The alle- 
gorical or mystical interpretation is called IIDH 'Tl^5'•3. Arab. 1 ^. 



NOTES TO § 5. 283 

see the author's remark in Frankel's Zeitschr. ii. 112., and inf. § 17. 
n. 8. and § 13. n. 19. 

'^^ See Leon de Modena, Ari Nohem, cap. 22. The passages of the 
Talmud connected with metaphysics, magic, &c., have been very care- 
fully collected in Brecheb's Das Transcendentale, &c. See sup. n. 26. 

103 a Zunz, cap. 10. sq. 

'04 Id. 170 a.; Furst, Zion, iii. p. 3. sq. ; Dukes, Beitr. p. 49.; 
the author's compilation on Arabian names in Frankel, Zeitschr. ii. 
273., and sup. n. 69. 

105 Even the Haggada recognises a kind of (free) tradition (nilDD 

n^:in), Zunz, p. 326. 

'06 The author's Fremdsprachl. Elem. p. 10.; conf. Lit. bl. viii. 
p. 233. ; conf. Ker. Chem. vii. 280., and sup= § 4. n. 59. ; cf. Jel- 
linek (Debar. Attik.) on Levi ben Sisi, and the quotations of Jona Ibn 
Gannah in his introduction, repeated by Moses Ibn Ezra and Joseph 
Ibn Aknin (Ersch, s. ii. vol. xxxi. p. 56. n. 84.). On Notarikon see 
sup. § 4. n. 5S. So also the Chinese assert of the Book of " Great 
Wisdom," that even the particles in it have a meaning. Zeitschr. d. m. 
Gesellsch. ii. p. IO9. 

^^^ References in Zunz, p. 17 1. 

'08 According to Zunz, the vv^ord 55np''DS means in Chaldee the same 
as ^'^I'O in Hebrew (cf. Frankel's Zeitschr, ii. SSQ.). Almost at the 
same time a notice of the old MSS. of Oxford was given by the author 
in the Add. to this essay, at the end of vol. xxviii., and in his CataL 
p. 631. no. 4002., and privately to Zunz ; and by Luzzatto of his 
MS. (see Rapoport, Erech Milhn, p. I76., cf. p. I70., and Dukes, Lit. 
bl. xii. 358., on the MS. de Rossi, 26l., inscribed n"lD2n t^niD). 
The sagacious exposition of Rapoport is not free from an excess of 
sagacity ; but there are some authors whose errors are more instructive 
than the truths of others. 

'09 According to Rapoport, Ker. Chem. vii. 17.j, composed shortly 
before a. d. 781. Chap. vii. unquestionably calls eighty-four years the 
hour of a divine day, see § 21. n. 15. 

"0 [Note to '' Vajosha," p. 5?i. of text, line 9- from bottom.] On 
Midrash Vajosha and its two different recensions (formerly unknown), 
see the author's Catal p. 585. no. 3734. sq. ; cf. Cod. Vatic. 30320. 
(Paris, 2063. ?y 

In concluding this section, we may remark that a survey of all the 
Midrashim according to periods is given by Zunz, p. 304., and a short 
conspectus of those printed and mentioned in the author's Catal, is 
given there, pp. 582-3. We ought to mention here that M. Jellinek, 
a very industrious editor, had also begun the meritorious undertaking of 
gathering the smaller Midrashim into a single corpus, when the corre- 
sponding part of the author's Catalogue was already printed. But as only a 
few articles of the latter were communicated to Jellinek, he was not 
sufficiently informed about the bibliographical apparatus necessary for 
such an undertaking (e. g. on Eldad he has even neglected a notice of 
Dukes in the Litteraturblatt) ; nor was he able to purchase always the 
oldest or best editions when he began printing. We are, nevertheless, 
indebted to him for the publication of some inedita. The author here 
abstains from entering upon a criticism of his views and hypotheses. 



284 NOTES TO § 6. 



§ 6. Page 54. 

^ The investigations of this paragraph, which is closely connected 
with § 19., are founded on Rapoport's Biogr. of Kalir (see Geig. 
Zeitschr. i. 390. sq., 397') ; Zunz^, G. V. p. 366. sq., who gives a 
historical survey of the Liturgy, Some remarks and deductions by 
MoRTARA are to be found in Israel, Annal. i. 209- sq. ; Dukes, Zur 
Kenntniss der rel. Poesie, and M.Sachs, Die rel. Poesie^ p. l64. ; a 
continuous historical commentary to the prayer-book, ed. by Landshuth 
(Konigsb. 1846), (conf. Lit. bl. viii. 68. sq.) ; also for some particulars 
in the most recent controversial writings on public worship, see Geiger, 
Der Hamburger Tempelstreit (Breslau, 1842), p. I6. sq. 

2 Conf. the author's article, Frankel, Zeitschr. ii. p. 388. 

3 E. g. Sachs, p. 173. 

4 Dukes, Z. K. 137.; cf. Zunz, p. 377- note b. 

5 Berach. 29- h., conf. 33.; Sabb. 113. (conf. Lit. bl. viii. 223.); 
Geig. 1. c. p. 2 1 . 

6 E. g. instead of Zech. i. I6., the prayer of Shemona-Ezrah, 14., 
is quoted with the formula "IDi^iSJ' in Midrash Ps., see Zunz, p. 267 a- ; 
and conf. Weisse, Introd. Jedaja Penini, p. 22. 

^ Bor. derabbi Eliezer^ sup. 5 B. p. 53., conf. Zunz, pp. 281. 
377. 

^ Zunz, p. 315. On the intentional interweavings in the later arti- 
ficial style, see Lit. bl. iv. 60. n. 94.; Manna, p. 97- lin. penult. 

^ The treatise Abot (§ 5. n. 68.) was read on the Sabbath as early 
as the ninth century (Rapoport, Introd. to Resp. 9 a.). Since it was 
and is allowable to pray in any language, there might have existed 
Persian and Greek prayers, possibly also translations of the typical 
Hebrew, conf. also Geig. p. 21. 

10 In this Targum (on which see Zunz, pp. 80. 120.) Reifmann 
(Zion, i. 75.) detected the later alphabetical form (inf. § 18.). 

^^ n^an? the obligatory prayer (Maimonides, Coram, to Berach. iv. 2., 
ix. 5.), answers to the Arabic ^A^ (Sure, ii. 40., ix. 72. ; cf. v. 15. 
with respect to Jews), which form (Chald. ^5^1^^), like LZJt^j, (ex- 
pressing the alms which purify the rest of the property like the riDIID) 
as well as the thing itself, is to be deduced from Rabbinism, as will 
be further explained in the author's notes to Simon Duran's Keshet 
u-magen, f. 19 b. 

11 a Thence &^nynt^, see § I9. n. 10. 

12 See Zunz, Benjamin of Tudela, ed. Asher, ii. p. 11 6., conf. 
Frankel's Zeitschr. ii. 356. n. 2., and against Lit. bl. viii. p. I7. n. 72., 
p. 182. n. 270., see Rapoport's Introd. to Resp. Gacon. 10 b. On the 
combination of the judicial office with the functions of public worship 
C1DI |Tni |''''l) see Jer. Jeb. ix. 1., Jefe Mareh. 

13 The passage noticed by Sachs (Rel. Poes. d. Jud. 172., conf. 265.) 
certainly does not show that people remained in the synagogue the 
whole day, but only a considerable part of it. Simeon Duran (Keshet 
u-magen, I9 b.) deduces the five daily prayers of Muhammedans from 
the five prayers of the Day of Atonement. On the seven daily prayers 



NOTES TO § 7, 8. 285 

among the Sabaeans (Herbelot, Sabi, iv. 10.), and some Jewish and Mu- 
hammedan sects, see the author's Fremdsprachl. Elem. p. 180. and his 
essay Die Beschneidung des Araber, &c., (Wien, 1845) p. 27. note 
(conf. § 14. n. 10.). Museilama reduced them to the (Jewish) three; 
see Weil, Khalifen, i. p. 21. 

1^ The discussion in the Talmud, on the errors of the reciter, itself 
speaks in favour of his having recited by heart. The Aramaic ^mp 
also is possibly to be derived from " to offer, to bring in -," conf. Dukes, 
Z. K. p. 32. 



§ 7. Page 59. 

1 Jost, ix. ; Index, p. 1 4. 

2 See the author's Fremdsprachl. Elem. p. 2. and the note, Lit. bl. 
vi. 247. 

3 Delitzsch, Hebr. Poes. p. 140. Respecting the author's special 
work on the Arabic Literature of the Jews, to which he refers in the 
German essay for special points, see note to § 1. 



PERIOD IL 

§ 8. Page 60. 

' After the example of the Arabians, symbolical, rhyming, and 
metrical titles were introduced, which also, for certain kinds of writing, 
became typical. Examples would occupy too much space ; but an in- 
stance will be found in D'Israeli's Curiosities of Literature. 

2 Rapop. Introd. to Parchon, p. xiv. ; Ker. Chem. vi. 245. Com- 
pare De Rossi, Annal. Ssec. xvi. n. 57. With these Judgments the 
Muhammedan Fetwas correspond even in form ; compare, for example, 
the stereotyped phrase '•DDCi^ |D t^rT" IISEJ'i, and others of the same kind 
in the Zeitschrift der Deutsch. Morgenl. Gesellsch. i. 330. 

3 Rapoport was the first to call attention to the consequences of this 
opposition, and its effects upon the progress of Jewish literature. Not- 
withstanding many important contributions, the whole details of it are not 
yet thoroughly understood. The extensive use of Latin was a principal 
hindrance to the understanding of Christian literature in Germany 
(Zunz, Z. G. p. 181.). Conf. § 23. p. 205. It is questionable whe- 
ther Hebrew was anywhere spoken by the Jews ; the passage of Mos. 
Gikatiha, quoted by Zunz, 1. c. p. 187-, is rather doubtful. 

4 The Genealogy in Zunz, G. V. p. 36'5. ; conf. Rapoport, Ker. 
Chem. vi. 22. Il6., vii. 15. j Resp. Gaon. 12. b. ; Landauer, Lit. bl. 
vii. 45. sq., and recently Luzzatto, II Giudaismo, i. 30. 

^ To the important subject of the chronology of the learned men of 



286 NOTES TO § 8. 

the 10th century, the present time has contributed some valuable re- 
sults, but also many superficial and hypercritical suggestions. The autho- 
rities are given by S. Cassel in Frankel's Zeitschr. ii. 226. sq._, 231. sq. ; 
also LebrechTj ib. p. 422. sq. ; S. Cassel, Histor. Versuche, p. 80. sq. 

^ Later, the word Gaon is merely a title of honour ; Chisdai Crescas 
applies it to his older contemporary Nissim. Conf. § 4. n. 65. 

'' Geiger (Lit. bl. der Israeliten, 1846, p. 134.) names as emigrants 
to Provence, Abrah. ben Chijja, Judah ben Barsillai, Tibbon, and 
Kimchi ; and to the East, Jehuda Halevi and Ibn Ezra; although with 
regard to some of them he has but slight grounds for doing so. 

^ Jourdain, Researches, &c., in the German transl. of Stahr (For- 
schungen liber Alter und Urspr. d. lat. Uebers. d. Arist. Halle, 1831), 
pp. 97. 100. 106. 215. 271.; conf. Humboldt, Kosmos, ii. 283. 

^ Charles employed Faradj ben Selam (see § 21.). Zunz (in Geiger, 
Zeitschr. iv. 189- ; conf. Lit. bl. iv. 20.) names also Peter III. (1280) ; 
see, however, § 21. n. 68. The translations into Latin by R. Isaac 
(Carmoly, Hist, de Med. p. 94. ; conf. Anal. i. 6S.) belong apparently 
to the inventions of Carmoly, since Judah Romano himself translated 
mostly from Latin, § 12. n. 9- 

^0 Innocent III. complained of the preference shown by Alphonso 
for Jews and Muhammedans (Jourdain, p. 146.). Concerning the 
envy entertained by Christians towards Kalonymos see Zunz, Geig. 
Zeitschr. ii. 317.; conf. Steinschneider, Lit. bl. iv. 25. 

^1 From the INIidrash itself we can, for the most part, obtain no 
definite results on this point. 

12 Concerning the decline of it see above, n. 2. Joseph ibn Megas 
still prefers it for Talmudical discussion. 

13 The Persian translation of the Bible, see § 16. n. 10. ; ^X^Jl HVp 
apparently of the 12th century ; see Munk, Not. sur Saadja, &c., 
p. 87. ; compare Herbelot, Odhmat. (iii. 688.). On a medical work 
of Abi Saad see § 22. n. 19' A Persian elegy (riJ''p) in Munk, 1. 
c. p= 68. (conf. Lit. bl. vi. 6I9.). 

1^ See the authorities quoted in Steinschneider's Fremdsprachl. 
Elem. 1845, p. 27.; conf. Geig. Melo Chofn, 92. Goldenthal (Zion, 
iii. p. 2.) considers Abrah. ben Chijja as the founder of the Hebrew 
scientific style ; but Ibn Ezra (born in 1093) and the Karaite Jehuda 
Hedessi about 1140 (§ 14. n. 24.) are his scarcely younger contempo- 
raries. Dr. Goldenthal has recently published (originally in the Memoir 
of the Academy of Vienna) a specimen of a Lexicon of this branch of 
literature, professing himself to be the first who had given attention to 
the subject ; his assertion (which he proves, p. 423., by a fragmentary 
quotation from Lit. bl. iii. 823., without mentioning, however, that 
this very quotation belongs to an older essay of some length on the 
same subject) has been repeated in nearly all the journals, except the 
Litteraturbl. (xi. 419.), whose editor remarks that Goldenthal has omit- 
ted to give an account of his predecessors, and names them. 

15 We can here name only a treatise by Zunz (zur Gesch. 230. sq, ; 
conf. 206. sq.). Even M. Wiener, who knows the value of his autho- 
rities, believes (in Frankel, Monatschr. 1854, p. 118.) the pretended 
date, 157, on a tombstone in Cologne, to be a. 397 •' Cf. Zunz, zur 
Gesch. 394. 570. 



NOTES TO § 9. ' 287 



§ 9. Page 67. 

[The further history of the Halacha has, as yet, been scarcely 
treated at all independently, on which account this section demands 
the special indulgence of the reader. Notices in Rapopoet, Chananel, 
n. 30.; Geiger, Zeitschr. i. 22. sq. ; and Bkuck (Pharis. Volkssit. p. 
15. sq.)_, who has much that is one-sided and false. Zunz (zur Gesch. 
S. 188.) gives a review of the teachers of the Law in Germany and 
France, conf. p. 192. sq,] 

^ For example Hai in the Comments on Taharot. 

2 See the author's Catal no. 7051. sq. ; conf. Maimonides (1. c. § 7. 
n.65.). 

3 Several of such by Karaites are older, see ^14. 

* Rapoport's Biogr. n. SO., conf. Geig. Zeitschr. i. 398. sq. (see 
n. 6.) j conf. Landauer (Lit. bl. vii. 3.), whose chronology must be 
received with caution, see Catal. sub no. 6677' 

^ See Catal. s. v. 

^ According to Lebrecht (Frankel^ Zeitschr. iii. 422.), he still flou- 
rished in 1050. Rapop. Biograph. n. 30., incorrectly repeated in Geig. 
Zeitschr. i. 399v conf. Ker. Chem. vii. 185. Some MS. Commentaries 
on the Talmud have been falsely attributed to him ; they are by a later 
author, Chananel ben Samuel (12th century), see S. D. Luzzatto, 
Lit. bl. 1850, p. 241. 

7 Catal. p. 1837. no. 6494. 

^ Conf. Frankel, Beweis, p. 106. 

^ Zunz, zur Gesch. p. 474. 

^0 Geig. Zeitschr. ii. 557.; Mauksch. Lit. bl. v. 155.; Zunz ad 
Benjam. p. 260., conf. Lit. bl. i. 705. In the authorities quoted in 
the German essay, Frankel (Monatschr. iv. 77-) might have found all 
that is wel] founded in his invectives against Reifmann, the recent 
biographer of Serachja, aimed indirectly against D. Cassel's critical re- 
cension, and indeed against all history of literature. 

1^ See Lebrecht, Frank. Zeitschr. iii. 430.; conf. p. 232. 

12 Geig. Zeitschr. i. 22. 

^3 Catal. s. V. The article '^'^Gerson" in the Encycl. of Ersch, by 
D. Cassel, is now in the press. 

14 Lit. bl. iv. 5. 

1^ Zunz, chap. 18., refers to Rapop. Ker. Chem. vii. 4. sq., see 
Zunz, zur Geschl. pp. 6l. 566. 

1^ Not as his immediate scholar, as the author of this essay (Lit. bl. 
iv. 5.) formerly asserted on the authority of Geiger. 

1' See Catal. p. 1853. 

18 Dernburg, Geig. Zeitschr. i. 118. 214., conf. the author's treatise 
in the Serapeura, 1845, pp. 290, 291. ; Frankel, Beweis, p. 106. sq. 

1^ Dernburg, Geig., and Zunz, Geig. Zeitschr. 212. (conf. v. 458.), 
ii. 309. 556. Zunz, zur Gesch. 74. According to Frankel (Monat- 
schrift, iv. 75.), Abraham ben David is '' the most ingenious (scharfsin- 
nigste) critic of the science (^sic) in general," and not less admirable than 
Maimonides. But we must suppose that his conception of '' science " 
is especially derived from that Talraudical dialectic which the same 



288 NOTES TO § 9. 

author has somewhere else called peculiar to Judaism ! Jomtob ben 
Abraham defended the great teacher of the Law against Abraham ben 
David and Shemtob ben Abraham Ibn Gaon (conf. § 13.). 

20 Conf. Catal. p. 196'8-9. — Concerning the influence on France, 
see n. 28. 

21 Zunz, zur Gesch. p. Sp. sq._, 188. ; conf. Beer in Frankel, Zeitschr. 
iii. 472. 476. 

22 ZunZj zur Gesch. p. 59. 

23 Id. p. 39., conf. p. 57. With regard to the determination of the 
time, conf. Zion, i. Q^., and supra, p. 90. 

24 Zunz, zur Gesch. 184., conf. Lit. bl. i. 108., iii, 686., vii. 521.; 
conf. pu in Zunz, 1. c. 518. among the Spaniards; and concerning 
other real or honorable titles, Rapop. Nissim, note 32. With respect 
to Haggadaic authors, conf. Zunz, G. V. 236. note d. 

25 Beer, 1. c. 479- 

26 Zunz (zur Gesch. 188.) draws attention to the contemporaneous 
dissensiones of the old glossators of the Roman Law, conf. Levi ben 
Abraham in yVHTl, ii. 19- For the like casuistry in Muhammedan 
rehgious practice, see Wien. Jahrb. Ixviii. p. 7, sq. 

27 See the list in Zunz, p. I92. 
. 28 Imxiz, 1. c. 160. sq. 

29 Id. p. 182. sq., conf. sup. § 4, 2. A. 

^^ See n. 20. A nilVDH 'D by his somewhat older contemporary, 
Samuel, of Falaise, see in Zuuz, p. 37. Between these, the Asharot 
(§ 19.) and the ethical writings, stands the work 7DJ^n IDX^, v. Catal. 
no. 3709. 

31 Cod. Rossi, 571. 803. 

3- Proper Liturgies, v. § I9. 

33 Catal p. 678.; Mieri, f. 41b., ed Wien., conf. § 13. n. 21. 

33a Catal. no. 5004. and Add. ad locum. 

S4 Zunz, p. 475. 

35 MS. Michael, 653. 673. 

26 Zunz, 477.:, conf. Lit. bl. i. 704. 

37 Those of the latter are published by D. Cassel (Berl. 1846), 
with the life of the author, conf. Catal. p. I29I. 

38 Conf. Frankel, der Beweis, &c. p. 11. sq., where a superficial 
bibliographical note is given. 

3^ See sup. n. I6. 

^0 Zunz, p. 120. Rossi (Cod. 140, 2. 180, 2.) calls the author 
" Gamah vel Agur." The author of this essay conjectured formerly 
that this might be the Arabic («-^l^) and the Hebrew (IIJX), both 
titles of the work (conf. § I6. nn. 30. 34. and 52.); but neither Rapoport 
(Erech Millin, p. x.) nor Dukes, in his notice of Stern (Lit. bl. xii. 357.), 
had alluded to it. The former, however, comes to nearly the same 
conclusion. Indeed the quotation yoi p^5 ^K1D2^? shows that yDJ was 
referred to the author by a person who was almost contemporaneous 
with him, but who, however, had no other authority than the ambiguous 
inscription of the work, where "11JN 'iS^IT'SI yOJ nJDJOn seems to refer 
to the first word nisn. Dukes would have done more wisely not to in- 
scribe his notice " Samuel Gama." The name Joseph ben Jehcda 
Darsham (Lit. bl. ib. p. 359.) has been neglected by Geiger, Parschan- 



NOTES TO § 10. 289 

data, p. 11. A compend. of the "Tny of the 13th century. Cod. Vat. 
Hebr.467. (in Mai. Collect.); conf. MS. Mich. 604.606. Dukes, Sprache 
der Mischna, p. 17- 

41 Asulai, ii. 66. ed. Wilna ; Lit. hi. ii. S3, sq. 



§ 10. Page 75. 

[There is no special dissertation which we can quote for the first part 
of this Section; but we recommend the Hebrew and German Anthology 
" Auswahl historischer Stiicke," &e. (by J. Zedner, Berlin, 1840).] 

1 Vide Cassel, Hist. Vers. p. 4. This seems to have, been done not 
only with reference to passages in the Bible, as in Gen. xlix. 10. ; conf. 
De Rossi, Delia vana Aspett. p. 70., Bibl. jud. Antichr. no. 47. 79., and 
the writings in Zunz on Benjamin, p. 212. — Concerning the Beni 
Musa, the author's quotation from Schahrastani's work on the sects 
(ed. Cureton, p. I68.) has been repeated by the editor of the ^^"non n''3, 
ii. p. xxviii. (see following note), conf. Sacy, Christ. Arab. i. p. 360. sq. ; 
Lit. bl. vi. 140. 

2a Concerning the three different recensions of Eldad, see Catal. p. 
923. The falsifications of Carmoly have recently found an advocate 
(a writer in Frankel's Monatschr. iv. IO6.), who is himself no judge 
of forgeries by so great a master, and has so little critical acuteness, 
that he denies that Ibn Caspi wrote an exposition of Ibn Ezra's 
*' Secrets," notwithstanding that the author of this essay has enumerated 
so many MSS. of it still extant ! See § 12. n. 31. 

3 Vide § 14. n. 6. 

4 For example, Maimonides (upon which see the author's remarks, 
Frank. Zeitschr. iii. 280., and see § 13. n. 26 a.), Ibn Ezra, Zion, ii. 
154. ; conf. Zunz, G. V. 140. 

^ The Arabian history of learned men also took its rise chiefly from 
the Sunna and from practical interests, as, for example, appears from 
the writings of the teachers named in Wiistenfeld's Akad. der Araber. 

6 Completely and critically edited by Luzzatto, 1839. Conf. Zunz, 
G.V. 361. ; Dukes, Beitr. p. 1. Concerning the edition of Joseph Tob- 
Elem, see Rapop. Resp. Gaon, § 6. On a work under that title by 
Joseph ha-Levi, according to the very suspicious authority of Carmoly 
existing in Cod. Paris, a. f. 285._, conf. the author's Catalogue, p. 1549,, 
and Lit. bl. xii. 455. 

7 Zunz, Notes to Benjamin p. 245. 

8 Concerning the new edition of Goldberg, see Rapop. Resp. Gaon. 
10 a. sq. A historical work by Jacob ben Nissim was not in existence 
(see Catal. p. 1117-)^ ^^^ ^^^ expresses in his ''Clavis" his intention to 

•compose a work on the chain of tradition. 

9 It is worthy of remark in relation to this subject, that the Karaites 
completed their genealogy from the Seder Olam suta (see n. I6.) ; 
conf. also Rapop. Resp. Gaon. 10 a. 

10 Zedner, 1. c. p. 50. Concerning the last chapter in Josippon, 
attributed to him by Rapop., see Catal. p. 1548. 

>i H. Michael, apud Zunz, ziir Gesch. l63., conf. Catal. p. 21 62, 
Upon an anonymous author (I29O.) see Zunz, p. I66. 

u 



290 NOTES TO § 10. 

12 Zunz, zur Gesch. 478. 

1^ Published by Ben- Jacob (Leipz. 1846'). The name Aaron ben 
Abraham rests^ indeed, upon only the rather doubtful authority of 
Carmoly. 

1"* Catal. p. 14S5. ; and see supra, § 5. note I?. 

15 See § 4. n. 47- 

^6 Zunz, ad Benjamin^ p. 6. j conf. Zedner, p. 93. n. 5. ; Lit. bl. 
vi. 7S9. 

1' Catal. p. 1548. Concerning some translations of Josippon, conf. 
Ewald, Zeitschr. d. Deutsch. Morg. Gesellsch. i. 338., and n. 18. 

1^ A mistake of the author in Frankel, Zeitschr. ii. 327.^ has been 
corrected (but only half the correction printed) ib. p. 448. Graetz, 
however (Frankel, Monatschr. iii. 315.), implies that the Arabic 
version is older than, and even a source for, Josippon. But it should 
be observed that Graetz had only a short time previously (Novemb. 
1853) received notice, in a private communication from the author, of 
the existence of that Arabic version extant in print and in some MSS., 
which do not agree together, and which require more profound study 
and judgment than has been shown by that author in other subjects of 
this kind ; conf. sup. § 5. n. 17-:, see Catal. s. v. Sacharja ben Said. 

1^ Catal.no. 3581. It is worth mentioning that the Hebrew was 
originally printed in l625, contrary to the wish of the Rabbles of Venice, 
and not until the celebrated Jehuda de Modena had purified the MS. 
from some passages which he thought too strange, and which he con- 
sidered to be "^lies" {sic); vide Ari Nohem, p. 60. 

20 Delitzsch, Hebr. Poes. 80. 122.; canf. Wolf, i. p. l65. n. 1051. 
Conf. the Hebr. journal Zion, ii. 104. note 

21 Adler, Annal. i. 91- sq. ; Kirchheim, Lit. bl. vi. 737.; conf. 
§ 29. n. 37.; Catal. p. g6S. Jellinek, who pubHshed in 1854 the 
account of Eliezer ben Nathan, did not notice the contradiction in 
Joseph Cohen, who must have confused the two authors named in the 
text ; conf. also Kerem Chemed, ix. 49. 

21a Catal. p. 1228. 

2^2 Whether the letter printed this year at the end of Ibn Verga, ed. 
Hanover, from the pretended MS. of Carmoly, is not simply a fabri- 
cation of the latter from Gedalja Ibn Jahja, we have no means of 
deciding ; the preliminary remarks by the owner of the MS. contain a 
curious blunder with respect to Jehuda ben Asher, and a superfluous 
proof that Chisdai was still alive in 1391. See §§ 12. and 15. 

23 Ersch, Encykl. vol. ii. p. 31. s. v. 

^a xhis account is quoted by Moses Ibn Ezra and Joseph Ibn 
Aknin (see Ersch, Encykl. sect. ii. vol. 31. s v.), and is, perhaps, the 
n^i^DD (l^g. n'pXDtO of Mazliah quoted by the author of the twelfth 
century mentioned § 4. n. QQ. ; conf. also Catal. p. 2041. 

24 Israeh, Jesod Olam, iv. §14.; As. de Rossi, chap. 23. sq.; conf. 
also Kerem Chemed, v. I98. 

24 a Nissim, Lit. bl. viii. 569.; conf. Geiger, Zeitschr. vi. 107-; Abr. 
ben Chijja, Astron. § 22. at the end. Sup. page 79- read n^^^^n- 

25 See the learned treatment of this subject by Rapoport, Busch's 
Jahrbueh, iii. 258. and Erech MiUin, p. 73. (conf. Annal. ii. I60. sq.), 
by whicii Ideler, Haiidb. d. Chron. i. 350. 568., is to be corrected. 
Conf. § 21. n. 26. 



NOTES TO § 10. 291 

■2^* See Afendopolo^ Completion of Aderet Elijahu^ upon the dif- 
ferent Taarich. 

■^^ According to Jewish chronology, however, Christ died 121 years 
before the destruction of Jerusalem. See Sim. Duran, Keschet u-magen, 
f. 11 a.; see below, n. 34. Upon the alterations of the chronology of 
the LXX. for Christian purposes, see Graetz in Frankel, Monatschr. ii. 
432., iii. 121. 

27 Zunz, G. V. 114., and p. 153. the interpolation of Josippon. A 
simple reckoning by the years of the world is found, however, in Aboda 
Sara, 9. b. The Arabian accounts of Jewish chronology are worthy of 
examination; see Abu Maascher, Frankel, Zeitschr. ii. 235.; Her- 
belot, art. Cainan, ii. 72. of the Germ, transl. 

28 See sup. § 4. n. 58., § 5. n. 106. 

29 Rapop. Ker. Chem. v. 198. The abohtion of the Seleucidic 
aera is ascribed to R. David Ibn Abi Simra, Asulai, i. 7- 19- Con- 
cerning the chronological formulae used in MSS. and in printed works, 
see ZuNz, zur Gesch. p. 214. sq., and the art. Judische Typogj-aphie in 
Ersch, vol. xxviii. p. 27- 

30 Ker. Chem. v. 181. 

31 See Geig. v. 465.; against Carmoly's determination of the date 
of a Parisian M S. Bible, see § 1 6 n. 50. 

32 The Jewish authors from Sherira to Conforte (2 b.) state the 
Hegira to have occurred in the year 4374 of the world, except Cha- 
nanel, who makes it a. 4381. (See Rapop. Biogr. p. 34.) 

33 Concerning the fact that in 1381 this aera of Augustus was given 
up by the Christians, and that of the birth of Christ introduced instead, 
see Abr. Sacut, f. 133 b. ed. Cracow; cf. Zunz, Zeitschr. p. 159-; 
Geig. Zeitschr. ii 564.; Melo Chofn, 98.; Dukes, Introd. p. 47. 
n. 44. Concerning the name "IDV or ")SVN as applied to Edom and to 
Christians, see the author's Analecta in Frankel, Zeitschr. ii. 327.; and 
also Herbelot, art. Benu Asfar, L 623.; Rum. iii. 792.; Rumiali_, 
P' 794. (where also concerning isVj, conf. Zunz^ zur Gesch. p. 484.). 
Sacy (Not. et Extr. ix. 437-) derives it from Flavli ; this derivation 
has also been recently proved by another Oriental scholar who knew 
nothing of De Sacy's opinion. See the author's notice in Zeitschr. der 
Deutsch-morgenl. Zeitschr. iii. S(^3. 

^^ For example, in Meir Katzenellenbogen, quoted by Jost, viii. I96., 
the common name of the month is more frequently used, e. g., in a Re- 
sponsum of Leon Jehuda ben Solomon, dated 1 calend. (''^''^p) August. 
and 14 Mai. 278 (1518). Soon after the introduction of the aera 
nativitatis, "nascimento" (see note 33,), Prophiat Duran alludes to it 
in chap, xi, of his polemical work mentioned supra, p. 127- 

35 Conf. Zuxz's dissertation On the Geographical Literature of the 
Jews (in the 2nd vol. of Benjamin Tudel. ed. London and Berlin, 1841, 
p. 230, sq.), p. 310.; and the author's Fremdsprachl. Elem. p. 17. sq. 

36 The belief in m^^nO 'piJ^J appears already in Jerusch. Kilajim, 
ix. 7.; conf. Ketub. 112.; Lit. bl. ii. 422. n. 40., iv. 297.; Zunz, 
Benj. p. 3C9.; and see Wolf, i. p. 268. 

3'^ They should not, however, have been employed as they were by 
Leon de Laborde, concerning whose plagiarisms from Zunz's treatise 
see Deutsche Jahib. 1842, p.- 259.; Archives Israel, 1843, p. 56. sq. 

u 2 



292 NOTES TO § 11. 

On the geography of Palestine from Jewish sources Zunz himself 
contributed somewhat in his extracts from Esthori ha-Parchi^ Benj. 
p. 393. sq. Some other valuable contributions are given in S. Munk's 
Palestine, 1841 (a part of L'Univers), which is, however, less de- 
rived from Jewish sources. Schwarz, in his Hebrew Works (since 
1845 also translated into German by his brother), has the advantage of 
Talmudical knowledge and of a residence in Palestine ; but a little 
more modesty would better become a person so deficient in general 
knowledge. The geographical part of Rapoport's Talmudical Lex- 
icon Rerum (Erech Millin, 1852) has been attacked^ although not 
always by those who have studied the subject. The MS. geographical 
index of the Talmud which was used by S. Cassel (Ersch^ vol. xxvii. 
p. 27. n. 2., it ought to have been quoted also p. 18(S.) was made 
by B. PoRGES, director at Prossnitz (see Lit. bl. vi. 130.), who is still 
employed in extending it to Midrash^ &c. 

38 Ziinz, 1. c. p. 312. 

39 See § 15. n. I6. 

^° The German text had numbers in brackets referring to Zunz's 
above (n. 35.) mentioned treatise ; but this essay being chronologically 
arranged and furnished with an index of authors, it was thought super- 
fluous to introduce them here. 

^^ Vide sup. n. 2. 

^2 Ed. Asher (Berlin, 1841); see the author's article Lit. bl. ii. 
395, sq. ; S. Cassel, Hist. Vers. p. 1 , sq. The researches published re- 
cently by Carmoly are probably a reprint of the Revue orientale, the 
plagiarisms and forgeries of which are exposed by Geiger, Zeitschr. v. 
469. sq. ; but the author has not had an opportunity of seeing them. 

-^^ a [P. 82. 1. 3., where the reference is omitted.] See Catal. p. 1778. 
sub Moses Aschkenasi of Crete. 

^'^ Concerning Carmoly's forgery of a book, Actan (!) of Jacob de 
Nemez, and the probable introduction of its title into an Oxford MS., 
see Ersch, vol. xxxi. p. 59* n. 12. 

44 See Catal p. 1405. n. 5845. cf. n. 3926.; conf. Humboldt, 
Kosraos, ii. 292. 

45 Maltebrun and Depping in Zunz, p. 265. (whence in Carmoly, 
Hist, de Med. p. 124.), conf. § 21. n, 58. We may here mention that 
Columbus put ashore the baptized Jew Louis de Torres because he 
possessed some knowledge of Hebrew, Chaldaic, and Arabic ; see 
Humboldt, Kosmos, ii. 462. 



§ 11. Page 82. 

^ Whether they were reduced to a regular system is not yet as- 
certained ; conf. § 15. On the term Epicurean as used in the Talmud, 
see the author's Fremdspr. Elem. p. 22. 

2 Frankel's Zeitschr. iii. 404. sq. 

3 Geig. Zeitschr. i. 399- v. 85. sq. ; Melo Chofnajim, p. 57- note 
(conf. also Alfasi in Geig. 1. c. v. 112.). The main authorities for 
the subsequent text, as far as Hebrew writings are concerned, were 



NOTES TO § 11. 293 

originally the essays of Rapoport (Kerem Chern. v. 2. sq.) and 
Geiger (Zeitschr, v. 82. sq.), and some independent disquisitions ; the 
author has also used for his revision some MSS. previously unknown, 
see p. 86. 

4 Jourdain, 1. c. 10(5. 204., conf. 192. 201. The title " Be Physica 
perfecta " is a plain misunderstanding. The author has given only a list 
of Johannes' works in his Catalogue, p. 1702-5., but is now in posses- 
sion of some supplementary matter. — a. d. 1224, Alnasar also caused all 
philosophical books to be burnt (Abulfeda in Sprengel, Gesch. d. Med. 
ed. i. vol. ii. 271.). 

^ On the other hand, however, many Arabians are set down as 
Jews, e. g. Ali ben Radjal, Chalid ben Jasiki (Jesid), Cha- 
NANJA (Honein) ben Ishak (who professes to have translated from 
the Hebrew) and his son Ishak (see § 21. n. 38.), Ishak ben Am- 
RAN, and JosuA ben Nun (by Carmoly), El-kindi, Abu Naim (by 
Casiri), the family Ibn Zohr, and others ; as also Costa ben Luka 
(mentioned as Lucas ben Costa in Grasse, Allg. Literargesch. ii. 2. 
P' 99^'^-^' The strange name of Pharao Jud^us, translator of the 
Gospels (in Hottinger and Le-Long, quoted in Wolfius, i. p. 995.), is 
certainly a corruption of the name of a well-known Christian author, 
frequently quoted by the same learned men, viz. Abulfaragius Bar- 
Hebrseus, the son of a Jew. Wolf and others have fallen into mistakes 
of this kind, especially through the circumstance of Arabic works being 
written by Jewish students in Hebrew letters. In the recent Catalogue 
of the Vienna MSS. (no. 149-), this has been noticed as "^ remarkable " 
in an Arabic work of Maimonides ; while it is well known that the 
Arabic writings of the Jews were nearly all written in Hebrew cha- 
racters. 

6 See Ritter, Getting. Gel. Anzeig. 1847, P- 604. sq. 

"^ The Sefer hammada ; a later compendium of which in the 
Arabic language, translated by Isak ben Nat an, has been edited by 
the author, together with three astronomical responsa of Abraham 
Ibn Ezra, under the title "■ Schene hammeoroth,'' &c. (Berl. 1847). 

^ See the author's remarks in Frankel, Zeitschr. ii. 112. n. 17.; 
conf. Aaron ben Elia, Keter Tora (Lit. bl. i. 534.), Hedessi, Alphab. 
168. 174., and see § 17. note 9., Geig. Zeitschr. v. 94. 293. 

^ Maimonides' (?) Letter to his Son, f. 2. b. (Amst.) (Zunz, zur 
Gesch. 199')^ Abraham ben David in Geig. v. 92.; conf. Palquera in 
Minchot Kenaot, p. 183. j Ker. Chem. v. 8. 18. Abraham Maimonides 
(Epistle, f. 12. 31., ed. Hanov.) thinks that the opponents in Mont- 
peUier, as regards their sensualism, differed but little from Christians. 
Conf. also the verses of En-Vidas Meshullam ben Solosion (^CataL 
p. 1751., ha-Paht, p. 48.), and Cod. Munchen, 239. d. 

10 Conf. Geig. Zeitschr. v. 111. 113., conf. 101. On the symbolical 
interpretation of Abraham and Sara Ibn, as form and matter, conf. N. 
Roschd's Short Logic (in Hebrew by Jacob ben Machir, called Pro- 
phiatTibbon [as it should be printed p. 92., cf. n. 24.], ob. cir. 1307), 
ed. Riva, 48. b., where the latter figure as man and wife ; and cf. 
Narboni, Comm. Moreh, ii. 30. (cf. 406.), and i. 72. (Adam and Eve) 
and i. I7. ; Shemtob Shafrut, Pardes, f. 76.; cf. also Emanuel's 
riddle on the uXr/ (cf. Noblot Chochma, f. 64. b.), David de Rocca, 

u 3 



294 NOTES TO § 11. 

U"li< niDT (see Catal. p. 1958.). Jehuda ben Mos. Romano (ad 
Genes, i.) says^ that some recent exegetists, whom he would not mention 
by name, explain the first chapters of Genesis according to the theory of 
the eternity of matter (niDHp). The book of Proverbs was also explained 
in a similar way as early as 1247 by Jehuda ben Salomo Cohen ; 
but on the other hand Joseph Caspi opposes this, although he himself 
considers the history of Cain and Abel to be a mere allegory, making 
the pun pnn 7'2n ''^ (see Ersch, Encykl. s. v. vol. xxxi. p. 66.). 
ScHEMABJA of Crete called his work on Matter and Form " The Union 
of Man and Wife.'* 

^^ Plow far actual transgression of the Ceremonial Law was associated 
with it (Geig. Zeitschr. v. 101. 106. 115., conf. ii. 125.) requires farther 
investigation. Allusions made by Shemtob Palquera (niD''1), Isaac 
Sahula, (pref.), and Joseph Caspi (Testam. chap, xi.) may partly allude 
to converts. 

'2 See the author's essay. Lit. bl. iv. 24. The position and im- 
portance of Provence were first shown by Zunz (see the references given 
in Zunz, zur Gesch. 481. n. f.). 

^^ The oldest known by name are Isaac ben Reuben, who trans- 
lated a Halacha Avork of Hai Gaon in 1078, and Moses Chiquitilla 
translator of the grammatical writings of Chajug (§ l6.). 

''* From the introduction (in Delitzsch, Catal. p. 306.) the author 
concludes that the revision was made later at Naples. To Anatoli is 
referred the citation in Jourdain, p. 175., from which are to be deduced 
the date of the famous letter of Frederick II. (conf. Humboldt, Kosmos, 
ii. 448.), and the identity of Michael Scot with Michael in the Malmad 
MS. (see the author's essay in nT'Tl, p. 31.), as also that of the works 
there mentioned with the middle commentaries of Averroes. 

^^ Zunz, zur Gesch. p. 85. 

16 Catal. pp. 1420. 1951. 

1'^ The letter printed in Ker. Chem. v. 18. contains only extracts; 
see Catal. s. v. 

18 Geig. V. 89. 97. ; Rapop. Lit. bl. vi. 739. (not mentioned in the 
reproduction of Fiirst, Lit. bl. xi. 446.) ; cf. Cod. Rossi, \66.^^ incor- 
rectly reproduced by Deutsch, Catal. p. 82. ; on Samuel ben Nissim 
at Haleb, see Catal. p. 1313. 

1^ Zunz, zur Gesch. S5. On Daniel ben Saadja, the Babylonian 
(i. e. of Bagdad), see the author's Additt. to Uri, n. 225. 

20 Catal. p. 1440. 

^1 Ker. Chem. iii. I69. On Solomon Petit, see nnjJ mrDn f. 18. 

-2 The misconception of Geiger, Zeitschr. v. 108., has been weU 
refuted by S. Sachs, Ker, Chem. viii. 195. On the figure of the lion 
see Sprengel, Gesch. d. Medic. (1st ed.) ii. 46l. ; it is mentioned at 
the end of chapter vii, of the Hebrew translation of the pseudo- Ari- 
stotelian '' Secretum Secretorum," and in a medical extract ascribed to 
Razi, in the Michael MS. 51. f. 148 b. ; hence Jellinek's note to 
Galen's De Anima, pp. 8. 23., is to be supplied; cf. § 22. at the end. 

23 Delitzsch (Ez. Chajhn, p. 344.) sees in him the beginning of 
mysticism. 

23a Geig. 1. c. p. 114. 

24 The Jews of Provence, like those of Arabia, have generally a 



NOTES TO § 12. 295 

vernacular, besides their Jewish, name (Zunz, zur Gesch. 462.), from 
ignorance of which many errors have arisen ; cf. e. g. Catal. pp. 2112-13. 

25 A list of the men is given by Zunz. zur Gesch. 477- On Levi 
BEN Abraham see Geiger in |>lSnn, ii. 12. (and S. Sachs, 1. c. in note 
22.), from whom Carmoly has borrowed his notice in the Atheneum 
Francais ; whence it has found its way also into the Monatschrift, iv. 
122., without any reference to its real origin. 

26 Rapop. Ker. Chem. v. p. 1. Geig. (p. 122.) leaves this term 
miHoticed. 

27 Geig. pp. 108. 122. 

28 E. g. Rapoport, Ker. Chem. v. 9., vi. 1 1 0. j cf. Reggio, Thora and 
Philos., Chajes (see note to Ez. Chajim of Aaron ben Elia, p. 343.). 



§ 12. Page 94. 

[We have not found much new material, or reason for alterations, in 
the essay of Munk on Jewish Philosophers (translated from the French, 
with notes, by B. Beer, 1852), for our general sketch ; the undeniable 
merit of that essay consisting rather in notices of individuals.] 

1 On the Mutakallimun and Karaites see § 14. n. 6. ; on Mo- 
karamez, ib. n. 3. The doctrine of the Retributio brutorum is to be 
met with in Saadja (see the author's remark in Lit. bl. 1841, p. 332., 
see Frank. Zeitschr. iii. 404. n. 6,), and in Joseph the Karaite, per- 
haps (Abu Jacob) the author of the work •'"l"liD?J< (in Joseph Ibn 
Zaddik, p. 70., see Catal. p. 1571-) ; conf. Schlesinger, Einl. zu Albo, 
p. xxviii. n. 1. To this head belongs the objection of Maimonides to 
Saadja's division of the Commandments into rational (DIvDE^) and 
positive (nvyJDS^*) (conf. Ez. Chajim of Aaron ben Elia, p. vi. n. 11.). 
Saadja and Hai are probably called MutekeUimin in its peculiar 
sense by iMoses Ibn Ezra (see the author's Catal. p. 2J 83.). It is^ 
worth noticing that Saadja's psychological system is not truly Ari- 
stotelian ; see the Platonic division of the faculties pointed out by 
Munk, Notice, p. 10. (cf. p. I6. j Geiger, Zeitschr. ii. II6. ; Goldenthal, • 
Preface to Averroes, p. xvi. ; Scheyer, Psychologie, pp. 24. 66.). Also 
among the Freemasons at Bosra, the Brothers of Purity (about a. d. 
98O ; see supra, p. 98.), whose writings were attributed to the Mu'ta- 
zelites (Schmolders' Essai sur les Ecoles phil. chez les Arabes [^Par. 
1842], p. 200. see § 20. n. 23 a), Jews were probably to be found 
(Hammer, \yien. Jahrb. ii. c. 67. sq.) ; conf. also § 5. n. 25. 
Schmolders (1. c. 106.) asserts that the Jews could not be pupils of the 
Mutakallimun, since the latter, as simply orthodox (which is however 
an arbitrary assumption and untrue, see § 17- n. 7-)^ ^^^y endeavoured 
to combine philosophy with the dogmas of the Koran. But the Jews 
might have borrowed the scholastic method even from the orthodox. 

2 Gazzali is considered as the representative of scepticism among the 
Arabians. See Munk's article in the Dictionnaire des Sciences philo- 
sophiques. 

3 See Jellinek, Lit. bl. vi. 622., and the author's corrections, Frankel, 
Zeitschr. iii. I98. sq. ; cf. § 18. n. 48. and § 21. n. 1. Conf. Sahula 
(Mashal hak. 16. b.) ; Alfonso in De Castro, ii. 625,, cf. Nachmanides^ 

u 4 



296 NOTES TO § 12. 

SermoiT, p. 20. edo Jellinek, Joseph ben Eleasar on Ibn Ezra, Exod. 
xxxiv. 6. — On the expression ]Vi^r[ in the Talmud, the passages of Joseph 
Ibn Aknin, Jacob Anatoli (who is referred to by Abraham Abulafia, 
and also beyond doubt by Abraham Shalom ben Isaac ben Jehuda 
in his preface to a translation of the Logic, copied by Mr. Schorr at 
Odessa), Shemtob Palquera, Hillel ben Samuel, and Joseph Caspi, will 
be given elsewhere; cf. also Geiger, Melo Chofn, p. 411. and § 5. note 
96. " Sermoniales/' in the celebrated letter of Frederick II. (in 
Jourdain, p. 17^.), does not mean physical but logical science. David 
Mokammez (Lit. bl. viii. 620. 64?.) gives the first place to meta- 
physics, like the old Karaites (Cusari, v. 2.), as Mutekellim (see § 14. 
n. 7'); and Jeh. ben Barzillai (p. 1130.) reckons him among the 
1pnt:n ^hV2, which is not to be translated "philosophers" (Lit. bl. 
viii. 616 — 6l9«)" Grazzali thus arranges the opinions of the philo- 
sophers — logic, metaphysics, physics, — with the express remark that it 
is contrary to their own custom. Some other expressions are neither quite 
clear nor consistently used. Mokammez himself distinguishes between 
npHDH 'n and ^l)pr\ '•nDD 'n (ib.). Ibn Ezra (Shne hammeoroth, p. i.) 

distinguishes between npHDH '•EJ^JK (^^l^j-wo?) and n^^lJin 'X, which 
latter ascribe a more exalted soul to the moon. Sam. Ibn Tibbon, in 
his pref. to Deot ha-Phil. (like Isaac Aboab, Menorat, § 236.), identi- 
fies "IpriDn 'n with philosophers (conf. pref. to Abot, and Jikkawu 
hammaj, passim). Palquera and others frequently uselprtDH '•D^n for 
thinkers in general ; in Mebakkesh, f. 240., it is applied to Saadja. 
Aaron ben Elia the Karaite opposes them to the philosophers ; conf. 
§ 14. n. 7.5 § 16. n. 49. On the seven sciences as connected with 
Prov. ix. 1. see § 18. n. 49-, § 21. n. 1. 

2^ MS. Mich. 176. according to the author's emendation. Register, 
p. 350., and MS. Reggio, 44., from which the statement p. 9^..is taken. 

4 On religious differences see § 20. nn. 24 a. 25.; on the development 
of language, § 8. n. 14., conf. § 23. n. 9- The author has promised to 
treat of the character and importance of this literature of translations in 
his Judaeo-Arabic Bibliotheca, the second part of which is to comprise 
the translators and translations. 

^ Examples, besides those in p. 96., are to be found in the present 
article, e.g. § 21, 22. 

^ Even Rapoport (Resp. Gaon. 2 b. in fine) ranks him with Zadok 
and Boethos ! And yet his views, denounced by Shemtob (in Geig. 
Melo Chofn, p. 63.), do not differ from those of Gazzali (conf. S. 
Duran, Keshet u-magen, 18 b.), whose work was translated by Albalag 
and completed by Isaac Ibn Polkar (so that the date, 1307, ascribed 
to Albalag, is rather to be referred to Polkar) Gazzali probably spoke 
in the name of the philosophers ; and a similar opinion is to be found 
in Luther ! (see Strauss, Glaubenslehre, ii. 546.). But what is most 
curious is the fact that a passage of Albalag, to be found in all MSS. 
hitherto examined, recommends the reader to seek an answer to questions 
not solved by philosophy in tradition ( ilblp !), and even praises three 
Kabbalists of the end of the thirteenth century ! See the author's 
Catalogue of the Leyden Hebr. MSS., Cod. Warner, 6. But Albalag 
is not the only authdr denounced by fanatics and mystics. B. Beer 
has recently shown that even Samuel Zabza, who is said to have been 



NOTES TO § 12. 297 

burnt, is raore orthodox than his mystic calumniators. — With respect 
to the translators of Arabian philosophy, the author considers every 
general conclusion respecting the tendency and position of these men 
within the sphere of Judaism premature. All of them profess to have 
undertaken their labours for the honour and glory of the true faith ; 
and who would, without sufficient ground, accuse them of hypocrisy 
and deceit ? The question is only what every individual considered to 
be that faith. Cf. the remarkable attacks of William of Auvergne 
(ob. 1248) in Jourdain, p. 279. 

^ The author has here omitted Saadja ben David of Aden, whom, 
in the German essay be had conjectured to have written an Arabic 
commentary on Gazzali's ^^\^^ [i^, in opposition to Nicoll, p. 563., 
who denied any reference in it to Gazzali, and did not well read the 

title DIDJ^t^ nX3T ; a marginal correction reads nXTI instead of n5<2T. 
The truth is that the Oxford MS. is nothing else than the work of 
Gazzali {Catal. p. 1001.), and since the same appears in an autogi-aph 
of Saadja, it will be hardly possible for an impartial judge to acquit 
Saadja of plagiarism. About Ssaid ben Said, mentioned in the German 
note, see the author's Catalogue, p. 1114., and infra, § 21. n. 29- SQ a. 

9 See § 8. n. 9- 

10 MS. Mich. 80. (conf. Zunz, Benj. p. 9. n. 13.), emendated in 
the author's Index auctorum to the Michael Catalogue, sub voce, p. 334. 

11 MS. Mich. 766. See the author's Index, sub voce, p. 348. 

12 The author has given in his Catalogue, p. 1811., the Arabic 
name of the work translated under the title Arugat ha-Bosem, which 
Dukes supposed to be genuine. On a work cited by Bechaji see § 14. 
n. 3. 

13 Catal. p. 1897. 

14 See inf. § 13. 

14 a Zunz, G. V. p. 401., zur Gesch. l6'o., but confused in the 
index with an older author (p. 65.). On the dissemination of the 
Moreh among the Arabians see the author's pref. to Maamar hajichud, 
p. iv. Thomas Aquinas was probably acquainted with a Latin trans- 
lation quoted by the commentator Moses ben Solomon (cf. Cafal. p. 
I896.). From the estimation in which the Moreh is held by Christians 
and Muhammedans, Joseph Ibn Caspe (about 1320) makes out a 
reproach against his Jewish contemporaries, who neglected it. 

1^ In Zunz, Benj. p. 259-^ improperly classed with the geographers. 

16 Zunz, Additt. to Dehtsch's Catalogue of the MSS. at Leipsic, p. 
326.; Dukes, Lit. bl. viii. 11 6. 456. 

1'^ According to Carmoly, Annal. i. 156., a. d. 1405 ! The correct 
date is given by Biscioni (i. Cod. xxviii. g.), who nevertheless would 
identify him with Jehuda Parsi (see § 14.), mentioned by Ibn Ezra. 

18 Zunz, ad Benjamin, p. 29-^ not '' unknown " (Dukes, Lit. bl. x. 

707.). 

19 Id., zur Gesch. p. 123. 

20 Conf. Jellinek's pref. to Ben Jacob's edition (Leipsic, 1846), 
p. x. and xxi. n. 1. The date 1040 (?) in the Arabic compendium of 
a recent Karaite (Lit. bl. xii. 738.) is in itself of very little authority 
until we know the source whence it is derived. Meshullam ben 
Jacob of Lunel already wrote on Ethics j Zunz, Geig. Zeitschr. ii. 310. 



298 NOTES TO § 12. 

2^ At an early period Meshullam ben Kalonymos (Zunz, zur 
Gesch. 124.). The most prominent older commentators are named in 
the preface and partly quoted in the Commentary of Sara. Uceda ; 
conf. Geiger^ Moses ben Maimon. p. 5Q., and the author's Cafal. p. 
228. sq. One of the oldest commentaries, of which three somewhat 
discrepant MSS. are extant in the Bodleian Library, has been falsely 
ascribed to Jacob ben Samson (cf. p. 185.) by Dukes (see the author's 
Catal. p. 2033.). 

22 See the author's bibliographical note in Kerem Chemed, ix. (not 
yet published), p. 48. 

23 Conf. sup. § 5. n. 89. 

24 See the author's refutation of an unfounded attack in Ersch, 
Encykl. s. ii. vol. xxxi. p. 52. n. 56. 

25 For " 1387 " read '' before 1394." See Catal s. v. Serachja 
Jewani, 

26 Catal. s. V. 

27 Abu Sahal in Dukes, Kuntres, p. 80. ; conf. Ibn Ezra, Intfod. to 
Commentary on Pentateuch (in Kerem Chemed, viii. 6?., no reference 
to this essay is given). Saadja himself, although he speaks of being 
brief, has been blamed for his prolixity ; conf. Jacob ben Nissim (? ), 
Lit. bl. vi. 563. The same is the case with Mokammez (§ 14. n. 3.), 
KoREisH, Jeh. Chajjug, Gabirol. Abu Sahal himself (1. c. p. 73.) 
claims the merit of brevity of expression for the Arabians_, later Jewish 
writers with more justice for the Talmudists. 

28 Catal. p. 1116. The author has but recently discovered a quo- 
tation from a Pentateuch Commentary by Aaron Serjado (?) a con- 
temporary of Saadja (see Catal. p. 2159.) J he is probably the '^ Aaron 
Gaon " quoted by Ibn Ezra. Fiirst's great display of erudition with 
respect to Aaron (Lit. bl. x. 265.) is one of his usual plagiarisms from 
Zunz j as also is his notice of Chefez ben Jazliach_, to which he 
refers (1. c. p. 270.). Munk also (Notice sur Aboolwalid, p. I98.) 
refers first to the Lit. bl., with the remark '^' on peut aussi consulter une 
note de M. Zunz," &c. 

29 Zunz in Geig. Zeitschr. iv. 193. 

30 Del Medigo saw 24. ; Vide Geig., Melo Chof. 27. — On an in- 
teresting supercomm. of an uncertain author, but probably about 
1300., see Catal. p. I696. 

31 See the author's article Gatigno in Ersch, Encykl. s. i. vol. 54. 
p. 357. ; Kirchheim, w^ho spoke of this author, although not quite cor- 
rectly, in his notes to Asulai, p. 252., ought to have known that his 
double Commentary is an imitation of Caspi, who he says (Frankel 
Monatschr. 1855, p. 107- on a MS. of Carmoly) gave no explanation of 
the mysteries. 

32 Zunz, G. V. 416. sq. 422. The masc. is more used in the signi- 
fication of quaestiones J^L.^, from K^m quaestio^ investigation; so 
e. g. Alfarabi's Jj\^yil\ ,,»j-£. is translated D^^mn py (vide Index to 
Catal. Mich. p. 322.) ; the D^S^^m of J. Roshd and others are quaes- 
tiones (Jourdain, p. 104.) corresponding to m^XSJ^ {Catal. p. 1972.). 
On the history of the development of the Derashot, see also Asulai, 
Waad, 7. 17- 

33 Zunz^ G. V. 400., zur Gesch. 51 6. 



NOTES TO § 13. 299 

^^ Munk, in Isr. Annal. iii. 94. 

^•5 Catal. p. 1181. On a Commentary of Salman Zion see Zunz_, 
zur Gesch. p. l66. 

36 Dukes, Lit. bl. vii. 779- The Departicul. mnoS (<^), conf. 
Lit. bl. iii. 678., was found by the author in MS. translations from the 
Arabic. 

37 [Note to '' Al-Chalil," p. 104. line from the bottom.] See the inte- 
resting and useful notices about the .xt!' C-jI::*^ in Jewish authorities 
collected by the author in the Zeitschr. der deutsch morg. Gesellsch. 
vi. 414. 



§ 13. Page 104. 

1 Our view of the history of Kabbalistic Literature is in general the 
same as that given in Zunz's short survey (G. V. chap. ix. p. 404. sq.), 
and in Landauer's Literary Remains. The latter were not left in a form 
fitted for publication, but were arranged and perhaps altered by another 
hand ; so that they are not altogether free from contradictions (conf. vi. 
180. with vii. 125, 126.). His views are the more weighty and instruc- 
tive, because he originally commenced with opinions of an opposite cha- 
racter (see Annal. iii. 70., Lit. bl. vii. 812.), and changed them only 
after a study of the rich store of KabbaUstic literature in the Library at 
Munich. We cannot say the same of his follower Jellinek. He 
published in 1844 a German translation of Franck's work (mentioned 
§ 5. n. 94.) with notes, in which he endeavoured to remedy and correct 
the ignorance respecting Hebrew Literature and its history evinced in 
the French text (see note 4. and the analysis and refutation by Car- 
MOLY, Revue Orientale, i. 430., ii. loQ., reprinted in his Itineraires, 
1847, p. 265.). Since 1852, Jellinek has devoted some short tracts 
specially to the history of the Kabbala and its literature. These were 
reviewed in a special report by J. M. Jost (entitled Adolph Jellinek 
und die Kabbala, Leipzig, 1852, also printed in the Wiener Vier- 
teljahrschr. 1853, ii. 22., without mention of the separate edition), 
who concludes with the remark that Jellinek was the man most suited 
to develop the essence, history, &c., of the Kabbala. The author — 
considering it his duty to accompany the short references to his au- 
thorities with some hints as to how far the student may trust them — 
must in the present case briefly give his reasons why he differs from the 
opinion of Jost with respect to the validity of the arguments, and of 
the method and principles adopted by Jellinek. In his first and most 
valuable researches about Moses de Leon and the Zohar (vide supra, p. 
111.) the author ought to have begun with an analysis of the collective 
Zohar, in the same way as Zunz did with the Midrash (conf. Zeitschr. 
d. m. Gesellsch. vi. 298., and for specialities Catal. p. 1847.). As to 
the short analecta given in the Lit. bl. and published separately under 
the title Beitrage zur Geschichte der Kabbala (i. and ii.), we must 
defend the author against Jost, who complains of several omissions, as 
if a systematic history had been intended. But we must decidedly pro- 
test against the readiness with which the writer adopts the forgeries and 
defective criticism of some Hebrew authors as the basis of his opinions, 
and attributes to some older writers the frao;ments found in later 



300 NOTES TO § 13. 

authorities ; for instance, identifying, only on account of the name, the 
author Chisdai Nasi, whose existence is rather doubtful, with the 
minister of the 10th century, and attributing to him a Hebrew work, 
while no Hebrew work whatever was written at that time in Spain, to 
say nothing of the subject. But we might justify our judgment simply 
by alluding to the points wherein Jellinek himself has more than once 
altered his opinion (see instances in Catal. pp. 755. 1469. 1853. 1964.). 
We will not hold him responsible for the want of MSS. and good 
editions, but only for quoting authorities which he has evidently not 
consulted (Zunz, Add., quoted in Beitr. ii. 48., cf. p. 64. and the refu- 
tation in our Catal. pp. 2091. 2093.), and neglecting authorities like 
Wolfius (see Catal. p. 2058.). One striking instance will suffice : in 
the work, Auswahl Kabbalisticher Mystik, 1853, p. 20., he attributes a 
Commentary on Exodus to Samuel Chasid, and the passage in the 
note is taken, without mentioning it, from the old Oppenheim Catalogue 
in 4to fol. 2. ; but there we find, not ^IIDD, but ^13D , an obvious 
misprint for 13iD, i.e. the grandson of Samuel, as he might have 
found in the edition of 1828, p. 21 6.; but why not consult Zunz, 
zur Gesch. p. Ql., where all the German exegetists are mentioned ? 
And on such foundations he builds many of his conjectures, as will be 
shown in the following notes. His notices respecting some authors of 
the 13th century might have ^been more correct if he had consulted 
the notes in Carmoly's Itineraires, Bruxelles, 1847, where there is a 
larger store of correct and original information than we usually find 
in that author. With respect to Jellinek's editions and republications 
of Hebrew text, see some of the following notes. Finally, we have to 
mention a Hebrew Essay by S. D. Luzzatto, with a French titlepage : 
Dialogue sur la Kahhale et le Zohar, et sur tAntiquite de la Ponctuation, 
&c., Paris, 1852, written twenty-five years ago, cf. supra, p. 112. — The 
older Christian authors are given by Wolf, ii. p. 1243., iv. p. 742. 
Amongst recent authors we may mention Molitor ; but the present 
author does not hesitate to confess that he has not spent much time in 
reading large works, whose principal aim is to show, without any solid 
support in Hebrew literature, that Christianity was anterior to Christ. 
The Trinitarian school (n. 38.) will never lose its attraction for the 
Christian student. The author must conclude with the remark that he 
is far from claiming any authority for himself in this department ; he 
was prevented by a sudden illness in 1855 from cataloguing, as he 
proposed, the Kabbalistic MSS. at Oxford; and he only wishes to state, 
that if ever the special history of the Kabbala is to be made clear and 
evident, it can only be so by researches more profound than those hitherto 
undertaken. 

2 The 48 prophets of the Jewish tradition (Seder Olam Rabba, cap. 
21.), or 200 or more (Megilla, 14 a.), recur in the Muhammedan 
legend. Further historical vouchers and deductions cannot be given 
here. See also notes 3. and 27. 

3 The considerations shortly alluded to in the text ought to be 
treated in a special essay, as they have been unnoticed ever since this 
essay first appeared ; a striking instance will be given in § 22. n. 34. 
We will restrict this note to a short comprehensive remark connected 
with that case. Amongst the typical titles stereotyped in the mystic 



NOTES TO § 13. 301 

literature^ those taken from mystery itself are of course most frequently 
adopted by the Arabs and Jews ; and every book or quotation must be 
carefully inquired into before we identify any two of them. Thus the 
pseudo-Aristotelian Secretum Secretorum (cf. § 22. n. 84.) existed in 
Arabic certainly as early as the 8th century. At the beginning of the 
12th century, perhaps, a work, Secreta Secretorum, is quoted as con- 
taining an explanation of the Tetragrammaton (see the quotations in 
CataL p. 1851., cf. p. 338. pTIT J^T"), a part of the Zohar). Shortly 
afterwards Ibn Ezra (Exod. iii. 13., short recension), speaking of the 
name of seventy-two letters, quotes from the D''T"in 'D (7J<''T") in the 
retractation to Exod. xiv. 19.^ cf. Zunz, p. iQ^., whom our text, p. 107. 
follows), something about Oneirocriticism (cf. § 22. n. 80.). A book 
of the same title as the last is mentioned by the Karaite Salmon (about 
900-30) (cf. the German text) ; and this simple notice is made by 
Jelhnek (Bet-hamidrasch, ii. p. xxx., where most of his matter is 
taken from the Catalogue, mentioned in note 6.) the basis of identi- 
fications and irreconcilable conclusions (vol. in. p. xxxii. ; on the 
book Raziel, see inf. n. 25.) ; he neglects even the note of Dukes (Lit. 
bl. xi. 508.), who gives us to understand that nothing special is men- 
tioned in Salmon ; see § 22. n. 34. It is worth noticing that the 
fragment in Raziel, f. 34., is called in the beginning " a book of the 
hooks of mysteries " which were given to Noah. There is still extant 
a Dmn 'D in MSS. (e. g. Opp. 1075. Q.) which JelHnek (Philos. und 
Kabbala, p. 42.) justly considers to belong to the pi'actical Kabbala ; 
but he seems to suppose that no connexion subsists between this one 
and those mentioned above. Cf. also Zunz, Synag. Poesie, p. 146., 
and a book 5^2"! i<Tl mentioned in the Responsum of Hai, concerning 
which see notes 7. and 21. Some interesting discoveries in Jewish 
pseudepigraphy might perhaps be found in the Arabic work "^ Ke- 
shef," &c., or in extracts from it (Nicoll, Catal. p. 563. ; Assemani, 
Naniana i. no. xxxviii. ; conf. Herbelot, i. 440., ii. 5Q5. 808., iii. 
499., iv. 210, 211.; the author's CataL p. 2057.). AUemanno (vide 
§ 22. n. 76.) reckons thirty works of Solomon from the works of Abu 
Aflah and Apollonius, amongst them also the book Raziel. 

4 Many doctrines of the Zohar brought forward by Franck, 1. c, as 
characteristic are only an Aramaic translation of the Midrash and the 
Philosophical Writings (see e. g. the author's notes on Maimonides on 
the Unity, p. I6. n. 25. and p. 24.). Franck must here be certainly 
accused of ignorance. 

5 Conf. Jost (against Franck), Lit. bl. vi. 811. 

^ Franck (p. 84.) considers the celebrated Book of Avicenna (980- 

1036) on Oriental philosophy as lost. This very part of the ^ \y^ 

\h.L\\> also extant entire, is to be found in Hebrew characters in Cod. 
Uri, 400. ^ ; quotations are to be met with, e. g. in Samuel Ibn Tib- 
bon, Chajjim ben Israel, Mos. Narboni, &c. ; conf. Ker. Chem. viii. 
224., Schlesinger, p. 647. :, and Renau, Averroes, p. 73. (Roger Bacon). 
Rapoport admits some influence from the Szufi (conf. Zeitschr. der 
deutsch. Morgenland iJesellsch. i. 259-) on Hai Gaon (Maim. Trea- 
tise on the Unity, p. 22. note). 

7 Hagi Chalfa (ed. Fluge'l, iii. p. 584.), No. 7053. [^^\ J^), 



302 NOTES TO § 13. 

designates some Arabic works as " after the Hebrew manner." On 
the other hand the first of these works is said (sub voce, no. 1890. ii. 
p. 62.) to be "after the manner of the Copts and Arabians!" Ac- 
cording to Casiri (i. p. 402.), the Arabians had the Kabbala from the 
Jews (see § 22. n. 78.)- But Casiri (on Cod. I6l4. and 1438.) says 
also of the Muhammedan Abu Nairn, celebrated as learned in tradition 
(oh. 1039):, "^ qui ex Rabbin, genere in Persia natus plura ex fabulosis 
ridiculisque Hebraeorum Tradit. in Muhammetanorum sectam invexit;" 
and even of Bochari, "^ Unde conjici merito (!) licet Albocharaeum vel 
secta Judseum fuisse vel Rabbinorum ope absurdissima hujusmodi 
mendacia confinxisse ! " Just as the old Leipsic cataloguer said of Ali 
ben Rodhwan (Frank. Zeitschr. iii. 198. n. 6.), " Ali Ismaelita (gente 
puto, nam religione non Mohammedanus sed Judaeus fuisse videtur^ 
professione medicus, superbia Pharisaeus, &c. !" Conf. on Khaled 
ben Jesid, inf. § 21. n. 39-; on Alkendi, § 21. n. 74.; on Abdallah ben 
Masrur, § 22. n. 7l6. A work, , ^>U.sJ^ ^oj &c., is mentioned by Hag'i 
Chalfa, no. 6522. (iii. p. 477*)^ without explanation; see also § 21. 
n. 67.^ § 22. n. 76. The following are titles of older works on what 
was called afterwards practical Kabbala : "itJ^Tl (perhaps that mentioned 
in our text, p. IO7. ; a MS. under the same title in Miinchen is perhaps by 
Abraham Abulafia), HE^DT Xnin t«n"l 5^IJ^1D^K> (see Catal. p. 2010.), 
besides some fragmentary "^ bits " (? niriDDID, perhaps = jj^Uji^ .^). 
see the Responsum which is ascribed to Hai, and printed, as it seems, 
with interpolations (Catal p. 602. no. 3843.) ; cf. also Zunz, Synag. 
Poesie, p. 146., and sup n. 3. 

8 V. Minchat Kenaot, p. 185. ; conf. Geig. Mel. Chofn, p. ix. sq. 

9 Landauer, p. 213.; conf. Formstecher, p. 321. Something like 
it is to be found in the older mystics, see Sprengel, Gesch. d. Med. ii. 
137. Conf. also Zunz, Synag. Poesie, p. 145. On r\J2)p 1)^^, ex- 
plained in a philosophical way, and on its connexion with physiognomy, 
we have the interesting opinions of Saapja, Nissim, Maimonides 
(Geig. Beitr. 1 847), Hai (communicated by the author to S. Sachs, 
Ha-techia, p. 41.), and others (cf. Dukes, Lit. bl. xi. 509. and Catal. 
pp. 1027. 1974.). 

^^ The Arabians also have all kinds of writings on the form of the 
alphabet, &c., a comparison of which would be very useful. See 
Herbelot, art. Balathi, i. 564.; Lathaif, iii. 182.; Lauami, p. 179-; 
Mamun, p. 287-; Mefatih, p. 36l.; Tafhim, iv. 342. 

^1 Landauer, Lit. bl. viii. 213., considers this as Pythagorean (?\ 
Hammer (Wien. Jahrb. C. V. 139.) compares the Sefirot with the 
Persian Sipehr. For the older meaning of n"l'*SD there is a locus 
classicus in Ibn Ezra on Exod. xxx. I6., in the shorter recension com- 
pared with the larger. On the title of the book see MS. Mich. 317. 
Saadja has merely \\ c^^^^JuI'j "'which was attributed to Abra- 
ham." So likewise the dubious commentator soon after Saadja (Lit. 
bl. vi. 562.), who distinctly speaks of "arbitrary additions." Saadja's 
views on the antiquity of matter, viz. on the philosophical theory of crea- 
tion, not contained in the work of which we are speaking, are closely 
connected with those in his writings against the Karaites (see Cata.1. 
s. v.). There is no reason for giving up the views of Zunz (G. V. l64.), 



NOTES TO § 13. 303 

in favour of the uncritical objections recently made. The treatment of the 
chapter on the creation was called, in the period, of the Talmud, ni^^n 
nT* V (v. sup. § 5.) ; hence our book of Jezira divided into Halachot 
has received the name given to it by later authors (v. Jost_, Lit. bl. vii. 
811., similarly in the anonymous translation of the Emunot Wedeoth). 
It is by no means proved by this (as Jost, 1. c, assumes) that mention 
is made of our book Jezira in the Talmud. These, which are the 
principal grounds given by Franck (pp. 48. 55. and Jost) for its higher 
antiquity, rest, however, besides (according to a remark of B. Beer) on 
an introduction of the words hT'V D 2 y from a commentator on the 
Talmud ! Cf. also Reifmann, Pescher Dabar, ii. 64., where an old 
" printed edition," is mentioned, unknown to the author and perhaps a 
mistake ? Franck's proof of its ^' genuineness " (!) has no better 
foundation, ""^n , the dragon, is not Chaldee (p. 58.), but Arabic; see 
the author's article '' Orient. Ansichten, &c." in the Mag. f. d. Lit. des 
AusL 1845, p. 319. The designation " Friend of God " for Abraham 
(p. 61.) first becomes typical at a later time (see the author's collec- 
tion in the Sabbatbl. 1846, p. 79-)- ^^ ^^^ division of the letters see 
§ 16. n. 27. For a simple symbolism of names in Sar.Shaloai Gaon, 
see Rapop. Resp. Gaon. 8, b. 

^2 There exist several Hebrew MSS. bearing the name of one of the 
two authors mentioned in the text, or that of Abu Sahl [or Dunash] 
BEN Tamim (cf. JeUinek, Beth ha-midr. iii. p. xliii.) ; and Munk has 
tried to prove that the grammarian Dunash (§ I6.) is the author of at 
least one of these commentaries. The author thus concludes his 
German note : " There are probably two Hebrew translations, or the 
commentaries of the two contemporaries and countrymen have been 
fused into one." The same opinion was soon afterwards brought 
forward with more confidence by Geiger (Moses ben Maimon, p. 44.), 
but is considered very " problematical " by JeUinek, Beitrage, i. 6., who 
(p. 70.) returns to Munk's opinion. The whole transaction is shortly 
reviewed in Catal. p. Ill 6. 1244., see also p. 2032., whence it will 
be clear that we have, in all MSS. hitherto known, only different editions 
of one original work, and that the authorship of it is dubious. JeUinek, 
1. c, has given a survey of the commentators of Jezira, perhaps inde- 
pendent of this essay, since he puts (p. 8.) Jehuda ben Barzillai into 
the eleventh century, and gives (p. 75.) as an addition a remark to be 
found in the German note 29. The commentary of Jomtob ben 
Abraham (Beitr. ii. 78.) is a mistake recognisable in the authority 
Jacob Chabib, where we read '•'SI ! Jehuda ben Balam, omitted by 
the author and JeUinek, never wrote a commentary. See Catal. s. v. 

1^ The authorities for Hechalot are collected in the Catal. p. 531. 
and p. 1 465. ; the edition of JeUinek (in vol. iii., cf. Philosophie, p. 
42) is made from a copy of Goldberg from Cod. Michael, 317. 
("417" in Catal. p. 532. is a typographical error, of which JeUinek 
was perhaps not aware, since he identifies no. 3457.). The relation 
between Hechalot and Henoch is stated there ; and the author has first 
proved that Eliezeb ben Hyrcanos belongs to the heroes of Hechalot 
and that the eschatological part of his '^ Testament " is quoted in the 
older authorities {Catal. p 1849., which part was communicated to 
JeUinek before he edited vol. iii., but was not mentioned there), to 



304 . NOTES TO § 13. 

which may be added the " twenty-four secrets " erroneously ascribed to 
Nachmanides (MS. Opp. l665. Q.)- On Raziel see Catal p. 640., 
and conf. nn. 3. and 25. On Midrash Konen see Catal. p. 587. On 
"W^n see n. 7. 

14 More particulars in Zunz, G. V. p. l67. sq., and Catal. p. 519. 
From S. Sachs is taken what Fiirst gives in the Lit. bl. xi. 525. It is 
quoted by Salmon, (see Jost^ Lit. bl. vi. 814., and again in Dukes, Lit. bl. 
xi. 508., in Esthori, p. xxiv., in bnj, p. 32.); cf. Jellinek, Bet ham. 
III. p. xiv. 

15 The expression TV>2p, 7lpO signifies, in the Talmud, time of 
the '^'^ Halacha tradition " nVIOi^* (§ 4. n. 2.), subsequently, in the philo- 
sophical style of the translators, aU positive (also HJID, nnjn) or histo- 
rical, as distinguished from the a prioj'i or purely rational, matter 
{h^^'n nVD, ])'Vri IVD), according to which n^^W >^h:ip " speculative 
tradition" would be itself contradictory (hence Landaueb, Lit. bl. vi. 
195., requires much correction ; see Zunz, G. V. 402.). Theosophy 
was first characterised as traditional, although, and even because, it was 
not so, in the twelfth century ; and this argument would suffice to 
show the forgery of some tracts, or at least of their titles (see n. 18.) 
The expression JT'EJ^yD TDIp ^' practical Kabbala," is quite modern, v. 
sup. n. 7- The expression n^Spn 'hv'2 in Palquera ad Moreh, ii. 6., 
p. 87. infra, is instructive. 

16 Rapoport, Nath. n. 57., Additions, pp. 97- 99- ; Zunz, G. V, 
404 b. Can ^\^^^p-= t^no be the same as Eha ? (Conf. § 5. n. 64.) 
The whole of the twelfth century is a mythical period for the history 
of the rise of the Kabbala ; and we have not even yet any sure footing 
respecting the authorities (cf. inf. nn. I7. 21.). Kashisha is named by 
Shemtob Ibn Shemtob (cir. 1390-1400), who was a fanatic partisan 
of mysticism or rather an opponent of criticism, and consequently, if 
not himself forging, collecting whatever he met with to give authority 
to the new revelations. It is the business of scientific research not 
simply to believe his suggestions to be " old traditions " (Jellinek, 
Auswahl, p. 27., Beitr. ii. 64. ; see inf. different notes), but to inves- 
tigate his authorities. In the present case the author has discovered in 
a MS. of his own (f. 88.) the same thing as in Shemtob (f. 39 b.), only 
fuller ; the source however is said to be a " tradition of Elazar Worms 
of the academy of Mata Mehasia,"(!) &c. See Catal. p. 1321. sub 
Jehuda Chasid, where other confusions are corrected. 

i'^ The authority is an extract from Elazar Worms' Comm. on 
prayers, given by Joseph del Medico in his ambiguous apology for 
the Kabbala, f. 14 b. (cf. Shemtob, 1. c. f. 40.). According to an 
emendation of Rapop. (1. c. and Ker. Chem. vi. 23.) we read " Ahu 
Harun j" and this being a common Arabic cognomen for Moses (Fremd- 
sprachl. Elem. p. 13. n. 28., and inf. § 14. n. 19-)» ^^ niight have 
originally designated the above-mentioned R. Moses. A notice in 
Landauer^'s Remains (Lit. bl. vii. I98.) has unfortunately not been 
published. Botarel (see Catal. p. 1781.) mentions one Aaron 
Praeses, &c., whom Geiger (Melo Chofn, p. 99-) considers to be a mere 
fiction ; Fiirst, however, seems to identify him with the opponent of 
Saadja(Lit.l3l.x. 265., see § 12. n.28. — To David ben Jehuda, amongst 
others, is ascribed a work, in which Luzzato thinks he finds a know- 



NOTES TO § 13. 305 

ledge of the Zohar (cf. Jellinek, Beitr. ii. Hebr. part^ p. viii.) ; a work 
of the same title in Cod. Uri^ 318., is perhaps that of Moses de Leon. 
In a mystical exposition of the alphabet (omitted by Uri, n. 340.) the 
author quotes his Comm. on Jezira^ and calls himself in a final rhyme 
David ; it is not quite certain whether he designates '^' Jehuda Chasid " 
as his grandfather or father, but he derives his knowledge from Nach- 
manides ! The writer " Tab-jomi " is perhaps Lipmann iMuhlhausen. 
See also Catal. p. 868. It seems superfluous to prove again that the 
fragments, &c., collected by Jellinek (Beitr age, ii.) as those of Hai 
Gaon and ^' the Kabbalist-family " (lO-llth cent.) are spurious; it 
will suffice to compare the genuine answer of Hai communicated by 
the author to S. Sachs (reprinted by Jellinek elsewhere), and even the 
longer one printed under the dubious name of Hai. Jellinek's com- 
binations about Elia Babli rest on various erroneous suppositions 
(see Catal. p. 949. sub Elia Saken, and § 5. n. 64.; and the author's 
remarks on a spurious ]\IS. note belonging to the spurious Responsum 
reprinted by Jell. p. 11. and another in Shemtob, flf. 34. 47- neglected by- 
Jell. Auswahl, p. 8., which will be soon published). On Josia Babli 
see Catal. p. I949. 

^^ Conf. Formstecher, p. 321. 

^^ Conf. ^ 5. n. 102. In Ibn Ezra and Maimonides the allegory 
(iriDJ, TlD) is not yet tradition (HP^p) ; and both contend against those 
who seek only for mysteries (Ibn Ezra, Comm. in Pent., in trod, n. 4.; 
Maimon. Introd. to the Articles of Faith, and nn. 3. 8. ; Treatise on 
Resurrection, Introd. fol. 31 b. ed. Frankf.). Abraham Jarchi (on 
prayer, § 47-) quotes D''D''J2n D''1i)D. The Arabian sect of the a.^^ \^\ 
(Wien. Jahrb. ci. 25.) affords an interesting comparison with a passage 
in the Zohar (in Franck, p. 48.). 

20 Zunz, G. V. 403., conf. Landauer, p. 343. ; Jehuda ben 
Solomon Cohen (a pupil of Meir Abulafia, who was himself inclined to 
mysticism) of Toledo, in Tuscany (1247)^ is also to be noticed as a 
mediator between philosophy and mystic doctrine (conf. Serapeum, 
1852, p. 61.), and Isaac Sahula (§ 20.) as an allegorising poet and 
commentator on the Canticles (conf. Zeitschr. d. d. m. Gesellsch. vi. 
298., Catal. p. 1151.). 

2^ Abraham ben David defended Anthropomorphism against Mai- 
monides ; but the Kabbalists do not refer so much to him as to his son 
for their special doctrines. Abraham's Talmudical teacher was a pupil 
of Meshullam ben Jacob at Liinel (cf. § 11.), whose two sons were 
Jacob the Nasir, and Asheb the Ascetic (ti^"ns). The latter is to be 
distinguished from Asher ben Abraham ben David, as the name 
is quoted by the oldest known authority, Todros Abulafia (see sup. p. 
110.), mentioned by Zunz in Geig. Zeitschr. ii. 312.; the author has 
consulted a MS. of "lUHH "1^*1^?, from which the same passage is quoted by 
Hirz Treves; and the name occurs in the same form in the MSS. of his 
exposition of the thirteen attributes (which Todros calls "^a great book," 
and is probably alluded to by the general title "Iin\~I 'D, cf. Catal. p. 216?.) 
in Paris, Turin, Oxford, and tw^o in Munich, 42. and 91- Asher is a 
brother of Isaac the Blind according to Zunz, 1. c, who however remarks, 
that M. Gabbai calls him Asher ben David ben Abraham ben 
David (cf. Ghirondi, p. 45. autogr. !), so that he would be a nephew of 

X 



306 NOTES TO § 13. 

Isaac. According to Landaler (Lit. bl. vi. I96.) Asher himself calls 
Isaac his uncle. This must be known in order to understand -why 
Jellinek (Ker. Chem. viii. 159., cf. iVuswahl^ p. 14., and inf. n. 28 a.) 
gives an extract of Cod. Mun. 9I. [92.] under the latter name.— Some 
mistakes and conjectures of Jellinek, in his different writings connected 
with these authors, &c., are illustrated in Catal p. 602. 629. 678. 1074. 
(and cf. nn. 24. 28 a.). The authorities are all given by Zunz (1. c, 
where read niJIDtsH, f. 36 b., see Zar Gesch. p. 74.). — We attribute, 
indeed, little authority to all these legends about the appearance of EUa 
the prophet to Abraham ben David or his teacher Jacob Nasir ; but 
if Beer (Philos. p. 68.) believes that he can prove by the version of 
Isaac Acco (quoted already by Zunz !) that the beginning of the new 
Kabhala is to be placed before 1140, or even in the eleventh century, and 
Jellinek derives from the same source (Ausvvahl, p. 5.) '^ a. genuine 
tradition " of the chain — Jacob Nasir, Abraham Ab Bet Din (cf. 
sup. § 9' n. 33.) — we answer briefly : 1. the oldest authority is not Isaac 
Acco but Shemtob Ibn Gaon (quoted by Isaac Acco in the very passage, 
but not mentioned by Beer and Jellinek), who distinctly says that Elia 
appeared to Abraham ben David, who taught Isaac the Blind. 2. Abra- 
ham ben David died in 1198, Jacob Nasir's brother Aaron, the 
defender of Maimonides (see § 11. p. 87.), died in 1210 (or 1205, if 
the conjecture in Catal. p. I69O, is correct); and how then can Jacob 
Nasir be the teacher of Abraham ben David's father-in-law ? — Similar 
revelations are subsequently ascribed to Recanati and Chajjim Vital (see 
Abraham Jagel, Bet Jaar Libanon MS. sect. ii. cap. 3. f. 6 a). 

22 Lit. bl. vi. 215. (conf. 591.);, vii. p. 5. Jellinek returned to the 
same opinion ; see Catal. p. 524. 956., adde Jellinek, Philos. p. 42. 

-3 Landauer, Lit. bl. vi. 182. — Other titles in Zunz, G. V. 404. 
On Nechunja and the spurious literature connected with his name, 
see Catal. p. 2056. (adde Aderet, decision, 220.), and p. 2058. about 
Chachinai or Chanunai and the books nt^vS and HJp. 

2* For the complicated inquiries about Ezra and Asriel, the au- 
thorities are given in Catal. pp. 775. 973. 2092., adde Bet ha-midr. 
iii. p. xxxix. — On some authors mentioned p. 110. (and partly p. 
114.) see Catal. p. 1949. &c., on MENAHEir, see Catal. p. 1736. 

^5 Catal. p. 919. Jelhnek, who (Lit. bl. vii. 255.) had the book 
7i^''n printed from an '^'^ autograph" (!) seems now to ascribe the 
whole to Eleazar (see Bet ha-midr. iii. p. xxxii., conf. n. 3. and § 22. 
n. 34.). The relation of some of it to the works of Donolo (§ 22.) 
has been stated by Luzzatto, Lit. bl. viii. 343. (cf. llGiudaismo, i. 38.), 
and by the author (Serapeum, 1851, p. 6I.), not mentioned by S. 
Sachs TMonatschn i. 278. ; see Ker. Chem. viii. 102.) and Jell., Ker. 
Chem. 1. c. ; see also Donolo, p. v. n. 6., and vi. 

^^ Landauer, p. 213., and 3. n. 47. 

27 The false names are founded on the transposition of letters, and 
their numerical value (conf. Lit. bl. vi. 181.). For names framed 
on ''&5, conf. Zunz, G. V. p. 407. When Maimonides (v. sup. § 10. 
n, 4.) attributes to Abraham theological (but still not the book Jezira), 
and to Solomon m.athematical works (see on Maamar ha-Jichud, p. 23. 
and Kidd. hachod. I7., conf. Gans, Nechmad Wenaim, 9 b.), this 
does not refer to particular writings ; but later writings were composed 
with reference to such passages; cf. Catal. s. v. Solomon ben David. 



NOTES TO § 13. 307 

27a V. Landauer, Lit. bl. vi. 194., conf. Jell, Lit. bl. vii. I98. 

28 CataL p. 1027. On Nahshon and Nitronai, see Cato/. p. 2020. 
A work (^Alphabet) of Nahshon Gaon is quoted by Zidkia ben Abraham 
in a MS. work. 

28 a Cfl^a/. p. 836. and the Catal. of the Hebr. MSS. of Leyden on 
Cod. Warner. 24. Jellinek has made different remarks based on 
the book JVy, but he recognised too late (Bet ha-midr. iii. p. xxxix.) 
that only two pages of his edition belong to that book, and if he had 
read the Catalogue of De Rossi, whose MS. he quotes (Ausw. p. 9-)' he 
would have found that the rest of the work was in the book out of 
which he printed the fragment, &c. Isaac Cohen says that he found 
^' the book of Chammai " in the possession of only three persons in the 
whole of Provence. 

2^ Perhaps R. Ezra is the author of the Comment, on the book Jezira 
(Abulafia, Lit. bl. vii. 6Q6., Zarzah, f. 3., cf. Motot, Margal toba, 45 b., 
and Jochanan Allemanno, 7 a. 51 ! cf. S. Sachs, nJIM, p. 42. ; cf. 
Jellinek, Phil. p. 4. ix., and see sup. nn. 12. and 24.). 

20 References on particulars in Zunz, G. V. 405. sq. The Arabians 
also from similar grounds forged mystic works, and ascribed them to 
men like Farabi, Ibn Sina, Ghazali, &c. Abelard of Bath (in Jourdain, 
p. 259-) designates the same custom as one of Christian scholastics ; 
conf. § 5. n. 25. ; on the book Semiphoras ascribed to John of Barro, 
cf. Graesse. 

^^ Is this the reason for his exaggerations and inventions .f* See a 
corrected and completed list of quotations in Catal. p. 1781., and a 
striking instance of how such forgeries afterwards are introduced into 
valuable authorities, ib. p. 1713.; cf. Pasinus ad Cod. Sd>, 

32 Lit. bh vi. 225. 

^■^ On his mysticism, v. Geig. v. IO6., conf. Lit. bl. vii. 700. 

'3 a Catal p. 1536. ; Zunz, Addit. p. 317. 

34 See note 51. 

35 Catal. p. 2092-4., where the errors committed by several authors 
are corrected (cf. n. 3.). 

Page 111. [^The new statement about Joseph Chiquitilla is taken 
from a MS. of Abulafia's work now in the Bodleian library, and quoted 
in the author's Catal, p. 1462., as well as Carmoly's statement about his 
birth in 1248, which was afterwards confirmed by JelHnek, Bet ha-midr. 
iii. p. xii. and p. 41., where an extract is given from the same MS. (in 
neither place is Carmoly or the Catal. mentioned, although the leaf was 
communicated to Jellinek some time before).] 

36 On these and similar titles for Kabbalistic writings from the 
"" Glory " of the other world, see the author's work, Die Beschneidung 
der Araber, u. s. v., p. 22. n., and on Maim. Treatise on the Unity, p. 24. 

37 Vide § 8. n. 10. Nicolaus laments over the Judaizing Christians 
(Jost, vi. 315.). Jedaja ben Nahshon, who wished to be baptized 
(Land. 228.; conf. Zunz, zur Gesch. 469-), speaks of many Judaizing 
countrymen, who fasted, &c. (Ker. Chem. iv. 10.), conf. § 15. n. 18., 
and see § 13. n. 47. In 1295 two pseudo-prophets appeared at Avila and 
Ayllon (see the authorities in Schudt, iv., Cont. ii. 238-9-, Jost, vi. 332. 
385. ; Jellinek, Beitr. i. 25., quotes Jost, Allg. (!) Gesch. vii. 313. (?.?), 
and instead of Ayllon he gives Leon, on which name he built a very 

X 2 



308 NOTES TO § 13. 

ingenious conjecture ! On a legend of the apparition of the cross on the 
Jews and a pretended work of Moses de Leon (neglected by Jell,) see 
Catal. p. 1851. Jellinek (Bet ha-midr. iii. p. xxxvii.) points out a 
passage in the Zohar where he finds an allusion to the death of Pope 
Nicolaus III. in 1280. 

3^ Landauer, p. 215. on the Shechina, and Jos. Chiquit. Catal. p. 

1469. 

39 Zion, i. 155. ; Land. p. 422., conf. 471. 473. (343.) ; Chofes 
Malmonim, p. l6. 

40 Land, 588. 590.; Jost. Lit. bl. vi. 811. 

4^ Land. p. 571.; Franck (conf. p. 170.) is ignorant of, or does not 
pay attention to, this important element. 

^p= [The author has not been able to follow out the special researches 
on the Zohar begun by Jellinek ; and in fact the subject requires a 
large monograph. The edd., commentaries, and authorities are given 
in his Catal. s. v. pp. 538 — 544. and the various works of Moses de 
Leon (printed and MS.) critically enumerated, pp. 1847-56.] 

42 We are indebted to Landauer (Lit. bl. vi. 89. &c.) for some in- 
formation about Abulafia and his works, sufficient for the purpose of 
this essay ; Jellinek has lately published some tracts and given some 
more particulars, especially in his " Philosophie und Kabbala" (1854), 
and has promised (Ker. Chem. viii. I60.) to publish all his works ; 
most of which exist in the Bodl. libr. and in many other libraries (see 
Land. pp. 318. 417.; Jell. pp. vii -x.). 

43 Land. pp. 381. 472. 488. 589. ; conf. Geig. Mel. Chofn. xlviii. n. 

44 Id. p. 488. ; Jell. p. v., where the explanation of the word 
'' Philosopher " proves nothing ; cf. Sam. Ibn Tibbon, Glossary s. v. 

■^-^ On this idea of the Messias, vide Lit. bl. vi. 5S^. Perhaps he 
is the Zacharia who proclaimed the advent of the Messias in Spain, 
A. D. 1258 (?) according to Basnage ? 

46 Land. p. 381. sq. 

47 Land, however (p. 489.) confounds the false prophet Abraham 
BEN NissiM of Avila, author of the nDDnn nii^Ss, with Abraham Abu- 
lafia in Sicily (conf. Zunz, zur Gesch. 51 6. 625. Jellinek, Beitr. p. 
31. neglected this note, but derives the same information from Joel, 
Die Keligionsphil. des Sohar, 1849, p. 69.; notwithstanding, he re- 
lapses into the same error by enumerating the work as one of Abulafia, 
see Phil. pp. viii. 46.). Abraham or Nathan of Cologne (conf. 
Cassel, Rabbinervers. p. 9.) is probably Abraham ben Alexander (sup. 
n. 26.). This conjecture was made first by the author ; but no evidence 
has been given anywhere. On the name, and the MSS. neglected by 
Jellinek, see Catal. p. 675. (where Cod. Dubno 10. and Rossi, 1390. 
to be added) ; the book jID^I nitO^H^ (Land. p. 418.) is the polemic 
of Matatja ben Moses. Abraham and Nathan are also called pupils 
of Abulafia (Zunz, 1. c). 

48 The Munich MS. (Land. p. 341.) is important; another said to be 
*' 491 years old " in Geiger, Zeitschr. iii. 286. n. S9-, and a later Hebrew 
translation, will be mentioned in § 26. (cf. also Wolf. iii. p. 1129- n. 
2143 b.). ; conf. also on Maimonides' Treatise on the Unity, p. I6. 
n. 25. — On the comparison as well as the delineation of the celestial 
spheres as the husks of an onion (Sachs, Rel. Poes. p. 230.), see the 
quotations in § 21. n. 47 a. On a passage in the Zohar see the author's 



KOTES TO § 14. 309 

explanation in Mag. f. J. Lit. d. Ausl. 1845, p. 319- On another 
about Antipodes see § 21. n. 21. 

^^ Land. pp. 195. 326. 590. It is remarkable that Landauer (like 
Franckj p. 71-) pronounces the "'' Pastor Fido" (conf. Sachs, Rel. Poes. 
p. 229-) to be later. On the '^ Tikkunim " cf. Jeilinek, Philos. p. xiii. 

^^ Lit. bl. vi. 325. 710. Joseph ben Shemtob, the son of the 
fanatic Shemtob (n. 15.) in Spain,, designates the authorship of Simon 
ben Jochai as '' hearsay " (D^DIX ^nyDJ^), see Ersch, vol. xxxi. p. 89. 

•^^ Catal. p. 1734. Recanati is still a problem for criticism. 

^2 Vide § 23., Zunz, G, V. p. 409. and p. 408., note, the passage 
in the Sentences of Isaac ben Shesht, repeated by Goldberg in Chofes 
Matm. p. 15., and Jellinek, Beitr. i. 10. The anti-Kabbalistic opinions 
are collected in Jehuda di Modena : Ari Nohem. On Lipmann's 
Kabbalistic writings see Catal. p. 1413. and Ker. Chem. viii. 206., 
where some things are incorrect. Also at the end of Cod. 0pp. 862. F. 
there is a note, '' I will begin to write the Alphabet of R. Lipmann." 

^^ Zunz, zur Gesch. p. 520. 

^^ According to others Josef Aruch (see Catal. p. 1446. and Jellinek, 
Bet ha-midr. iii. p, xliii., on whose false statement aboiit Peliah and 
Kana, cf. sup. n. 23. 

I^° Page 114. [The statements inserted here are taken mostly from 
the MSS. themselves ; cf. also n. 3. About Jacob of Segovia see also 
Jellinek, Bet ha-midr. iii. p. xliii., where B aruch the teacher of Abu- 
lafia is perhaps the author of some MSS. in Oxford. Abulafia, however, 
is not to be considered as a reliable historical authority. On Joseph 
Ibn Wakkar, hitherto little known, see the author's article in Ersch, 
vol. xxxi.] 

^5 Zunz, zur Gesch. pp. l65, I66. ; conf. Lit. bl. viii. 195. 

§ 14. Page 115. 

^ The authorities on Karaitic literature will be found in the author's 
Catalogue of the Leyden MSS. prepared for the press, and to be printed 
shortly after this essay. Two important works on the subject by Pinsker 
and the Karaite Firkowitsch (the editor of some recent editions) are 
said to be in the press (Ker. Chem. ix. 51.). 

2 Vide sup. § 10.; Zunz, G. V. 425.; Rapop. Ker. Chem. v. 203., 
conf. vi. 250. 

3 Catal. sub voce. 

4 Rapop. Ker. Chem. v. 197. sq. 232. Schaffarik pointed out, in 
a private communication to the author, the name Sangari in Slavic 
authors. On Koreish, vide § 17. n. 5. H. Michael suspected an inter- 
polation in the letter of Joseph del Medigo (§ 20.), and Ibn Ezra 
(§ 16. n. 1.) is interpolated in MS. 0pp. 939- foh (Lit. bl. xi. 302.). 

•5 E. g. Menahem Ibn Seruk (see Catal. s. v.), Abraham ben Ezra, 
and others. Inversely the Karaites forbade flesh and milk ; see Geig. 
Zeitschr. ii. 117., Lit. bl. i. 468. 

5a The explanations of this and the following expressions, given by 
various authors of different nations, will be found in the authorities 
mentioned § 12. notes 1, 2, &c. The older Jewish writers (e. g. Sa- 
muel Ibn Tibbon, in the glossary, Jos. Caspi, p. 76. &c.) have the 

X 3 



310 NOTES TO § 14. 

practical object of explaining the subject matter, rather than the etymo- 
logy; hence, by degrees, they entirely lost the origin of the expression, 
and were confused by the use of the term limn r\'D^r\, for logic (§ 12. 
n. 3.\ and, perhaps, by the uncertainty of the Arabians themselves. 
Even the learned Joseph ben Shemtob, in his note to the polemical 
work of Chisdai, chap, iv., in quoting Maimonides' opinion, that the 
D''"inn no^n was derived from Christian scholars, remarks that the 
science, called Theology, is the very D''")2in 'PI, " which means a science 
the doctrine of which is not founded on perception, or on reality, but 
only on words." The real etymology, however, was known to Samuel 
Ibn Tibbon (see his note to Moreh, i, 71.) and to PaJquera (p. 152.), 
who observes upon the difference between the above expression and rT'pti 
(not T'pD, see Munk, Saadja, p, 17.), quoted by Renan (Averroes, p. 80.) 
from Haarbriicker, who quotes a later authority. 

^ Vide § 12. n. 2. Against Schmolder's views see the author's re- 
marks in Frankel, Zeitschr. ii. 113., iii. 404.; Dernburg, Heidelb. 
Jahrb. 1845, p. 422. ; conf. also Geig. Zeitschr. v. 271.; Schesinger, 
p. 643. and xxv. On their method conf. Cusari, v. § 2., with Schmold, 
p. 223., and supra, § 12. n. 3. The distinction between the Dog- 
matists and '' Philosophers " was of great importance ; and Maimonides 
reproaches Samuel Levi (see § 11.) with confusing them; the text of 
Maimonides_, however, is imperfect in some editions. 

'^ Hammer, Wien. Jahrb. xcii. 6.5., ci. 1., cii. 65.; Ez. Chajim, pp. 
ii. 311. 338. ; conf. Lit. bl. i. 698. n. 4. The expression HJID.S ^2^12^ 
and the like abound in Cusari, as ii. § 81. (conf. Sabbatbl. 1846, p. 
61.), iii. § 65., iv. § 11., V. § 1, 2. (conf. Ez. Chajim, p. iv. n. 6., 
and supra, § 12. n. 3.), § 17- (conf. Ez. Chaj. p. 4. 1. 27., p. 5. 
L 21., p. 187. 1. 11. ab inf., with Cusari, iv. § 11. fol. IQ. ed. Brecher ; 
conf. Afendopolo, p. Iv.), The principal passage, v. § 15. sq., is, in 
some editions, corrupted, and the book Cusari itself (comp. 1140. which 
is thus much earlier than Maimonides, who is considered the first im- 
portant authority, see Ritter, quoted by Beer, Philos. &c. p. 60.) not 
yet mentioned anywhere, or made use of, as an authority for the doc- 
trine of the Mutakallim. (iii. § 49.) D^^l^ is even used for tradition 
against the Karaites (according to which Schlesinger, p. xxix., is to be 
corrected; conf. also supra, n. 3.), and Munk's conclusion (Beer, 1. c. 
pp. 14. 98-), that the Karaites ^''called themselves" Mutakallim, is not 
warranted even by the perfect text of v. § 15.; and Joshua ben 
Jehuda (Cod. Warm. 41. ff. 68. 76-) says distinctly that he is fol- 
lowing a method different from that of the DmiD, or pD^PDHD^i^, with- 
out referring especially to Karaites. The designation subsequently 
became more general ; according to Joseph ben Shemtob, Saadja and 
Bechai "inchne " towards the Mutak. (Ersch, ii. voh 31. p. 85. col. 2.), 
and David ben Jehuda Leon calls Maimonides himself a ''^'\\y (MS. 
Reggio, 41.). It is natural that the Karaites in general should have 
remained longer in the older system, and perhaps the opposition of 
Joseph Ibn Zaddik and Abraham ben David (§ 12.) to the '>hv2 
"inn riD^n was not without reference to Karaites. These two are also 
valuable authorities, and older than Maimonides, although their works 
have not long been published. On the views of the latter and their cor- 
respondence with the sect Makariba, or Benjamin Nehawendi, see Gu- 
genheimer. Lit. bl. xii. 526, The later expression npHDH ^bDH (conf. 



NOTES TO § 14. 311 

§ 12. n. 1. 3.) still requires investigation. The comparison of Abul- 
faradj (in Sacy, direst. Arabe, i. p. 326.) is altogether distorted. 

^ Sclilesinger, p. 640. xxviii. Can the ten Muhammedan articles of 
belief (see Reland^ de Rel. Muham.) have had any influence ? It is 
curious that even the hymn 'P'13'', on the 13 articles, was entitled "^on 
the Ten Articles ! " (See Munk, Annal. iii. 94.). 

9 See the author's D. Beschn. d. Arab. p. 26. ; conf. Dukes, pp. 92. 
194. The three or four sources of religious knowledge (not " Rules of 
Hermeneutics," Lit. bl. vii. 22.) are Muhammedan ; conf. Lit. bl. i. 
246. 610. ; Ez. Chaj. v. n. 10. ; also Abulafia (ap. Jellinek, Auswahl, 
p. 21., who neglected this point); and conf. § 11. n. 8., the author's 
Catal. p. 2163. On the accusation of corrupting the Bible, see the 
author's essay on Maham. Legends in Mag. f. Lit. d. Ausl. 1845, p. 
286. (conf. Strauss, Glaubensl. i. 214.). On the doctrine of prophets 
see Maimon. Treatise on the Unity, p. 33. 

^^ Steinschneider, Beschneidung der Arab. p. 26. (conf. p. 15.; see 
Lit. bl. vii. p. 18.; conf. § I7. n. 5.); seven daily prayers, v. sup. § 
6. n. 18. ; Kible (i.e. direction to turn to in prayer), vide Zion, i. 56. ; 
Kalender, see § 21. n. 5. The degrees of relation, Zion, i. 129-^ Jost, 
in Busch, Jahrbuch, v. p. 159. ; dreams as a sign of full age, Jeh. 
Hedessi, Lit. bl. vii. 20. ; conf. Gulistan, Germ, transl. by G. Wolff, p. 
263. ; Hammer, Gemaldesaal, i. 347. On the intention in cattle-killing, 
conf. Zeitschr. der Deutsch. Morgenl. Gesellsch. i. 11. 

ii Munk, Annal. iii. pp. 84. 86. ; Frankel, Zeitschr. ii. 109- ; conf. 
Annal. i. 218. 

1^^ Hence also, conversely, attacks in the Midr. Jelamdenu (850), 
Tobia ben Eliezer (cir. 1100), see Zunz, G. V. 236 c. 297 d. ; conf. 
S^5 a.; conf. also § 21. n. 9- On Exegesis, see § 17. 

^2 Aaron ben EHa, Ez. Chaj. 156. sq. (conf. Lit. bl. iii. 195. n.) 
152. ]. 5. ab inf. (the fishes in the deluge, conf. Weil, Bibl. Leg. d. 
Muh. p. 78.) 181, 182.; conf. 148. I6., and the author's note to 
Maim. Treatise on the Unity, p. 27.) to which the author could now 
add older writers. 

13 Hedessi, I68. 173. 175.; Zion, i. 55. 128.; Ez. Chaj. p. 6.; 
conf. Kirch. Lit. bl. vii. 20.; also rhlpT] 'piD, in Hedessi, 16'9. Of 
course the Karaites try to establish an essential difference between the 
Rabbinical and Karaitic tradition, but with less success than they at- 
tack the inconsistency of Saadja, who denies "' analogy " to be a prin- 
ciple of law (against the Karaites), and yet admits it in other cases. — 
Benjamin Nehawendi introduces a part of the Rabbinical laws in his 
Codex ; cf. Geiger, Zeitschr. v. 277. 

1^ Schlesinger, p. 642. n. ; on the age of thirteen years, see Ker. 
Chem. V. 226. 

15 E. g. a-'on "iiD^ '^-in ^^^, zion i. 57. 

16 Conf. Jost, I.e. p. 142. The same thing which R. Simeon ben 
G. ( Chulin, 4 a.) asserts of the Samaritans is true also of the Karaites, 
viz. that they perform most scrupulously the religious duties which 
are recognised among them. On this account the Karaites are preferred 
to the Philosophers by some people, see Zunz, zur Gesch. 478. ; conf. 
Cusari, iii. § 22. 65. 

1'^ This circumstance has not yet been noticed ; and hence the essence 

X 4 



312 NOTES TO § 14. 

of those sects, whicli can be conceived only in connexion with the 
Muhammedan sects, is generally misunderstood. Mukam3iez was pro- 
bably the authority for JMakrisi and Schahristani (vide n. 3.), whose 
work upon the sects (lately translated into German by Haarbrucker) 
gives also an account of the Jewish ; and according to him the Karaites 
are the first ^;.^t:x^ (i. 9^.) ; see inf. n. 28. ; Mukammez's date is 
not yet ascertained ; but probably he was the authority of Joseph ben 
Abraham the younger, who speaks much of Muhammedan sects : he 
was probably also used by Hedkssi. The references in Jost, Index, 
p. 158. (conf. Zunz, G. V. 396. a); DeHtzsch, Michael, Lit. bl. i. 
737. sq. 801. sq. ; Dukes, Beitr. p. 8. (Lit. bl. vi. 141.), &c. ; Jost, 
Busch, p. 143. sq. (conf. also § J 5. n. 6.), must be compared, to avoid 
over-ingenious explanations, like those given occasionally by Jellinek, 
see inf. nn. 18. and 28. It is worth mentioning, that Hedessi is the first 
author who mentions the Assassins (Jost, p. 145.), and Benjamin of 
Tudela the first European who gives a full account of this remarkable 
sect (see Asher, ii. p. 158. ; cf. p. 63.). 

^^ The name ,.,lc(ifcj {sic) is correctly given by Jellinek, Lit. bl. 
vi. 568., who seems to have forgotten it in Beitr. i. 53., see Catal. p. 
2164. On his doctrine compare Abdallah ben Saba (§ 7-), who 
asserted the return of Ali (Makrisi, in Weil, Khalifen, i. 259.). 

^9 Perhaps an adherent of the Muhammedan sect of the same name; 
on the names of Abu Amran, conf. § 13. n. I7. 

20 Conf. Geig. Zeitschr. v. 278.; conf. § 21. n. 6. On Mesue 
Okbari (probably the same as Balbeki), see Catal. p. 2l68. 

21 Delitzsch, Ez. Chaj. p. iii. sq., and Jost, p. 154. sq., give the 
periods, which the author hesitated to aflirm in the text ; against the 
former see Jost, Annal. iii. 288. With respect to the authorities for 
chronology mentioned first in this translation (pp. 118, 119')? ^^ must 
remark that the date of Elta ben Abraham (see Catal. pp. 1334-35.) 
is uncertain; but probably lie was older than Jehuda Hedessi. We 
must add another unauthentic tradition of Jephet ben Zair, who, 
according to Pinsker (Lit. bl. xii. 770.), wrote in 1268 ; also an 
anonymous ^' Book of Tradition," which seems to agree with Moses 
Bashiatshi (Lit. bl. xii. 741. n. 7^ ^•nd see the end of this note); 
and again, another chain of teachers given by Daniel ben Moses 
in his Arabic compendium of Bechai ben Joseph (conf. § 1 2.), as 
late as 1682 (Lit. bl. xii. 13Q.). We confess that we expect but 
little certainty even from a more intimate acquaintance with those 
hitherto unedited authorities ; for the Karaites of the 12th century seem 
to have already lost their knowledge of the older chronology ; one 
reason for which, probably, was the great gulf of 150 years (1000 — • 
1150), during which no remarkable author is mentioned. The only 
chance of useful information would be from thorough critical researches 
in the older works themselves ; but even here the difficulty is increased 
by the circumstance that we have, for the most part, only translations 
and editions, in which later quotations are inserted, or older dates re- 
peated. Confusion has also arisen from certain passages referring to 
the date of the author (see Lit. bl. 1. c, where there appear to be some 
errors). Another important fact is, that we have scarcely one certain 
author of any extant work older than Saadja. Joseph ben Jacob 



NOTES TO § 14. 313 

KiRKisANi is placed either in 9IO, or, more probably, in {)30 (cf. Catal. 
p. 2163.). Hence the conclusions drawn by Geiger and Munk, that 
in Saadja and Jephet some general quotations refer to Karaites, rest 
on slight foundation (cf. § I6. n. 49.). The date 46lO (850), given 
for " the chain of tradition " in a MS. of 169^5 by Daniel, n. 3. in the 
Catalogue of Karaitic MSS. (v. inf. n. 35.^, is of no authority, since 
this catalogue is incorrect; it is, however, we understand, to be re- 
printed by Firkowitsch. 

^^ Not "'exclusively;" Jost, p. 155. (cf. p. 152.), goes too far in 
this respect. 

23 Geig. Lit. bl. des Israel, 1846, p. 150.; conf. Sabbatbl. 1846, 
p. 86. ; cf. supra, n. 13. 

24 Conf. the author's Fremdsprachl. Elem. p. 27. and reference, 
Lit. bl. iii. 226. 680. ; conf. p. 195. 

25 Vide § 16. n. 21. 27- Okbari (Jost, p. 148.) already declared him- 
self against the Keri and Ketibh and admitted the Samaritan readings ; 
conf. also Hedessi, 48. 173. In general the Karaites follow the Masoretic 
text (see Munk, Aboulw. p. 3Q. and the author's remarks to Cod. 
Warner, I6.) ; cf. also § I6. nn. 20, 21. 25. 

'26 Perhaps "the Blind;" see the author's discussion, Sabbatbl. 1846, 
p. 65., from which Munk, 1. c. p. 10,, may be completed. The title of 

a compendium is "l^5"lJ5^?i< "I^hBd ; hence •rrj-'^ in the text seems to be 
a false conjecture. There is another Abu Jaakub or Isaac ben Bahlul 
(not 'pi'pnJ) ; cf. also Lit. bl. xii. 742. n. 7. Perhaps Abu Jaakub 
quoted by Joseph Ibn Zaddik is a Karaite? (^see Cafai. p. 1543. and 
Cod. Warn. 41.). 

2'^ Thus distinct from the Rabbinite polemical writers, § 15. n. 26 a.; 
see Cod. Warner. 8. 

2^ Conf. also Moses Ibn Ezra, Zion, ii. 137-, who reproached the 
Rabbinites with embodying God ; the reverse is the case in Shahristani, 
sup. n. 17.; cf. on the Makariha and Abraham ben David Gugen- 
heimer. Lit. bl. xii. 526. 

-y Cf. Catal. p. 1851. Solomox Durax copies the same (Milchem. 
Mizwah, 28 b.) without personal intercourse. According to Car- 
moly (Annal. i. 156.) David Kimchi opposed the Karaites in a 
ni?yDn "I2D ; and the inventions of that author have sometimes a real 
although misrepresented authority. The Responsum of Baruch ben 
Samuel of Mainz (II90), quoted by Luzz, (Bibl. p. 64.), is perhaps 
not genuine. 

-0 Zunz, G. V. 401 a., Ker. Chem. ii. 7* Among later writers the 
Karaites are often called D''pnV Sadducees, from whom they are often 
derived (cf. ^NJeiri ad Abot, f. 3 a., ed. Wien). 

31 Delitzsch, 1. c. p. 302. (Schlesinger, p, xlii. ; Jost, p. 154.) ; 
conf. on his Liturgy, § 19- "• 50. 

32 On his acquaintance with the Talmud and Midrash, vide supra, 
n. 12. His Ez ChaJJim was pubhshed in 1841, by Delitzsch and M. 
Steinschneider, whose name, however, the critic and historiographer 
Jost, Annalen, iii. 288. 296. 312., has omitted entirely, attributing to 
Delitzsch even those additions, &c., which Delitzsch, on the title and in 
the preface, distinctly gives under the name of Steinschneider. 

33 Resp. Elia Misrachi, 58. ; Cod. Warner. 30. 



314 NOTES TO § 15. 

34 Catal. s. V. 

2^ On the Catal. in Geig. Zeitschr. iii. 442. sq. see n. 21. On 
the destruction of many Karaite MSS. at Kahira, vide Wolf. iii. p. 
205. 

26 The name " Jemsel " (even in Carmoly, " Itineraires/' &c., 1847) 
appears to the author to have arisen from a misunderstanding of an 
abbreviation, h\^"^'^^ (conf. Zunz, zur Gesch. 456.). 

37 mp-'j, Hedessi, l65. ; cf. 170. 

3« pnp-i. Id. 167. 173., neglected by Munk, Abouhv. p. 5. 

33 See Cod. Warner^ 52. Salman ben Jerucham forms words out 
of two radical letters. Hedessi, in the grammatical part of his work, 
enumerates twenty-two genera of Jod (cf. also § I6. nn. I9. 32.). 
Jephet complains of the neglect of Hebrew grammar in favour of the 
Arabic (Munk^ 1. c. p. SQ., gives to this idea an incorrect turn); cf. 
§ 20. n. 1. 



§ 15. Page 122. 

1 Authorities: Alphab. list of authors; Wolf. ii. p. 1048. sq., iv. 
p: 483. sq.^ amplified by Dk Rossi, Bibl. Jud. Antichr. (to which the 
numbers in the following notes refer) ; an introduction to it (Rossi, 
Delia vana Aspett. p. viii.) is, however, not extant. The views, on 
writings for the conversion of the Jews, of De Rossi (ib. Proleg. p. 
iii. sq.), who is no less zealously pious than learned and humane, are 
interesting. There is a later Hebrew translation (probably unknown to 
the recent German translator Frankel) by Saiiuel Shullam, see p. 252. ; 
a Spanish one is mentioned supra, p. 212. Since 1850, Geiger has 
published, in " Deutsch Volkskalender," &c., some specimens of Pole- 
mics in a German translation with valuable literary notes, not, however, 
affecting the former text of this essay, with the exception of Isaac Troki 
(§ 27.):, about whom the author had, in the meantime, information from 
the Opp. MS., see Catal. s. v. 

2 E.g. rh'\^^r] fp I-ID (Vat. 105. 10.), (R. no. 112.); nini5< 

n^s^DH (120.). Conf. nn p h-'E^d mis^n (19-)^ m^Dn nx^n (20.), 

and CafM. no. 3393. 

3 The Hebrew language does not possess, any more than the Arabic, 
definite expressions for these still indefinite conceptions: nD'l&? ^^ 
stands for both. See Scheyer, Moreh, iii. p. 193. n. e ; Ez. Chajim, 
p. 373. note on 3. 1. 

^ E. g. from the work of Abraham ben Aus against the attacks of 
the Jews on the N. T., vide Cod. Ar. Vat. 120. 135 b. ; conf. no. 54. 
Mai. apud Collectio, &c. The form of a disputation was a favourite one 
for polemics. 

5 E. g. no. 37. (conf. p. 41. on no. 60.) 38. 45. 154. Some are 
simply fictitious inventions of the Christians, e.g. no. 112. On Ga- 
latin's plagiarisms, and other points for distrust, see Rossi, Delia vana 
Aspett. p. v., and Catal. p. 2057- Perhaps also Hebrew writings con- 
firming Christianity (especially by means of Kabbala) were forged ; cf. 
Catal. s. V. Postellus, p. 2111. 

^^ Vide infra, n. 45., on Samuel Marokki. 



NOTES TO § 15. 315 

6 Names for Christians, see quotations supra^ § 10. n. 33. ; and 
conf. infra, nn. 8. and 11.; for Muhammedans, see the author's work. 
Die Beschneidung der Arab. p. 6. Since the names are, for the most 
part, taken from the genealogical tables of Esau and Ishraael, or other- 
wise conveniently from the Bible, it becomes necessary to consult 
the Midrash and Exegesis in this matter. Zunz has since given a 
marvellous collection of such names occurring especially in liturgical 
literature (Synag. Poes. p. 437.). Moreover^ it must here be borne in 
mind, that the schools and tendencies which are attacked are, at one 
time philosophical, at another dogmatical, at another Halachaic, conf. 
§ 14. n. 17. 

^* Collection in Wolfius, ii. 994!. sq., iv, 457- sq. ; conf. v. Raumer, 
Hohenstaufen, v. p. 9.35. 

7 E. g. Mishna, Taanit. 27 b. (conf. Maim. Com.) ; Soferim, 5. ; 
see Duran, Keshet u-magen, 14 a. ; conf. also Lit. bl. vii. 6ip. 

^ On pD, which has been so much talked of, see Lit. bl. iii. 
825., V. 204., vii. 620. ; Schlesinger, p. 647. sq. ,• Graz, Gnosticismus, 
p. 16. nf'DV, in the Talmud, is certainly not Dnbi D^ODnb nnij;, 
but ni'pTDI D^nD13 nniy. Conf, also '' Missions-Wesen und Unwesen, 
Einblick in das Urchristenthum," Lit. bl. iv. 673. sq. 

9 Vide Wolf. ii. p. 977- sq., on Duran, 1. c. 1 1 a. 

^0 Names and passages are collected in Dukes, z. K. p. 17.; conf. 
Bechorot, 5., vide Isaki on Chulin, 27 b. {\h^iy Tiyi). On R. Johanan 
BEN Zakkai, cf. Landau in Frankel, Monatschr. i. 172; on R. Ho- 
SHIA, Ber, Rab. cap. 11. Joshua ben Hananja, the "^ Scholasticus " 
(cf. the author's essay in Zeitschr. der d. m. Gesellsch. iv. p. 152. 
n. 52.), may have disputed with Hadrian, Tanchuma, Toldot, 30 a. ; 
Rabb. on Esth. Q. 2. ; conf. Micha, 5. 7- (Jalk. § 923., gives Akiba 
and Chaldee language, although what preceded, from the Debarim Suta 
[conf. Zunz, G. V. 253.], is Hebrew as usual) ; conf. Ber. Rabb. cap. 
64. fin. (according to which Dukes, 1. c, Blumenl, p. 189-? is to be 
corrected and amplified) ; Chullin, 59. On the disputes with the Sa- 
I'naritans, see Geig. v. 235. On R. Eleazar's saying (Abot, ii. I9.), 
" Know how to answer the Epicureans" (Atheists, &c.), was after- 
wards founded the study and refutation of erroneous doctrines. — Lately 
Frankel (Monatschr. iv. 16I. sq.) has begun an essay, '^ zur Gesch. 
der jiid. Religionsgesprache." Nowhere mention is made of his pre- 
decessors ; perhaps for the sake of consistency with his opinion given 
elsewhere (iii. 320.), that in polemics it was not considered necessary to 
name authorities. 

11 On pO«U, conf. Luzzatto, Proleg. p. 18.; Rapop. Erech 
Millin, pp. 3. and 259- ; the latter passage is directed against Lit. bl. 
vi. 1., where ^:vn^, translated Ehionites, and ^^"IVJ, Nazarenes, was 
given as an emendation of ''D"lV3 (again proposed in yipriH, ii. 100.) ; 
cf. also supra, n. 6. As a skilful disputer, R. Abb ah u was famous. 

12 E. g. Debar. Suta against the papal prohibition of the Bible, 
Zunz, G. V. 253, i. 

13 Alcuin, Epist. XV. ad Carol, M. in Zunz, Namen d. Juden, p. 
43. ; conf. also Agobard, Bishop of Lyons, in Lit. bl. iv. 5, n. 7., and 

sidor Hispalensis in S. Cassel, Hist. Versuche, p. 4. Dukes' remark 
(Lit. bl. viii. 83.), that *■' as early as" the 12th century frequent dis- 



316 NOTES TO § 15. 

putations were held in France, is, even in respect of tlie traces preserved 
in the literature, far from correct. 

^^ See the author's collection on Maim. Treatise on the Unity, p. 33, 
The dispute is connected with Abraham and Manoah as unlearned pro- 
phets ; cf. also Isaiah, xxix. 11., quoted e. g. by Paulus Burgensis (in 
Wolf. iii. p. 905.). 

^^ On the reckoning of the time of the Messiah (principally from 
Dan. vii. 25., xii. 12.), Asarja de Rossi gives the first full compila- 
tion_, used by Gedalja Jahja and J. B. de Rossi (Delia van. Asp. 
pp. 100. 103. sq., iii. sq. ; conf. Zunz, Ker. Chem. v. 143., and inf. 
§ 23. p. 207.)^ as also Schorr, Annal. ii. 23. Other references are 
given in the German note ; but the subject wants a special treatment, 
which the author intends to give elsewhere. 

^^ E.g. Nizzachon on Monasticism (13th century); Simon Duran 
(Milchem. Miz. 32 a.) on the Italian immodesty, where also Onanism 
is mentioned as '^ peccaio di Ferrara" might have deserved at least 
as much attention as Eisenmenger and the like. 

16 a Rossi, Delia van Esp. p. I89. ; Bibl. Antichr. no. I6I. 117 — 
121.; conf. n. 87- p- 62. ; Dizion. Germ, transh p. 3l6. ; Catal. MS. 
no. 124.; cf. Delitzsch, Catal. p. 300. The Mar Mar Jesu (in 
Castro, Bibl. Espagn. i. p. 223., where 1415, not 1405, is the correct 
date) is to be emended '^O^'O ; cf. Dukes, Lit. bL viii. 85. 

16 b Read 1240. See the author's Epilogue, &c. (§ 5. n. 77.), 
p. XXX. n. 23. 

16 c Conf. Rossi, Delia vana Asp. p. 206. ; cf. Zipser, Lit. bl. xi. 
347. ; cf. Saadja Emunot, viii. 2., and on Ephraim cf. Krochmal, 
p. 221., cf. xhnr], ii. 147., cf. p. 122., neglected by B. Beer (Zeit- 
schr. der d. m. Gesellsch. ix. 792.), who claims for this idea an earlier 
origin. Geiger's error, in attributing to Sal. Alammi the idea of ori- 
ginal sin, is corrected by Rosenthal in Ker. Chem. ix. 45. 

1^ ZuNz's Treatise (mentioned p. 100.) on the views of the Jews 
respecting salvation or beatitude of others than Jews (zur Gesch. 
p. 372. sq. ; conf. Geig. Lit. bl. des Isr. p. 80. sq.) is a pattern of 
investigations in reference to this. On p. 380. n. 6., conf. Maimonides 
in Spinoza, Tract. TheoL cap. 5. (Strauss, Glaubensl. i. 38.) ; on note 
f, see Abravanel, Rosh Amana, cap. 12. fol. 13 b., old ed. To p. 383., 
see § 20. n. 40., p. 388. n. to Plolomaeus adde Bath-liusi (§ 12.). 

1^ Instead of 9L3, read 9^^' Amongst others against the three 
times ^'H'p (which the Zohar accepts, see Rossi, d. van. Asp. p. v.), 
which is opposed to by Abu Sahl in the Commentary Jezira (Lit. bl. 
viii. 83.), and the Karaite Jbphkt ben Ali(953), in his Biblical Com- 
mentary. On the Trinitarian ideas of some Kabbalistic authors, blamed 
by the orthodox, see § 14., and Jehuda de Modena in Ari Noliem. 
David MukamxAiaz occasionally attacks Christianity with philosophical 
arguments in the fragments lately published by Luzzatto (Lit. bl. viii. 
622. Q32. 643.). Geig. i. I92. assumes, without foundation, that 
Saadja lived principally among Christians. 

19 Alphab. 99, 100., not in print, but still extant in MS. (see Catal, 
p. 1328.). He there asserts, amongst other things, that Jesus was, 
like every pious man, persecuted by the Rabbinites (conf. Warner 
in Wolf. iv. p. 1086. ; De Sacy, Chrest., Arab. i. p. 325. n. 60., and 



NOTES TO § 15. 317 

Afendopolo in the Introd. to Psalm cxix., Cod. Warner. 30., quoted by 
Myses in Jost, Gesch. ix., Index p. 97. ; according to which Jost, in 
Busch's Jahrb. v. p. 195., is to be corrected) ; he contends against the 
Christian worship of images, and touches upon the differences of the 
synoptic genealogies of Christ. 

20 E. g. Cod. Vat. Arab. 159, 3. of the year 1305 ; Flor. Cod. 70. 

-' The Arabico-polemical literature of the Jews^, Christians, and 
Muhammedans deserves a separate compilation. Above eighty such 
works are already known to the author, scarcely one of which has been 
printed. A reference to the MSS. would lead us too far. 

22 Vide inf. § 20. n. 30., and sup. § 4. 

23 Vide Frankel, Zeitschr. ii. 80. His pupil, Solomon Parchon" 
(1 l60) refers to the polemical object of Exegesis (end of Gram. 
p. 11 d.). 

24 Carpzov in Schlesinger, p. iv. n. ; conf. Jost. vi. 294., where the 
year 1250 is too late; see De Castro, ii. 601.; Grasse, ii. 2. p. 237., 
ii. 3. p. 630. 

25 niD'*'! is the typical title of the Avorks which hence arose, and thus 
of polemical literature in general, ni^'i, |inVJ is the same thing; it 
corresponds exactly to, and is frequently used by translators for the 
Arabic J A>- (n'''?13 occurs also as an epithet of the Mutakallimin). The 
collection of instances would lead us too far ; and" we must confine our- 
selves to Cusari, iii. § 70., where we find pnvi"! n^^n, conf. v. § 1. 
Thus )inv:3 is not ''^victory" (Zunz, zur Gesch. p. 85.), which would 

answer to the Arabic i^^y-^;^ this word is also compared in a MS. 
notice on the cover of the Cod. Arab. 53. 4to. of the Royal Berlin 
Library. 

26 The characteristics of the different kinds of polemical works are 
given by Joseph ben Shemtob, Preface to the Comment, on the Letter 
of Duran ; cf. Ersch, ii. vol. xxxi. p. 88., and Catal. p. 21l6. 

26 a Vide inf. n. 29. Joseph Kimchi is doubtful; see n. 33. 

27 Catal. p. 1796. (1280). 

[Page 1-26, line 6. from hot., Raim.und is not Martin, as stated 
hitherto by all authors, but Raimund of Peilaforte ; see Catal. p. 2133.] 

27 a ])e Rossi, no. 89-; cf. Zunz, zur Gesch. pp. 480. 482. 

[Page 1 26. line 4. from bottom, Moses Narboni's translation of 
GhazaU is probably a mere fiction of the V^atican Catalogue. See Catal, 

p. 1969.] 

28 V. inf. n. 45. In Biscioiii (p. 112.) Alphons. asserts that he 
translated the Biblical passages according to Marokki's translation. 

28 a On the translator Meir ben Jacob, and the time and name of 
the author, see the author's Register to Catal. Mich. p. 342. He has 
not yet had the opportunity of further inquisitions. 

-9 His translation of Matthaeus seems to be that published in the 
l6"th century. The body of his work is only an abridgment of Jacob 
BEN Reuben (n. 26^); but he added afterwards an abridgment of 
another polemical work, the title of which is not even indicated, but the 
author recognised it to be the work of Prophiat Duran. (See Catal. 
p. 2116., and description of Cod. AVarner. 28., and Catal. p. 2l64. ; Cod, 
,MS. Michael. 231. has not yet been sufficiently investigated.) 



318 NOTES TO § 15. 

30 On various mistakes, partly arising from different recensions and 
the omission of a line in Geiger's republication of the epistle, see Catal. 
p. 2116. The plagiarism of Simon Duran has been discovered by 
Saenger in Frankel, Monatschrift, iii. 320. Frankel, however, in an 
additional note, doubts whether S. Duran ought not to have been quoted 
by P. Duran, since they were contemporary. Yet the date (1423) of 
Simon Duran's work is given in the work itself, and by the author in 
various of his essays since 1841 ! 

20 a Still -vve must not conclude from quotations from Jerome that 
every writer who quotes him knew the Lat. Vulgate and understood it. 
(Geig. Mel. Chofn. p. 80 !). An interesting remark on the translation of 
Jerome and his Jewish collaborators is to be found in S. Duran, cap. 12. 
Moses Ibn Ezra infers that older authors sometimes, but not often_, used 
the " Christian" translation of the Bible (see Catal. p. 2183.). 

••^1 Rossi, p. 91. 

^' Vide n. 25. Zunz, zur Gesch. 85, 86. (conf. Dukes, Lit. bl. viii. 
84.), mentions two between 1230 and 1260. The Niz. of Matatja in 
Rossi, no. 91-5 rests upon all kinds of misunderstandings, whose origin 
Dukes (Kobez, p. vi.) might have found in the passage of Is. ben 
Sheshet quoted in Lit. bl. vi. 149- 

•22 The printed fT'l^n 'D is falsely ascribed to Joseph Kimchi. The 
arguments in the German note have been adopted (though not quoted) 
and enlarged by Geiger, Proben, i. 63. n. 6. He justly remarks that J. 
Kimchi, perhaps, never v/rote a work Milchamot ; to v.-hich we add that 
Joseph Ibn Sahara, the pupil of Joseph Kimchi, seems to be quoted by 
Jacob ben Reuben ; see Catal. p. 2032. The unsystematic character 
of tlie German- French school in collections of this kind needs an acute 
historical criticism. 

3^ Rossi, pp. 59. 107. 116.; conf. Sachs, Rel. Poes. 227- 244. 
(Lit. bl. iv. 382.), 266. 231. 301. 337. n. 2.; Schott, Lit. bL vii. 499-, 
and Zunz, 1. c. in note 6. 

-5 See Deutsch Lit. bl, vli. 50. 

26 No previous labours on this subject were or are yet known to the 
author, who intends to enlarge upon it in his translation of Simon 
Duran, prepared since 1844. 

2^" There was an interdict against reading it ; see Hadschi Chalfa in 
Hammer_, Encykl. Uebers. pp. 137. 150., w'here " Pentateuch" (Taurat) 
is the usual expression for the sacred writings of the Jews. 

23 E. g. with Abdallah ben es Selam and others (conf. Geig., 
Was hat Muhamm., &c., p. 11., and on p. 82. conf. the more correct 
translation in S. Duran, 1. c. 24 b.). An examination of these passages 
for the history of Judaism in Arabia, and the origin of Muhammedanism, 
is still to be desired. 

29 On this point El Armui (ob. 1064), Balathi (ob. 1203), Ibn 
Teimijje el Harrani (ob. 1328), Ahmed ben Junus el Kindi (1431), 
Omar ben Hidr e Isfahani (Cod. Leyd. 6l3.) ^yrote, as also most of 
the controversialists occasionally, Ibn Junus (ob. 1242) is said to 
have explained to the Jews and Christians in Mossul the Thora and 
the Gospel (the authorities are given by the author in the Magaz, f. Lit. 
d. Ausl. 1845, p. 286.). The principal passages are 5 Mos. xviii. 18., 
xxxiii. 2. ; Is. xlix. 1, 2. (v. Cod. Ar. Leyden^ 604.) ; Hub. iii. 2. 



NOTES TO § 15. 319 

(Gerock, Christol. of the Koran, p. 102., and Delitzsch, Comra. in Hab. 
ad loc, cf. Geig., Moses ben Maimon. p. 31. ; Jellinek, Beitr. i. 
58., without reference to the materials given here) with respect to 
various ]Midrashim. Connected with this is the fact that Saadja wrote 
his translation of the Bible in Arabic characters, and that certain 
Judaeo-Arabian authors of later times translated the Biblical passages 
which they quoted into Arabic, so that many Hebrew translators of such 
writings adduce altered passages of the Bible (see the author's preface to 
Maim. Treatise on the Unity, p. iv. ; conf. sup. n. 28.). 

40 See Sim. Duran, 1. c. fol. 25 a. 

^^ Dukes, Lit. bl. iv. 810., Beitr. p. 45.; conf, Carmoly, Hist, dess 
Med. p. 25., and Wiistenf., Gesch. d. Arab. Aerzte, § 177.; conf. 
Mazeni in Jost, ix., Index, p. 175. The interdict against non- 
Muhammedan books is still extant in theory. In Spain, however, 
Arabic writing was, as early as the 10th century, a means of advance- 
ment in the world ; see the author's preface to the Testament of Juda 
Ibn Tibbon, pp. iv. xi. 

42 E. g. Ibn Refaah (1300), Ibn Teimijje; Harrani (ob. 1328), El 
Ahwah (NicoU. ii. p. 97.), vide also Cod. Ar. Bodl. 97. 3. (Uri), Leyd. 
665. 6'74. Extracts of Arabic writers were given some years ago in 
the Journal Asiat. A history of the persecutions against the Jews and 
Christians was written by Sojuthi (ob. 1505). The vituperations of 
the poetical freethinker Abul Ola (973 — 1058) spared no religion. 

■^^ The Saracens are said (according to Matth. Paris, in v. Raumer, 
Hohenstaufen, v. p. 534;, sq.) to have accused Louis IX. of tolerating 
the murderers of Christ. But according to the Muhammedan Chris- 
tology, Jesus himself was never nailed to the Cross. A religious 
disputation was held by Abu Kathir *<', Saadja's tutor, with the 
historian JMas'udi in Palestine (Sacy, Christ. Ar. i. p. 357-;, the name 
is corrupted in Dukes, Beitr. p. 5.). A Jewish physician in Egypt, 
Efranim ( = Ephraim), called Abu Kathir is named by Ibn Abi 
Osebia in his MS. history (cf. § 22.) ; but he is said to have been a 
pupil of Ali Ibn Rodhwan (who died a. d. IO6I.-8). 

[Page 130. MoKAMMEz, 9th or 10th century. Joseph ben Abra- 
ham was probably later ; conf. § 14. p. 120., Saadja, 933. Mokammez, 
Saadja, and Samuel ben Chofni, are mentioned together as polemical 
writers probably by Bechai, certainly by ]Moses Ibn Ezra. See Catal. 
p. 2164.] 

44 According to this, Geiger, Lit. bl. d. Isr. p. 134., is to be cor- 
rected. 

45 See the author's reference in Frankel, Zeitschr. ii. lOp. sq. (and 
sup. n. 28.), partly repeated, but not mentioned, in Geig,, Moses ben 
Maimon. p. 68. On further frauds or confusions of De Castro, see 
§ 21. n. 42. Whether the pretended disputation of Abu Kaleb with 
Samuel Marokki (Antonio, Bibl. Hisp. ii. p. 3.; Wolf. iii. p. IIO6.) is 
not the same work under another title is stiU uncertain. See also 
Catal. p. 1912. and s. v. Samuel Maroccanus. 

46 Cod. Ar. Vind. 279-, i. 2., Cod. Berol.40. fol. probably a fragment 
by a Jewish renegade. Other controversial works against Christianity 
may occasionally touch upon Judaism. 

47 Fol. 35 b. Single passages of several authors will be collected in 



320 NOTES TO § 16. 

the work mentioned in n. S6. Whether the Saraval MS. xxvi. is not 
by S. Duran (}*"lJ;yi instead of 5<"lt^"l) we have had no opportunity 
of ascertaining. Joseph Caspi perhaps composed an apologetic work, 
where also the Islam is reviev>^ed. 

48 Catal. p. 1221., conf. Catal. Mich. p. 335. [Lately H. Recken- 
DORF has begun the publication of his own translation of the Koran 
(conf. Prohen einer Hehr. Uehers., 8zc., 1855), with notes, with the 
practical view of furnishing to the Hebrew reader a book which has 
never been published in that language, and promising a large intro- 
duction. Indeed a review of the Koran and Muhammedanism, from 
a Jewish point of view, is still a desideratum in literature. Conf. 
Zeitschr. der d. m. Gesellsch. vi. 538, The author of this essay began 
in 1839 a Hebrew translation of the Koran, principally with reference 
to the relation of the tw^o languages; it was intended to be an appendix 
to an Arabic primer in the Hebrew language.] Of Sam. Ibn Jahja 
(1520 — 1566) and Davio Ibx Shoshan (cir. 1580) at Constantinople, 
it was boasted that they were consulted on jMuhammedan law by the 
Turkish doctors and officials (Conforte, f. 34 a. 39 a.; Zunz, zur 
Gesch. 440.). 

49 NicoU, Catal. p. 49O. 



§ 16. Page 131. 

^ Authorities: llm Ezra, at the beginning of Meoznajim (cf. § 14. 
n. 4.) ; a chronological list of grammarians from Chiskija Roman Ibn 
Bakuda (I6OO) in De Castro, i. 74., where there are many mistakes; 
conf. Jost, vi. 368. (^Catal. p. 844. and Add.). One in Latin of both Jews 
and Christians is contained in Cod. Vat. 494. (in j\lai). An alpha- 
betical list in Wolf. iv. p. 231. sq. In later times : Luzzatto, Prolegg. 
ad unaGramm. rag. dellaLing. Ebr. (Pad. 1836); conf. also Demtzsch, 
Jesurun, seu Isag. in Concord. Lips. ; Rapoport, Introd. to the Lexicon 
des Parchon, published by Stern (prob. 1844); Ewald and Dukes, 
Beitr. zur Gesch. d. altest. Ausleg. (Stuttg. and Tiib., 1844), 3 vols. 
Concerning the hitherto little regarded German and French gram- 
marians, see Zunz, zur Gesch. 60. sq. 10?. sq. Dukes promised some 
years ago a history of the study of the Hebrew language ; conf. also tlie 
three Commentationes, by Hupfei.d : I. et II. De Antiq. apud Jud. 
Accent. Scriptt., with addit. to I. et III.; III. De Rei Gramm. apud 
Jud. Init. (Halis, 1846); conf. with this the review of Ewald, Gott. 
gel. Anz., 1847, p. 722., and Dukes, Lit. bh viii. 635. sq. Hupfeld 
took no notice of Zunz's very complete treatise upon Nakdanim, and in 
general repeats much of what has been said by Dukes. Tlie partiality 
of his attacks prevented him from discovering the errors of De Rossi ; 
see Catal. p. 1304., and vide inf. n. 31. An essay on the history of 
Hebrew grammar, by Dernburg (in '' Orientaha," edited by Tuynboll, 
Amst., 1846, ii. 99-) treats of a special grammatical theory; cf. also 
Geiger, Ker. Chem. ix. 6I.; and, on the age of the punctuation, the 
older essay of Luzzatto in his Dialogues, &c. (§ 13.), published in 
1852, where the matter is treated in general with the same arguments 



NOTES TO § 16. 321 

as in his Prolegg., perspicuously expressed in the fcrra of a Hebrew 
dialogue. 

2 See at § 17- n. 11. 

^ See n. 35. Ephodi, Lit. bl. iv. l68. j conf. Petah Debarai, pref. ; 
Zunz, zur Gesch. 201. 20-i. 

* Frankel in Verhandlungeii^ d, 1. Vers. d. u, a. Orient, p. 13., and 
sup. § 3. nn. 6', 7. 

^ The interpolated translation of the historian Honein ben Ishak (ob. 
873.; see Krafft, Catalogue of Oriental MSS., p. 5Si.) is, according 
to Rodiger (xV. d. Zeit. 1844, p. 266,), apparently taken from the 
Syriac or Greek; on another translator, see p. 134. and note 27. 

^ Cato/. p. 2182. Concerning the Arabic name for translation, see 
note 8. Later, "^^ to translate" is called pTIi^H ( J^ ; see Maim, 
Abh. ub. d. Einh. p. 32. n. 15., conf. Dukes, p. 77')^ ^^^ ^^^o l^i^j. 
" vertere " (Parchon, pref. p. xx. ; and Abraham ben David in his 
Hebrew translation, p. 65., says that Alfarabi "translated" [l^H] the 

title of the book Topica, ^' liber locorum ; " conf. the Arab, (^i.;^) ; 
so that this expression in Dukes, p. 197-, must not be translated exactly 
" rursus convertisse " (Hupf. ii. 9«) ; see also n. 44. 

7 Geig. Zeitschr. v. 287* 290.; likewise in the Arabic translation of 
the Karaites (see ]\lunk, xVnnal. iii. 86.), and in the Persian (n. 10.), 
conf. Targum in Rapop. Ker. Chem.vi. 172. (conf. § 3. n.7.); Midrash 
in Dukes, p. 49. ; ccnf. Arabian legends in the author's essay in 
Frankel, Zeitschr. ii. 273., and Catal. p. 2182. 

® Therefore, varying Jj and j^^ij- Translation and Comm,, see 

Catal. p. 2181. Ewald's category, "expounding translators," suits 
Saadja and the Persian translators better than Chititilla, who was rather 
a translating exegetist. 

9 Zunz, G. V. 414., conf. Munk, 1. 1. p. 68. n. 1. 

^* Continuous French glossaries (in Hebrew letters), which deserve 
notice, as forming a transition from the mere sporadically translating 
exegesis to the regular translation, go back at least as far as the year 
1240; see the reference in Zunz, zur Gesch. 81. ; Dukes, Mischle, 
pp.41. 50. The last mentions also an '^'^ interlinear translation " (,^). 
Perhaps from the continuous glossaries and translations arose the alpha- 
betical, which were again enlarged by new^ languages ; vide inf. 5Q ^. 

10 Maimom, in Zunz, G. V. 9.; Delitzsch, Geschichte, 139.; Theo- 
doret in Munk, 1. L p. 60. n. 2. (conf. sup. § 8. n. 13., neglected by 
Geiger, Moses ben Maimonides, p. 69. n. 50.) ; cf. also Lit. bl. 1850, 
p. 509. A modern Persian translation of the Pentateuch, &c., in Paris, 
made probably in 1300, translates directly from passages of the Targum, 
the place of which in the Liturgy it was apparently meant to supply, 
and from Kimchi's explanations ; it is generally instructive with regard 
to the history of the translation of the Bible. From this arose the 
translation of Jacob Tawus (Tcsi), which followed the text more 
closely, Const. 1546. (vide Catal. s. v.) There are still MSS. in the 
Krimea (Lit. bl. viii. 24.), and in Cod. Rossi, 1093., Cod. Pers. i. 
(Zunz, Got. Vortr. 124 a.) ; on the Persian book Tobias see Wolf. iii. 
p. 275., and Munk, 1. c. on other Apocryphal books. 

^^ Delitzsch., Gesch. p. S3. 

Y 



322 NOTES TO § 16. 

11 a Catal p. 195. no. 1320. ; also De Castro, i. pp. 401. 411. 415., 
where he tries to prove that the Pentateuch was first translated by 
Jewish converts. 

5 2 Zunz, zur Gesch. p. 83., G. V. 413, (conf. Lit. bl. vii. 6 12.) 414. ; 
(conf. Geig. Lehrb. d. Mishna, p. 15. j the author's Fremdspr. Elem. 
p. 23.) ; conf. Wolf. ii. p. 447., iv. p. 173.; Rossi, art. Moses Arragel, 
and see § 27. n. 11. sq. ; and in general on the extant translations of 
Bible, sect. i. of the Catal. pp. 165—198. Concerning the so-called 
GrcBca veneta (from a MS. of the 14th century), see Gesenius in the 
Encycl. sect. i. vol. 9. p. 31. ; De Wette, Einl. ins A. T. \ 5Q. On 
Turkish translations, see Delitzsch, Turcica, Lit. bl. i. 77. On older 
translations, cf. § 3. 

13 Jellinek's hypotheses (Leipz. Repert. 1847, p. 339.) are unfounded 
(see n. 49.) ; and it is also incorrect or inconsistent in Dukes (p. 42.) 
to claim for the Talmud the merits of Comparative Philology (Sprach- 
vergleichung) ; see on the other hand Id. p. 49.j, Lit. bl. iv. 167.? x. 57. 
(§ 4. n. 106.) ; conf. also Geig. Zeitschr. v. 273. ; Rapop. on Parchon, 
p. xiii. We will not enter upon the discussion of the somewhat indis- 
tinctly expressed views of S. Sachs (Die Relig. Poesie, p. I6I.) on the 
subject, which are in close connexion with theological controversy. 
• 14 For example, libD, Geig. Zeitschr. v. 41 6.; Ker. Chem. ix. 6^., 
against Ewald, p. 124.; and Kirchheim, Lit. bl. v. 675., who supposes 
a traditional grammatical theory before the existence of technical words. 
A monography upon Hebrew grammatical terminology, by N. Hirsch, 
already prepared for the press, remains unpublished at Prague, on 
account of the death of the young author ; conf. also Dukes, Lit. bl. 
x. 55. sq., and sup. p. 240. 

1^ Luzz. p. 24. ; Dialogues, p. IO6. ; comp. Zunz, G. V. 96 d. ; for 
the views of Saadja on the subject, see Catal. p. 2162. Lists of ima- 
ginary and real variations of quotations in the Talmud and Midrash are 
given in several periodicals quoted by Landshuth, Maggid. p. ix. ; adde 
Annal. iii.. Lit. bl. v. 284. On the other hand, Ibn Ezra (Zachot, 
towards tbe end) condemns to the flames the work of a pbilologer who 
arbitrarily corrected above a hundred words in the Bible, because this 
is not permitted even in a profane work; and this philologer is no 
other than Abulwalid. This was first shown by Luzz.,, Ker. Chem. iv. 
136. On the confusion of Carmoly, Zion, i. 47., and of others about 
the expression P'»nn?On, which seems to be applied by Ibn Ezra to 
several persons, see Catal. p. 2185. infra. — Nevertheless, '^ false state- 
ments, which lived in the mouth and in the memory of Punctuators and 
Masoreths, have long been maintained, with their errors." (Frenstlorf, 
on Mos. Nakdan, p. xiv.). 

16 Vide inf. n. 50. D. Cassel (ad Cusari, p. 181.) shows that in Judah 
Ibn Tibbon (II67) miDD signifies '' rule :" conf. ni'pnpn^ nilDDH ^^pyi 
in his contemporary Jos. Kimchi (Lit. bl. viii. 442.); conf. Hupfeld, i. 
p. 3., ii. p. 19., comp. iii. p. 2.; S. Baer, the author of a meritorious 
work on the poetical accents (1852), gives (Lit. bl. xii. 21.) a striking 
instance how the Masora became enlarged, having consisted originally of 
very short rules (cf. § 4.) ; Jacob Tam (Lit. bl. xi. 378., and ed. Lond. 
p. 11.) speaks distinctly of later additions, and of errors of the punc- 
tuators (cf. n. 25.). But at a later period the whole Masora, and the 



NOTES TO § IG. 323 

signs, were supposed to be of the same antiquity. On the connexion of 
Masora and Haggada,, see Zunz, G. V. 86. 326. ; and on Kabbalistic 
expositions^ § 14., and § 27. p. 234. 

^'' Dukes, Lit. bl. v. nr. 45. 47. ; conf. Luzz. p. 20., and inf. n. 20. 
On a printed Mishna, with accents, unknown to the authors quoted, 
see Catal. p. 257. no. 1718. Therefore the name of the accent dividing 
the verses appears first in a variation of the Tract. Sofer. (Zunz, G. V. 
96 a. In the Talmud D''?oyDn pIDQ is not a sign, as Kirchheim on Chajug 
p. 19^. supposes. Moses Nakdan also [see Frensdorf, p. xliii.] does 
not reckon it). The places where p")DD and mroyn occur are collected 
in the author's Freradsprachl. Elem. p. 12. n. 25.; cf. also Luzz., 
Dialogues, pp. 83. 85. 88. 93. ; conf. the Syriac accents in Bar Hebreus, 
Gramm. Syr. ed. Bertheau, iv. 47. sq., and inf. § 18. n. 51. 

^^ Luzz. p. 21., and in Oostersche Wandel. p. 48. ; Rapop., Frankel, 
Zeitschr. i. 359. Issachar Ibn Susan (f. 74 b.) derives even the 
smaller lections from Ezra. 

^^ Kirchheim on Chajug, p. 192. ; Dukes, Kuntris Hammassoret, 
Tiibingen, 184(5, p. 29. (not used by Hupfeld, i. and ii.) ; Jeh. 
Hedessi's (1149) interesting although obscure communications (Al- 
phab. 163. sq.) have been unnoticed even by those who treated the sub- 
ject after the publication of this essay; see n. 32. and § 14. n. 39. ; 
conf. also Solomon ben Aaron Tkoki, 1. c. m n. I6. on DyiJ and pj'»J- 

-^ Ker. Chem. iv. 203., where also the employment of accents for 
gesticulation is apparent ; Hedessi (173.) speaks of a " Masora of Pales- 
tine and Babylon and of Ben Asher and Ben Naphtali." 

2^ See Zunz, zur Gesch. p. 110., and Luzzatto's valuable special 
researches in Oostersche Wandelungen, published by G. J. Polak (Am- 
sterd. 1846), p. 23. sq., of which the critic of Pinner (Prospectus, &c.) 
in the Lit. bl. viii. 24., knew nothing. Ewald has subjected the new 
discoveries to his peculiar criticism (Jahrbucher der Bibl. Wissensch. 
1849), cf. p. 166. On his hypothesis of the construction of Kamez in 
opposition to older testimony, see the author's communication from a 
MS. of Abraham Babl^i [sup. p. 139-, cf. Geiger, Parschandata, p. 36., 
nhere ]lp^ is only a general denomination ; but perhaps he is the 
Abraham Nakdan in Zunz, z. G. 117-?] in Davidson, a Treatise on 
Bibl. Criticism, i. 47. (cf. p. x.). Hedessi says the same. A leaf of the 
interesting old Bible codex is now in the Bodl. library ; and a tracing 
of it was communicated by the author to Geiger (1. c. p. 12.; conf. 
also Ker. Chem. ix. 70.). 

^- In the Midrash niTlpJ still signifies ornamental points of the 
consonants (PIJID'' pjn, crowns ; see Zunz, G. V. 264b.), which perhaps 
were intended to prevent the confusion of similar letters (Lit. bl. vi. 
577.) On the older work, pan, see p. 133., and Dukes, Nahal, p. 24. 
{cf. Carmoly, Aktan, p. 6.), the short, but very erudite note of Furst, 
Lit. bl. xi. 149., is but one of his usual plagiarisms, see Zunz, G. V. 
405 b. ; (conf. also Jelhnek, Auswahl, p. 29. ; see our correction to 
p. 20. in § 13. n. 1.). Jehuda Levi (iii. § 31. of the Hebr. transl.) 
discerns, Tip''3 vocalisation, D''^>?LD accentuation, and miDb Masora on 
consonants, &c. 

2^ Zunz, G. V. 264 b.; Luzz. p. 37., Dial. p. 82. This argument, 
which is not regarded by Ewald or Hupfeld, appears to the author 

Y 2 



324 NOTES TO § 16. 

precisely the most decisive in this important and difficult inquiry, be- 
cause it rests upon an accurate general view of Jewish literature. A 
reference to the Dagesh in n^*">j^ ^0 (in the Decalogue), without, how- 
ever, the mention of the sign, is found in the beginning of the Pesikta 
rabbati, chap. 24., where it is explained by n^nnn X?. ^Ve will not 
enlarge here on the interesting arguments and views of different parties, 
Kabbalists, Grammarians, Karaites, brought forward with respect to the 
antiquity of the punctuation ; but it is worth mentioning that Hedessi 
believes it as old as the tables of Moses ; and Solomon ben Aaron 
Troki is not satisfied with the Rabbinists who attribute it to Ezra. 
Hedessi declares a Pentateuch roll of mere consonants to be improper 
for the service ; yet the expression D"*DyDn jpHD is also not unknown to 
Karaites. 

24 The vowels are considered the souls of the consonants by several 
authors after Ibn Ezra, e. g. the book Bahir, Ezra (or Azriel), Abr. Abu- 
lafia ; the Zohar, Isaac Acco. Sol. Duran [in Dukes, p. 37.] appeals to 
'^'u7^'\'y which generally indicates an authority supposed to originate in 
Palestine (see Rapop. and Chajes, sup. § 4. n. 54.). Hupf. (i. p. 3.) 
appeals, concerning the age of the writings (against Zunz, G. V. 407-)^ 
to a work of Maimonides which never existed, and to Jeh. Moscato, 
who wrote almost two centuries later than Hupfeld's voucher, the famous 
Moses Botarel (§ 13., and see inf. n. 50.), who also speaks only of 
Kabbalistic writings, and himself wrote a similar explanation of punc- 
tuation (MS. 0pp. 9QQ9')' 

25 Saadja (in Rapop. n. 37. ; Ewald, p. 6. ; Dukes, p. 82.), Ko- 
reisch (Ew. p. 123.), Dunasch, and Menahem ben Saruk (Dukes, p. 
152. ; conf. Jeh. Hal. ii. § 78. ; Parchon in Geig. v. 409-), Abulwahd, 
according to the Palestine readings (Kirchh. Lit. bl. v. 677. n. 12.). 
Moses Nakdan and ^"ipon ''^yt^ (in Frensdorf, p. xxii.). On Maso- 
retic rules, which are not known till after the time of Abulwalid, Par- 
chon, and Kimchi, see Frensdorf, p. xvi. Yet the Karaitic punctuation 
in general is the same (§ 14. n. 25.). 

26 Saadja (Luzz. p. 189- ; conf. Frankel, Zeitschr. i. S59. ; Kirchh. 
Lit. bl. v. 694., by which Dukes, p. 85., and Ew. p. xi., are to be cor- 
rected), Chiquitilla (Dukes, p. 185.). Ibn Ezra indeed keeps, in 
theory, to the division of verses ; and similarly all Jews and sound 
philologists of our time acknowledge, in general, the authority of the 
Masoretic text for various reasons, although, in individual cases, they 
follow the sense in preference to the accent : examples of this are given 
by Luzz. (p. 188., Dial. p. 82., conf. p. 95., and Ker. Chem. vii. 
73., and his preface to Isaiah). 

27 As was already witnessed by Hieronymus (in Luzz. p. 38., Hupf. 
iii. p. 9-5 Add. ii. p. 21.) ; see also the interesting dialectical remarks 
of Saadja {Catal p. 2220 , against Geiger, v. 273., and Dukes, Lit. bl. 
xii. 398.) and his follower (in Dukes, Kuntris, pp. 70. 72.; conf. pp. 
9. 34.) j cf. also Samuel ben Hofni in Abulwalid (Ew. p. 141.) ; Men. 
ben Saruk (in Dukes, p. 146.),' Ibn Balam (in Dukes, p. 197-), Moses 
Ibn Ezra (Poetic MS.), who attributes to the air and sea of Tiberias 
such an influence on the tongue that even the children of the colonist 
participated in its advantages ; S. Duran (Kuntris, p. SS.') ; conf. also 
inf. n. 46. In Tiberias lived Eli ben (Abn Ali?) Jehuda, the 
Nazir (Dukes, p. 133. ; conf. Wolf. iii. 7^4 d. : on Nazir, conf. Dukes^ 



NOTES TO § 16. 325 

Blumenl. p. 196.; conf. Buscli's Jahrb. iv. ^33.; Zunz, zur Gesch. 
203.)^ perhaps identical with the composer of the D''^''V Ili^D (in He- 
dessi, 173.), who belonged to Tiberias, and with Jabja (inf. n. 27.). 
Moreover, -Ben Asher is said to have been of Tiberias. The name 
(T'TyD so much talked of by bibliographers (Hupf. i. p. 4, ; Add. ii. p. 
19.) appears to me to be derived from the proper name '^^. What 

has been proposed since by various authors (Lit. bl. x. 8O9., xii. 
83. 398. 368., where Dukes ought to have consulted the Arabic 
text of Saadja) does not appear to offer any advantage. Luzzatto 
(1. 1. pp. IS. 26. 37. sq.) believed punctuation to have been introduced 
by the Babylonian Saboraim (cii. 500.) under the influence of the 
Syrians (whose introduction of vowels even he denies), supporting 
his opinion, 1st, upon the agreement of the Karaites (sup. § 14. n. 
25.), as if the oral Masora was not sufficient to account for that; 
2nd, upon the similarity of the Syriac names of vowels, although the 
Arabic are derived from these last, and the fact itself by no means 
points to Babylon (comp. Hupfeld, iii. p. 7. sq.) ; 3rd, because the 
different pronunciation of the "1 used in Palestine, which is found also 
in the book Jezira (conf. the author's Fremdsprachl. Elem. p. 24.), is 
not observed ; which would indeed only suggest a deviation on the part 
of the Babylonians. Recently (in Dialogues, p. 108. note) he admits, 
at least, that the punctuation of the European Jews is derived from 
Tiberias. On the other hand_, Ewald (p. xi. 149.) concludes, from the 
variation of the said grammarians, that at their time the theory was 
already obscured (against Hupfeld, 1. c, Ewald, in the Gott. gel. Anz., 
has brought forward no new argument). In favour of the age and 
originality of Hebrew grammatical terminology, Ewald (p. 124.) knows 
nothing but the peculiar H2^, or t51t^, in Chajjug (Dukes, pp. 136. 
157.; conf. Cusari, ii. § 80.; Luzz. 1.1. Hupf. iii. p. 5. n. 11., p. 
7., ii. p. 22., by which Kampf. Lit. bl. ii. 710. is to be corrected). 
Upon mi in Saadja, see Dukes, p. 36. 

28 Vide inf. n. 52. 

29 Catalogues in Wolf (ii. p. 534., iv. p. 226., whence Furst, 
Concord, p. 1382.) ; Dukes, Kuntris, p. 14. sq., where also upon the 
leader of the school Pinhas, see Luzz. p. 25. Later, a particular ver- 
bum denominativum was formed, Ipp, i. e. to provide Bibles with 
Masoretic glosses on the margins (Zunz, zur Gesch. 202., comp. 73 c). 
At last, a Masora upon the Targum was also composed (Luzz. Virgo, 
f. j. p. 13.). The so-called '^'^ Mas. of the Talmud" is an index of 
parallel passages, vide § 25. ; on " Masoret Haggada " see sup. n. I6. 

30 P. 22. sq. (conf. MS. Munich. 14.). Hupf. (i. p. 4.) places him 
at the beginning of the 10th century, but proves (in the note) '^^Eta- 
tem ejus antemasoreticum esse," &c. Here also appears the ambiguity 
of the word Masora. 

31 Hupf. i. p. 17. sq., according to the better recension of a MS. of 
Luzzatto, published by Dukes, Kontres, &c. 

3-' Id. p. 38.; Jeh. Hedessi (pp. l63- I68.) has, in his Vork pin 
pinn, enriched the eighty m^lT of Ben Asher. He counts twelve reges, 
nine sei'vi, and ten ancipites, &c. 

33 Ew. p. 124.; Hupf. i. p. 2., iii. pp. 2. 10.; Geig. Zeitschr. r. 
274. 416.; Zunz, zur Gesch. 194, 195.; Rapop. Busch's Jahrb. iii. 

Y 3 



326 NOTES TO § 16. 

259. The oldest trace is probably the division of the letters in the 
book Jeziia (§ 13.), and the Comment, (conf. Dukes, p. 134.). It is 
not true, according to Gesen. Thes. Rad. |*iy (Geig. Zeitschr. v. 314,);, 
that Saadja never appeals to those who wrote before his time (Ew. p. 
5.), only he mentions no name; cf. Catal. p. 2188. 

-4 Cf. Catal. p. 2199., and on MS. Mich. 59., ib. p. 2l62, Perhaps 
the manner of putting small verses between the letters of the alphabet 
is very old. Upon the unusual D''T''"inD, in Menahem (Dukes, Lit. bL 
viii. 680., see § 18. n. 31. Upon «_j?-^ or "il^li^^ vide sup. § 9- n. 40., 
and inf. n. SS. Hedessi (p. 170.) has also jnH^n '•p'^'^ID. On the 
lexica of the Karaites, David ben Abraham, said to be a contemporary 
of Saadja (Ker. Chem. ix. 51.), and Ali ben Soleiman (see Catal. 
p. 219h).), we must wait for more special notices. 

2^ Rapop. on Parchon, p. xiii., has proved that nothing but investi- 
gations required the Arabic language (conf. also Chiquitilla in Dukes, 
p. 181.). Saruk does not know how to explain etymologically the prin- 
ciple of the alphabetical series (ntl^nD) ; for example, \TX^1T\ was- 
found under H. 

36 Vide § 14. 

37 Munk (Not. sur Aboulvv. p. 44.) ascribes to him all the works 
mentioned in the Commentary on Jezira (see § 13. n. 12.), and even 
identifies him with Abu Ibrahim, mentioned in Mos. Ibn Ezra, but 
who is (according to an old correction of the MS. itself) Abu Ibrahim 
Ibn Barun (or Berrein?), see Catal. p. 1335. 

38 '>\^rh^ (Hebr. ?]D&^?on), not *.^W (as first conjectured by the 
author, see n. 34.), which is a common title of Arabic lexica, and also 
a name for Ecclesiasticus ; see on Maim. Treat, on Unity, p. 15. n. 22. 
The following are synonymous expressions, "jiy (arrangement) and 
niinnD, with doubtful vocalisation, corresponding with k„_2jb' (Lit. bl. 
iv. S5., vi. 171.). The particular alphabets of the lexica are called 
probably nniriD (Lit. bl. iv. 187-, ^'iii. 650., sup. n. S5.; Simson, in 
Geig. Zeitschr. v. 421., against Rapop. on Parchon, p. x. ; Dukes, p. 
40.; Zunz, zur Gesch. p. 203.; Hupf. iii. 17- n. 31.; Add. ii. p. 22., 
none of whom explain the difference of the sing and plur.), or lyji^, 
c_^b (cf. Catal p. 1428. and 2198.). The chapters or articles in the 
alphabet are called pIS (in Nathan), and "]"iy. Ibn Balam also quotes 
a i>S1p'"\ 'D (perhaps Chajjug .?). 

39 Karaitic authorities confirm Lebrecht's etymology of Koreisch 
{Catal. p. 1334); and by this we learn to know the influence of Ko- 
reisch's exegesis, § 17- n. 4. " Ibn Koreisch Jehuda " is already quoted 
in Tobia the Karaite (Cod. Opp. 255. in fol. f. 9^6.), who seems to 
mention a work D**")!^?! mS^^y ; but, unfortunately, the passage is ob- 
scure : he speaks in the same place of many Rabbinites having been 
converted to Karaism ; and perhaps this occasioned later Karaites to 
consider him one of themselves. 

'^^ Catal. s. V. His criticism on Menahem (ed. Lond. p. 68.) enume- 
rates some roots common to Hebrew and Arabic. 

41 Catal. s. V. 

42 Zunz, zur Gesch. p. 113. Chajjug did not treat of the fixed 
roots, particles, &c. (Abulw. Lit. bl. viii. 679-)- 



NOTES TO § 16. 827 

^^ Ewald (p. 143.) has quite misunderstood the sentence of R. Jo- 
chanan mentioned by Jona (Ab. Sar. 58 b., Cholin, 137 b., where, 
for nJOVy?, in Raschi, stands Tin? ; conf. Natan, Aruch, sub voce ps^p) ; 
conf. Parchon (end of the grammar), l^h S^^mDH l-ni "12^ D^2n "["n ; 
Ibn Ezra(Zachot, verb, neutropass.), Tin'? ^ID^Jl ])^h) l^vh ^^IpD ])i:^h ; 
conf. Tobias in Geig. Zeitschr. v. 4l6. The sense is, that midrash 
and simple exegesis exist independently ( TlH^, 13?, 1?3Vyb). 

^2* Lebrecht (Lit. bl iv. 234.) asserts that Chiquitilla also translated 
writings of Abulwalid, without mentioning his authorities. In his 
preface (Dukes, p. 181.), which Parchon copies, he says that he is 
obliged to make use of circumlocution from the want of precise tech- 
nical expressions. On other translators of Abulwalid's writings, see 
Catal. p. 1418. 

44 Catal. s. V. 

^^ His nDp") is to be distinguished from Abulwalid's work of the 
same name, and he himself from the older translator of Jonah ; another 
Isaac ben Jehuda composed the book ^iC^i^n about J 250; and another 
Isaac Levi, in the 12th century, wrote the book "llpD ; see Catal. 1. c. 

^^ Rossi, Dictionary, 287. j Dukes, Lit. bL iv. 234. Carmoly 
(Annal. ii. 29-) and Kirchheim (Abulw. p. xii.) make him older than 
Abulwalid (? ?) ; perhaps he is identical with the poet, § 20. n. 42. 
Jacob op Jerusalem {^IpJDT] TT'l, Arab.) is a different person from 

''the Pilgrim" (JJin = =j-l^) mentioned by Abulwalid (Lit. bl. 
vii. 663.). 

46 a Upon the extensive circulation of his commentary, even as far as 
the East, see n. 10. 

47 See Geig. Melo Chofn. p. 63. 101. 

48 Catal. s. V. 

*^ The history of this technical expression is instructive for the deve- 
lopment of terminology generally. It was drawn from the old treasures 
of the language, and was gradually shaped in the different systems and 
schools partly by the natural influence of the Arabic, which was in its turn 
influenced by the Hebrew. In the Talmud, particularly in the Halachaic 
discussions, pm and p^pl (rad. pH) and their derivatives signify " to 
be careful in minutiae, and scrupulous in doing, speaking, and thinking," 
according to the relative word which is to be supplied (cf. sup. § 4. n. 
17.) ; hence precise astronomers are called merely D''p1p1D ; and in the 
Hebrew translation of Albatani (M. Michael, 835.), a work upon astro- 
nomy is more particularly designated a pllpin ''nD^?7D3. In the style of 
translation of the Tibbonides rad. pi was used principally for ''subtle," 
particularly in conjunction with Vy (j^3 J, speculation, &c., especially 
pnpl and nip''''1. With these various shades of meaning is connected 
the use of pHpl (not yet used without the correlative ])iyb) for 
Grammar (cf. the definition of Jonah, which Ephodaeus, MS. chap, 
viii.j says is an explanation of the word, not a real definition). The 
Hebrew origin is proved by the use of it in an Arabic work by Japhet 
the Karaite, ^but Geig. (Zeitschr. v. 274.) and JMunk go too far in 
concluding that the grammarians quoted by Japhet are Karaites ; see 
Rap.; Busch. iii. 259. ; P'^^P'^ D as the opposite of ni3n:ii^ (Lexic.) 
in Hedessi (Dukes, p. 40., Lit. bl. viii. 636.) ; although, on the other 

Y 4 



328 NOTES TO § 16. 

hand, it seems above (n. 34. and § 12. n. 37.) to include also lexica. 
Abulwalid entitles his work on language ^Jii^i = pHpl, where gram- 
mar and lexicon are taken together, and the study of language is made 
a point of. The expressions n^'H^ in old works, and l^n ^DDH or ^^Z^ 
3D^ (c«-^UU^ ^X)-> are also to be observed. 

50 Samk in Dukes, 146.; Wolf. i. 339.; Zunz, zur Gesch. 203. 
Upon the so-called Codex Hilali, see Catal. p. 1782. The Parisian 
Cod. Suppl. 1. was not written in 106l (Carmoly), but in 1301 (Geig. 
Zeitschr. v. 464.; conf. sup. § 10. n. 31.); the Cod. Ken. 350. of 
Vienna is said to have been written in the 10th century, KraflPt and 
Deutsch, Catal. p. 10. 

5^ Zunz, zur Gesch. pp. 107. sq, 201. sq. ; Rapop. on Parchon (see, 
however, sup. n, 41.}. 

^^ Vide sup. n. 49. ; Zunz, zur Gesch. 201. sq. (from which Hupf. ii. 
p. 107. must be corrected and completed), |p''*'1, see also Zion, ii. 105. 

52 f^ Hupf. (iii. p. 21., ii. p, 19-)^ without sufficient reason, considers 
the printed book to be a later compilation ; see Catal. s. v. : the same 
title is given to the grammar of Saadja. 

53 Lit. bl. viiic 442. Abrahabi ben Juda Ibn Chajjim probably 
wrote upon the technical part of copying the Bible, colours, and the 
like (Cod, Rossi, 9^5.; but the date, 1262, and the country, Spain, 
seem uncertain. About that time lived Abraham ben Chajjim, the 
father of Levi (§ 11.) in Provence). 

53a Vide sup. n. 38. 

5^ t )[xi= "ISID? see Catal. s. v. Geig. (v. 419.), identifies him 

with ]\[osES BEN Isaac Hannesia ; but lately (Ker. Chem. ix. 61.) he 
supposes the latter to be a native (? ?) of Provence, in consequence of 
Dukes' valuable essay on the latter in Jewish Chronicle, 1 849 (vol. v. 
11. 37.)^ P- 295. sq. By the by, Dukes has given (p. 295.) a short 
notice about the very few Jewish scholars of England in the Middle 
Ages, which might be completed by a few more names, e. g. R. Moril 
(Samuel) of Inghilterra, and some others of )^'''Tl3l7, if that is not 
rather Londres in France ; Jacob of Orleans (see sup. p. 144., comp. also 
Zunz ad Benjamin, p. 257., z. G. I6I. 52., Catal. p. 1257. 1319.)- 

55 Zunz, p. 204. ; conf. p. 118. 

56 Catal p. 1257. His work is now printed (Lond. 1855). The 
above-mentioned poem on accents, with the acrostic (Jacob ben Meir), 
is found also in a MS. (a. d. 1470) amongst several tracts (f. IO6 b.) 
containing also the poem of Joseph ben Kalonymos and the nip''"'*! of 
Samuel, who completes his grammatical observations by others (f. 27. 
sq.) arranged according to the order of the Pentateuch, and then (f. 35. 
sq.) treats of the accents, &c. ; so that it is more than probable that the 
grammarian and the Nakdan in Zunz, p. IO9., are one and the same 
author. 

57 Catal. p 1737. 

[Page 140. line L On Joseph ben David, whose work is extant in 
a MS. of the Bodl. libr., Dukes has enlarged in the Lit. bl. x. 707- 727. 
755., xi. 173. 183. 215. (cf. also the German note 46 of this §) ; 
but with respect to the date, he is evidently wrong, as he places him 
first (p. 707.) in the beginning of the I3th century, and then in the 



NOTES TO § 17. 329 

time of Moses Hannesia ; while Joseph quotes Isaac ben Eleazar Levi, 
(who wrote, not in the '^^ beginning of the 12th century/' as is said in 
Lit. bl. vii. 706., since he quotes Charisi, who lived in 1218), and even 
Nachmanides (ob. not before 1268), as dead (7"l, see Lit. bl. xi. 184.). 
Hence Joseph cannot have lived before the end of the 13th, which 
agrees with his speaking of the Kabbalists. To Elia ben Chananel, 
who Dukes (p. 728.) says is unknown, are dedicated, in 1351-2, some 
Kabbalistic works of Isaiah ben Joseph (partly also in Cod. Laud. 
220.) ; this Isaiah (born 1327), '' called Rah," was the possessor of the 
Bodl. Cod. of Joseph's work, and was said by Uri (476.) to be the 
author. All this Dukes could have learnt by referring to Cod. Vienna;, 
xciv. (p. 107. of the Catalogue, a criticism of which was given by 
Dukes in Lit. bl. 1848). 

58 Vat. 417. 2. (Zunz, G. V. 438 b. ; zur Gesch. 120.), as the 
author concludes from the beginning where the German stands first. 
See also n. 30. and § Q. n. 39. 

58 a See Dukes, Lit. bl. viii. 481, sq. 

59 Luzzatto, p. S4.j Dukes, Kobez, p. iv. 

59 a Vide Catal. p. 622. (and upon the origin, sup. n. 9 a.). The date 
of the com.position n '73 refers to the French exile of the year 1395, not 
to 1290, see Mos. Rieti, f. 104. (different in Ibn Verga, chap. 24.) The 
title was stereotyped, cf. Portaleone in Zunz, G. V. 442. A Hebrew 
Arabic Lexicon was written by Saadja Ibn Dan an, ed. 1473, cf. § 20. 
n. 50. 

^^ Not to be confounded with Raschi, who was not called Jarchi, 
see Zunz, Israel. Annal. i. nr, 42. 

61 Conf. Dukes, Lit. bl. viii. 441., cf. 5l6. n. 7. Catal. p. 1524. 

^2 Catal. s. V. 

^'^ Zunz, zur Gesch. 410.; Dukes, Kuntris. nr. 12, 13. 



§ 17. Page 141. 

^ Authorities (besides those given § I6. n. 1.) : the German-French 
literature complete in Zunz, zur Gesch. pp. 60 — IO7. 19^— 201,,- a 
catalogue of 148 commentaries on the Pentateuch given by Reggio, 
in the Introd. to his Italian version of the Pentateuch (Vienna, 1821, 
see Annal. iii. 6 ) ; characteristics in Del Medigo (Mel. Chofn. p. 
29.) ; some particulars, rather antiquated however, in Le-Long-Masch, 
Biblioth. Sacra, and De Rossi's supplement to it ; recently, Geiger 
(Beitrage, 1847^ and Parschandata, 1855) has given characteristic 
dissertations of some eminent exegetists of the German-French school 
(ll-12th cent.), not, however, uninfluenced by his subjective tendencies. 
We ought, perhaps, to mention here a recent work, the Practische Ein- 
leitung in die lieil. Sclirift iind Geschichte der Schriftauslegung, &c,, 
p. 1 . of the Oberrabbiner, L. Low, at Kanischa (1855), not indeed as 
one of our authorities, but as a work which has made considerable use 
of our German essay without mentioning it (^Catal. p. 2050.). 

2 The author's Fremdsprachl. Elem. p. 7. ; conf. Whewell-Littrow, 
1. c. p. 235. 

3 This v/as originally meant to be a mere exposition of Scriptural 
and Haggada passages. The first part touches upon scarcely anything 



330 NOTES TO § 17. 

but the explanation of Biblical anthropomorphisms. This is probably 
the reason of the remarkable fact that this comprehensive mind left 
behind no really exegetical work. 

^ See Parchon^ Gramm. End. Isaac Troki often enters into 
polemics against Christian exegesis, particularly that of the Gospels. 

^ E. g. Anan's Ableitung der Beschneidung mit der Schere nach Jos. 
V. 2. (Lit. bl. viii. 18.) is certainly not more rational than the Rab- 
binical derivation of the prohibition of shaving, &c. (conf. also Annal. 
i. 137.)' Geiger (Zeitschr. v. 267- sq. 272. sq.) gives too much pro- 
minence to the natural sense of the words in the principles of the 
Karaites ; and Kirchheim (1. c), who agrees with him as regards the 
first commencement, is contradicted not only by the instance of Anan, 
but also by the fact that, of the three points of difference characterising 
this sect mentioned by Aaron ben Elia (Lit. bl. i. 5S^. QO^.), the 
first and third refer to tradition. Saadja gives the four rules of expo- 
sition (ib. p. 534.; Frank. Zeitschr. ii. 112.). 

6 Conf. § 12. n. 3. 

'^ See Abulw. § l6. n. 35., and Parchon, Gramm. On the simple 
meaning, as opposed to Halacha, see § 14. n. 5., Samuel ben Meir 
(in Zunz, zur Gesch. 19^.), Ibn Ezra (in Lippmann, Sefat Jeter, p. 
19.; conf. Geig. Zeitschr. i. 311.; Rapop. Ker. Chem. vii. 92. sq. ; 
cf. Catal. s. v.). The explanation of anthropomorphisms, a mutual 
object of reproach, is due to Jehuda Ibn Koreish (§ I6. n. S^.^. 
We will only add, that they lay a great stress, even in practical deduc- 
tions, on the connexion ( niD''?3D) of chapters, &c. (cf. Ibn Ezra, 
Deuter. xxiv. 16. ; cf. Exod. xxi. 8.). — The seventy ways of explana- 
tion are a more recent and symbolical number ; see the author's essay 
quoted in § 2. n. 6. 

8 ZuNz, G. V. 409. ; conf. 397- On Maimonides on the Unity, 
18.; Duran, Keshet umagen, conf. Melo Chofn. p. 64. n. 8. ; Abba- 
mari, Minch. Ken. p. 125. 1. 3.; Shemtob on the Moreh, ii. SQ. ; 
Cusari, iii. § QQ. ; Immanuel of Rome, on Prov. xxv. I6. (in Dukes, 
Blumenl. p. 268.) ; Franck, Kabbala, p. 42. — On the older meaning 
of TOn, see § 5. nn. 7- 10. 102. 

9 Conf. also the interesting classification in Ibn Ezra's Introduction 
to the Pentateuch, and (Lathif ?) Schaar hasch. (in Luzzato, Virgo, f. 
J. p. vii.) ; Aaron ben Elia Kar., Introduction to Comment. (Lit. bl. 
i. 500.), and Del Medigo (see n. 1.). 

10 Dunash Ibn Librat seems the first who used the word in that 
sense ; see Zunz, z. G. 197- 568. ; cf. § I6. n. S5. 

11 Saadja, on the Psalms (Ew. p. 8. [Geig. Zeitschr. v. 308.] ; 
Dukes, p. 184.), and on Proverbs (see Catal. s. v.); Isaac (Israeli?), 
on the Edomite genealogical tables (Lit. bl. i. 303.) ; explanation of 
ten punctuated passages in Abot d. R. Nathan and Bamidb. Rab. in 
Geig. Zeitschr. vi. 23.; conf. As. d. Rossi, Ker. Chem. v. 153. 

1^ See an anonymous Pashtan of England, in Baruch ben Isaac; 
conf. Albo, Ikkar, i. 1.; Zunz, zur Gesch. I96. ; also in Menahem 
ben Solomon, who uses l^a and tOE^S for nns ; conf. IjnS^a, in Sal- 
mon ben Jerucham (Dukes, Beitr. p. 100.), "it^'2, in Sabbatai Donolo 
(Ker. Chem. vii. p. 65. 1. 17.)» together with jnna (id. p. 64. 1. 6- 
ab inf.); conf. Parchon (1, c), Mos. Kimchi, Introd. to Comm. on the 



331 

Proverbs (Lit. bl. viii. 26 n. 2.). Biblical commentaries of the 13th and 
1-itb centuries are called CLD'J'S in Zunz, zur Gesch. pp. 83. 92. 067. 

^^ Bottcber, in Verbandlungen, d. i. Vers. d. Orient, p. 06. 

^^ Mexahe:ji ben Solomon (Lit. bl. vii. 440.) is^ however^ perhaps 
an Italian. 

^•5 Zunz, zur Gesch. p. IQG. sq. j conf. Geig. Lit. bl. des Israel. 
p. 70' ; Beer, in Frankel's Zeitschr. iii. 477. j Menahem ben Solomon 
(on metaphorical explanation)^ in Dukes, Kobez al Jad, p. 06. 

15 a Iji Dukes' Excerpta (Lit. bl. viii. 346^ 347.) he gives the 
same words in French_, as Gerson the elder does in his Commentary on 
Talmud. 

16 catal. p. 1478.; cf. Geig. Parschand. p. 11. 

^" 172? (libellarius), or 2r\)'2, also expresses such additions and 
supercommentaries, Zunz, zur Gesch. pp. I96. and 87. 
1^ Zunz, 195., and Geig. 11. cc. 

19 Catal. s. v., and Geig. Parschand. 

20 Par. Biblioth. Sorb. 85. ; Carra. Rev. Or. i. p. 123.; Dukes, Lit. 
bl. viii. 513. sq. ; hence omitted in Zunz^ p. 76. 

21 Enumeration in Zunz, Biogr. of Rashi in the Zeitschr. f. d, AViss. 
d. Jud. ; cf. Catal. s. v. The Commentary attributed to •• Joel," in 
the old Catal. MS. Anglias, repeated by Gagnier (Wolf. iv. n. 797 b.), 
and in Coxe's Catal. (Cod. Vigorn. 9-)' i^ ^ curious misconception of the 
final passage; the work is the Comm. of Xachmanides. 

21a Zunz, p. 199. sq. 

22 Id. p. 76. sq.j and Catal. sub vccibus. 

-3 Zunz, zur Gesch. 9^- He mentions also a work on Phvsics 
(§ 22. n. 70.). 

24 Carra. Rev. Or. ii. 399., '"' Touche ; " S. Cassel, Hist. Versuche, 
i. 29., explains it, " Toucques." 

25 Catal. s. V. 

25a Conf. Geig. Zeitschr. iv. 397-; Zunz, zur Gesch. pp. 103. 200. 

26 MS. Mich. 509. 644. 
2" Zunz, zur Gesch. 465. 

2^ Id. Addit. p. 324.; MS. Mich. 399. ^n?D^i?D^ Inl^D, ed. by 
Piperno (Livorno, 1840); cf. Carm. Hist. p. 91- 

29 Catal p. 69s. 

30 Catal. p. 717.; cf. Ker. Chem. viii. 84. 205. 



§ 18. Page 146. 

1 The first impulse to inquiry on the history of this branch was 
given by the religious poetry ; hence the first treatise, Heidenheim on 
the Pijutim and Pajtanira (with additions by M. H. Michael) appeared 
as an introduction to the Machsor. Rapoport's well-known investiga- 
tions about Eleazar Kalir form the foundation of more recent critical 
researches. A review of the writings connected with this subject, by 
Zunz, Delitzsch, Dukes, Luzzatto, Steinschneider, Kampf, Mohr, 
M. Sachs (Wenrich's prize essay, which excludes the new Hebrew 
poetry), and the translations and imitations of Ka3ipf, Krafft, Stein, 
Stern, Tendlau, Zedner (to which was added, in 1847? the author's 



332 NOTES TO § 18. 

Manna and Letteris ; see Lit. bl. viii. 476.);, has been given by the 
author in the Mag. f. d. Lit. d. Ausl., 1845, p. 429. sq.; Munk's treatise, 
extracted from the magazine Le Temps (Delitzeh, zur Gesch. p. xii.)_, 
is to be found in French and German in Philippson's Schul-und Pre- 
digtmagaz. vol. ii. (1835), and contains only some proofs and remarks 
on the Arabian period. The author has defended Zunz and Rapoport's 
fundamental views against modern doubts and objections in his Treatise 
on the History of Hebrew poetry, in Fiankel's Zeitschr. iii. 401. sq,, 
where also he rejects the separate treatment of the " religious poetry/' 
and refers to the close connexion of poetic forms with the history of 
Hebrew philology. The main view of the matter is not altered by 
the fact that Eleazar Kalir has been proved older than Saadja. Some 
special authorities will be mentioned below in their respective places, 
especially on the work of Zunz, Die synagogale Poesie (1855), see 
§ 19- n. 7. On the collection of poetry published at London in 1850, 
under the title Treasures of Oxford, see Lit. bl. xi. 6l4. and Catal. 
p. 1006. sq. On Dukes, D^DHp 'pm, see § 20. 

2 Frankel, Zeitschr. iii. 409* 

^ Rapop., Pref. to Parchon. 

4 See the citations in Zunz, G, V. 377 b. c, and Syn. Poes. 6l. ; 
conf. Frankel, iii. 411. n. 14.; Delitzch, zur Gesch. d. hebr. Poesie, 
p. 131.; Dukes, zur Kenntniss der rel. Poes. p. 6. sq.. Lit. bl. iv. 338. 
(where read '^ ^nfang " for " f/wfang der Kunstform ") ; Sachs, der 
rel. Poes. d. Juden in Span. p. 175. sq. ; and vide inf. n. 15. 

^ Frankel, iii. 408., which also has weight in the principal part of 
the subject against Cassel's doubts and opinions (id. p. 194. sq.). 

6 Id. Zeitschr. iii. 406. ; Geiger (Zeitschr. iii. 381.) admitted no 
peculiar Hebrew poetry, and considered the hymns as alone deserving 
the name. He has however since considerably altered his opinion. 

7 Delitzsch, zur Gesch. pp. 139. 142. ; Cassel (p. 192.) becomes 
almost self-contradictory in reference to the Syrians. 

^ Delitzsch, 1. c. 
» See § 19. n. 21. 

10 Del. pp. 126. 136. ; conf. also von Raumer, Gesch. d. Padag. 
i. 3., on the sesthetical value of the mediaeval Latin religious poetry. 
^^ Lit. bl. viii. 72.; conf. Geig. Zeitschr. vi. 17- 

12 Even S. Cassel (p. I92.) affirms (p. 195.) that the earlier Syrian 
poems are far removed from Judaism. On Syrian metrics see Zingerle 
(in the Zeitschr, f. d. Kunde d. Morgenl. vii. 1. sq., and Zeitschr. der 
d. m.Gesellsch. x. II6. sq., on mixed metrum in strophes of several 
lines), who reckons verses in three lines among the rarer forms (1. c. p. 3.) ; 
and see n. I6., also nn. 18. 59. The author's purpose, in the following 
remarks is to show the weakness of the arguments on which different 
hypotheses have been built, not to estabhsh or confirm a new one ; and 
he accepts fully the sentence of the great master (Zunz, S. P. p. 85.) : 
'• We cannot know which poetry has been the model of the first 
Pajtanim, of which the time and country are uncertain." 

13 Zunz, G. V. 381. ; Luzz. Virgo, &c., p. 10. ; Lit. bl. vii. 677. ; 
conf. Sachs, p. I76. 

14 Frankel, Zeitschr. iii. 408. It is of some importance that the 
613 precepts in Saadja's Hturgy are much less artificial than the real 



NOTES TO § 18. 333 

Azharot (see Catal, p. 220().) and that in Jose ben Jose's Seder Aboda 
scarcely any artifice but the old alphabet appears, not even the divi- 
sion of the line into four parts, or the strophic construction, which is 
visible in his new-year hymn ; see also n. 17. On the other hand, some 
non-liturgical poetry ascribed to the Gaonim seems not to belong to 
them ; cf. inf. n. 40. 

^^ See the authorities in n. 4. (and conf. Zunz, S. P. SQ, 157.), and 
the author's remark in Frankel, Zeitschr. iii. 409. 

1^ Luzz. Virgo, p. 11., and S. Cassel, 1. c, appeal to the influence of 
the Syrians (cf. n. 12.), especially Jacob Edessenus (ob. 710. cf. 
Wenrich, De Auct. Grsec. p. 126.) We refer the reader to the essay on 
the rhyme of Syriac poems by Zingerle (Zeitschr. 1. c. x. 110 — ll6.), 
who states that the Syrians are not commonly rhyming people, like 
Arabs and Persians, that in the classical time (4 — 5th cent.) the rhyme 
occurs more rarely, and that later rhymes are rather to be ascribed to 
the influence of those nations ; and yet he was acquainted with a whole 
rhymed poem, the 54 Paraeneses of Ephrem Syrus (ob. a. d. 379)' 

17 E. g. the nnim (n. 66.) of Ibn Ezra, Lit. bl. iv. 338. ; conf. also 
Zunz, S. P. pp. 62. l63., and even Selichot without rhyme in the 13th 
cent. ; ib. p. 176. » 

18 Sachs (p. 174-.) and Cassel (p. 224., conf. 226. n.), without found- 
ation, have cited in their own favour the passages in Zunz, G. V. 380. 
(conf. Rap., Kalir 20. ; see Frankel, Zeitschr. iii. 409-) ; it seems un- 
necessary to repeat the details of our argument ; cf. also Zunz, S. P. 
p. 60. ; and on the name |tD''1Q, p. 107- Even Parchon (5 a., a.d. Il6l) 
has still |t:5^^S, the denom. D''^D and ^|X'Dininni ^^^^ as opposed to 
the old D^JIJJ, and speaks of D^'pip':^ D^OVS of the Arabians; while 
Ibn Ezra and Maimonides (even D''tOVS?^ in Arabian sentences, vide 
Lit. bl. iv. 685., and also in Cusari, ii. 78. in the text, cf. n. 51.) seem 
to point to the narrower sense. The German Simson (in Geig. v. 429-) 
calls Gabirol's upbraiding song tD''''2, but he probably knew it only from 
quotations. 

19 Frankel, iii. 409. ; cf. sup. n. 14., and inf. p. 149. sq. 

20 Vide sup. n. 8. That this was the case in the neo-Persian, used 
at first by the Arabians, is a point which cannot be pursued further 
here. Conf. also Sachs, p. 302., conf. 270. 

21 See references in Frankel, iii. 462. sq. ; conf. inf. § 19- n. 4. and 
n. 19. Hence linguistic phenomena analogous to those censured occur 
in Saadja (Lit. bl. vi. 678.), Menahem, Dunash, Abitur, Gabirol, Gajjat 
(in Sachs, p. 206.), and even partially in the Arabising translators (Lit. 
bl. iii. 815. 823.), and also in the Karaites, as Solomon ben Jerucham and 
others (Jost, Busch's Jahrb. v. 155.), according to which, Dukes (Lit. 
bl. v. 7 18.) is to be corrected. The African, S. Duran (in Dukes, Lit. 
bl. iv. 687.5 conf. Zunz zur Gesch. p. 204.), who justifies his poverty 
of language by the importance of his matter, forms a remarkable excep- 
tion. — This important observation has been recently carried out in detail 
by Zunz, who gives a kind of glossary of these linguistic peculiarities ; 
and his general remark (p. 119-) agi-ees remarkably with that of Moses 
Ibn Ezra (Poetic MS. f. 28 a., cf. sup. p. 153.). 

22 Abulwalid learned the poetry of his teacher by heart in his youth 
(Lit. bl. xiii. 153 — 155.), although he regarded poetry as beyond his 
peculiar sphere (in Dukes, Mischle, p. xiv.). 



334 NOTES TO § 18. 

23 Dunash (Lit. bl. iv. 232.) and others (collected by Dukes, Lit. 
bl. viii. 152. : the mere names are given in Zunz, S. P. 2l6. ; quota- 
tions of verses from different authors, but not in strict chronological 
order^ are collected by Dukes, Xahal, conf. also Samson, sup. n. 18.), 
and subsequently also philosophers and exegetists, as especially Ibn 
Araraa. The word "1CJ<:l^ in Weisse, pref. to Jedaja, p. xlix., is, per- 
haps, to be translated '' as we say "? cf. n*P2nn "IHOI "1D5<J1 in Crescas 
to Moreh, ii. 4. f. 60b. ed. Jesnitz, and sup. § 6. n. 6. 

24 References in Frankel, Zeitschr. ii. p. 388. ; conf. Zunz, G. V. 
389. SQ^. On the later censures, see § I9. nn. 4. 33. 

25 Dukes, Ueher d. aussern Formen der Piutim, Lit. bl. iv. 337. ; 
partly also treated in Zunz, S. P. p. 85. sq., more particularly with 
reference to his special branch ; and on some termini technici, see 
Dukes, Lit. bl. xii. 148. 

25^ Sachs, p, 174., analogies in Frankel, ii. p. 303. It is called in 

Arabic cJ\:^->- (Hammer, Encyklopad. Ubers., p. 63.); for details, see 
Zunz, S. P. 104., and the name XniDD^J, p. 105. On a work of 
Nahshox named Seder Alphabet, see sup. § 13. n. 

26 Rapop. Kalir, note 20.; Zunz, G. V. 370., S.P. p. 86.; Dukes, Lit. 
bL iv. 33^. 529. S. Cassel (p. 192.) shows the same in the Syrian, as 
also Zingerle, 1. c. p. 113. A recent legend derives this artifice from 
heaven, where Kalir learned it (H. Treves). 

2'^ References in Dukes, Lit. bl. vii. 780., and in the author's Catal. 
A few more authors could be added to our text, e. g., Aaron Chajjim 
VoLTERRA (1750), who cliose the letter ^. 

28 Catal. s. V. 

29 Catal s. V. 

29a Read 1697. ; see Catal. s. v. 

30 Zunz, 380. sq. ; Rapop. Ker. Chem. vi. I9. 53S,.; Geig. Zeitschr. 
V. 268. ; the author's memoir in Frankel, iii. 408. (where nn. 11. and 
12. should be transposed, and '^lOth" be read for ^''9th" century); 
more particulars in Zunz, S. P. p. IO6. ; Cassel (p. 231., conf. 224.) 
improperly calls every acrostic poem '' Kaliric." If he misses this 
among the Arabians, he has also failed to find it among the Syrians 
(p. 196.). Cassel seeks the origin of it in rivalry; Dukes, wiih an 
appeal to Gavison (Lit. bl. iv. 436.), in the fear of plagiarisms, on 
which subject Charisi, Abr. Ibn Chisdai (Busch's Jahrb. v. 385.), and 
others make complaints (cf. on that subject the remarks of Dukes, Lit. 
bl. xii. 374., where some particulars are incorrect ; on Joseph ben 
Jehuda [who is Ibn Aknin] see Ersch. s. v. p. 49-). The zeal of Sab- 
BATAi DoNOLO for the preservation of his name, and the fate of Zid- 
kija Anaw, Aaron Kohen, and others, are remarkable. Sabbatai has 
also the final formula pTn, which Sachs (p. 210.) derives from the 
call of the congregation to the leader of the prayers ; cf. Zunz, z. G. 
306., S. P. 109. 369. On the use of numerical values (Sachs, 1. c), 
conf. sup. § 13. n. 27. On the euphemisms used in acrostics, and their 
abbreviations, see Zunz, zur G. 31 6. sq., 36*9.:, and S. P. 1. c. We 
will here mention a passage of the Karaite Jeshua (Cod. Warner. 
41 f. 159 b.), who says that a perfect and good poem (OVD) of al- 
phabetical (n^3 5]^s» ^y) or acrostic (iHt^nV DC> hv) form in the Hebrew 



NOTES TO § 18. 335 

language, or any good style (^^^7y?D |15^?n "111?), is not a matter of 
chance, but requires a knowledge of language, &c. 

^^ The feminine form nT1"in appears also in some authors. In 
the Talmud (Jer. Chag. ii. § 8., Jefe Mareh ; Wajikr. Rab. cap. l6. ; 
conf. Buxtorf sub voce) T"in or ^"inn is used for the arrangement of 
similar biblical passages ; hence Seruk (in Dukes, p. 148.) properly calls 
the lexicographers D''T''"inD (sup. § l6'. n. 34.). On the form of the 
Rows of Pearls by which Jewish authors on Cantic. i. 10., explain the 
word (see Jos. Ibn Aknin in Ersch, s. v. p. 55., and Mos. Ibn Ezra, 
Poetic MS. f. 14b. cf. f. 25 a. ; cf. Catal sub Saadja Gaon, p. 2188.); 
among the Arabians, see Wenrich, De Poes. Hebr. et Ar. p. 179. (cf. 
the author's notice, Oesterr. Blatt. 1845, p. 580.) ; Jellinek, Lit. bl. vi. 
171.; Sachs, p. 174. n. 4., and 339. Abravanel (on Exod. xv. in 
Zedner, Auswahl, p. 70.) explains it DmiDD D^^^nt^ DHC^ ^sb ; on the 
other hand, Kalonymos (wrongly translated in Sachs, p. 174.) calls 
rhetoric without rhyme DITlDD n^'vJD, in opposition to Tlinn n^*''PD, 
rhyming prose. Conf., moreover, D''1p'' D'^IIDI Dllp'' ni"11C^, in Abrah. 
ben Chijja (zur Haar. 1.). 

32 Vide inf. § 19.-; Zunz, S. P. p. 86., ''perhaps already in the 8th 
cent." 

2^ E. g. art. iJTT'X t^^J, and the short introduction to the Lexicon (conf. 
also Dukes, Kuntris, p. 11.). The paranomastics, 6cc., and the rhyming 
final formula in Josippon, are not critically established (conf. Zunz, 
Zeitschr. p. 303., G. V. 453.) ; there are rhymes in Koreish's Arabic work. 

24 DeHtzch, p. 137- l62. sq. ; Rapop. Ker. Chera. vi. I9. ; Dukes, 
Lit. bl. 342. 356. sq. The rhymes of Saadia, Donolo (Zunz, G. V. 
379-)' ^^^ ^^^^ Kalir correspond essentially with the Arabic. 

•^•5 Lebrecht, Lit. bl. i. 122. ; Fleischer, id. vii. 469. ; and the Arabic 
title of a chapter of Charisi (vide Catal. pp. 1314. 1807.) neglected by 
Dukes, Lit. bl. xii. 149., and Nahal, p. 22. ; conf. p:i1T |nnn ;nn 
DHD^^J, sup. § 16. n. 32. German imitations from Mos. Ibn Ezra's 
Tarshish in the author's Manna, p. 110. The remark of Zunz (S. P. 
238.), that Abraham Ibn Ezra probably at first but rarely used such 
rhymes, is, of course, only meant with respect to liturgical poetry. 

-5a See Dukes, Lit. bl. iv. 80. n., xi. 37. n. 14. (Tlin p:V) ; conf. 
Sachs, p. 220. n. 2. ; Frankel, Zeitschr. iii. 279. ; Zunz, S. P. p. 87- ; 
Catal. p. 1327. Should the Arabic ;_Jj^^ (^1^1?^) belong here .?* see 
Hammer in Journ. Asiat. 1839, ii. I69. (neither in Freytag's work on 
Arabic poetry, nor in his Arabic Lexicon, is Merduf or --^ "x^ to be 
found), and Dukes, Lit. bl. xii. 151. 

26 Vide, e.g.. Lit. bl. iv. 451. As early as in the older insertions 
for the ten days of penitence (Zunz, p. 376. d., S. P. p. ^Q. ; and 
see inf. n. 62.) : German imitations in Sachs, p. 209. The Syrians 
also sometimes repeat the same word (Zingerle, L c. p. II6;) On 
'^variation," with respect to the Bibhcal verses, see Zunz, S. P. p. 98. 
In general, the end of the verse came into close connexion with the 
beginning (cf. Zunz, 1. c. p. 113.); and Abraham ben Isaac on Can- 
ticles makes the ingenious observation that the end of it, " hke all good 
songs," returns to its beginning. 

["Page 151. line 2. from bottom, ^^4^ {sk) ; See Hammer, Journ. 



336 NOTES TO § is. 

Asiat 1839 vviii.)^ 158, 159.; Dukes, Lit. bl. xii. 150.; Geiger, 
Divan, p. 133., from Fieytag ; Zunz, S. P. 102. Our observation on 
Ibn Sahl is taken from Casiri.] 

37 Abudienti, Gramm. p. l6l. j Lit. bl. iv. p. 60. n. 91., pp. 359. 
520. 729=; Luzzatto in Busch's Jabrb. vi. 104. ; designated as Arabic 
(D^^J^yD^^M hp^^^hv). Lit. bl. viii. 403. 

37a Delitzsch, p. 16'4. 

38 Dukes, Lit. bl. iv. 434. ; Jellinek, ib. 142. 6l5. ; Kampf, 
Introd. to the Tacbkemoni ; ZuxNz, S. P. 215. The termini technici 
of our text (as also nVpQ, n^*p, nn^HD, and n^^HQ) were probably first 
used in a grammatical sense, which they always maintained. 2VpD, in 
Cusari, ii. 78.^ p. 187. n. 4., ed. Cassel, is in the Arabic MS. Poc. 284. 
f. 546. P"iy:=^^A Zi cf. inf. n. 51. Besides this, the expression and 
image of the balance (Q ■^?^?D ?p\^D) for grammar and logic are typical, 
and borrowed from the Arabs, — a matter upon which we cannot here 
enter into details (cf. Catal. p. 1000.). On ni'D for poetic measure in 
Charisi, Immanuel, and Kalonymos, see the author's Manna, p. QQ. 
cf. Zunz, S. P. 217.). In Syriac, a poem in strophes is called J^S^")*1D, 
one which goes on continuously ^"ifO^D (Zingerle, 1. c= sup. n. 12.). 

39 Ibn Ezra, Zacbot, Delitzsch, p. 158.; Dukes, p. 433. sq. The 
particular metres in Kampf, 1. c. ; Sachs (p. 40.) compares the Versus 
polit. of the later Byzantines. In the East, Hai Gaon would be the 
first known if he were really the author of the moral poem (§ 20. 
n. 28.), or of the hymn ''7lp yD^ (cf. Landshuth, p. 62.), whose metre 
the author (Catal. p. 2l6l.) has discovered in pieces ascribed by 
Luzzato and Dukes to Saadja, which, therefore, must belong to a 
more recent author. 

40 poj. c( imitated, as well as its name from the Arabic," read, " imi- 
tated from the Arabic, as well as its name." 

[Page 153. hne 18. read: "According to Zunz (S. P. p. 2l6.), 
Solomon ben Gabirol (sic) perhaps," &c. ; and Id. pp. 89- and 219-] 

40 a See Jellinek, Lit. bl. v. 167. ; cf. Zunz, S. P. p. 248., in general, 
on the influence of the Spanish school upon the French-German. 

41 See Kimchi and Bedarschi in Dukes, Beitr. p. I91., Del. p. 139., 
on the so-called ""sense rhymes;" see the author's Manna, p. 97. 

42 As early as in Dunash, Lit. bl. iv. 232. ; conf. Del. 158. Dukes 
(p. 437.) improperly calls n''2, "strophe;" and he w^as not able (Lit. 
bl. iv. 453.) to find the expression n"*^^, "couplets," (= %:»i^ ; 

conf. Jell. Lit. bl. iv. 91-) amongst the Spaniards. We find titles in 
rhyming metre in Abraham Ibn Ezra (cf. Reifmann, Lit. bl. iv. 606.) ; 
while the title of the book, JT'Jr!, of Abraham ben Chijja, as it is given 
in the MS., does not give any correct metre. In general, the Hebrew 
titles are shorter, and consequently less fettered by the metre, than the 
Arabic. 

43 Collection of some materials in Dukes, Lit. bl. iv. p. 53Q. sq. (cf. 
pp. 687, 688.), V. 709. sq. ; conf. also Del. p. 141.; Sachs, p. 343. 
sq. ; Zunz, S. P. 113. 368. 

44 Zunz, G. V. 17. 22. 32. 

45 Saadja refers Ps. vi. 1. (Ewald, Beitr. p. 8.) to the right .,1J| 
melodies, which, however, admits of another explanation (see Fleischer, 



NOTES TO § 18. 337 

Lit. bl. iv. 248. ; conf. also Pseudo-Saadja on Cantic. in Dukes, Mit- 
theil. p. 106.) ; he also treats of them at the end of his Philosophy 
of Religion, of which, unfortunately, only the somewhat unintelligible 
Hebrew translation was accessible to the author, so that he has not 
consulted the Arabic text. Here nj''3J seems to signify "' chord," and 
HD^VJ (conf. ^-J.), "note" (interval). On Wl nnj, conf. Hupf. 
1. 1. i. l6., and ni2^"lS1 nn^Jn, in S. Duran (Lit. bl. iv. 540.); conf. 
I » \ \ and |jZui^>^, in Bar Hebraeus, Graram. iv. v. 47. sq., ed. Ber- 
theau. On the remark on the Music of the Kings, conf. the author's 
n. 42. on Maim. Treatise on the Unity, p. 20. Of these eight niJ'»JJ 
Petachja (Lit. bl. iv. 541. n. 44.) also speaks; and perhaps Charisi 
(Lit. bl. iv. 391.) alludes to them inuring the expression r\''2'"0\^n bv 
for the 8th century as the commencement of the art of poetry. On 
Saadja, conf. also Albo, Ikkar, iii. 10. (Schles. p. 66l., and Lit. bl. iv. 
156.). The Theory of Rhythm and Melody is perhaps connected with 
the passage in Plato's Repub. (lib. iii. p. SQS.). In the MS. translation 
of the compendium of Ibn Roshd, by Samuel ben Judah, of Mar- 
seilles (1321), " TTspL (jjhjQ -poTvoQ Kol fieXiZv XoLTiOr " is rendered 
merely D»:nbn?0 ilD. The |n^ consists of the three : \rhr[ n Ti^fc< 
"!DND1, niDDDIO ilD^V^), pJ^J ; in the original Xuyov re Kal apjiovlaQ 
Koi pvdfxov, "Worte, Tonsetzung und Zeitmass, according to Schleier- 
macher's German translation : conf. inf. n. 51. 

^6 Dukes, p. 541. ; conf. n. 45. 

46 a Lit. bh iv. 539., v. 710.; conf. sup. § 4. n. 30. 

^7 As. De Rossi (Ker. Chem. v. 138.) and Del Medigo (1629— 
l631) saw the Mishna with accents (see Dukes, Lit. bl. v. 710., and 
on Chajjug, p. 192.). On the printed text, which the author dis- 
covered in a vol. of Talmud, see Catal. no. 1718. 

'^^ See nn. 45. and 55. The translation of the book 1''^^, i. e. 
Poetics (of Aristotle), by Theodoros Thooorosi, has, by many biblio- 
graphers, been wrongly entitled a work on Music. Passages of Ari- 
stotle's " Poetics " and Plato's " Timaeus," on the relation of poetry to 
music, are quoted in Arabic by INIoses Ibn Ezra (Poetic. MS. f. 72 a.). 
Alfarabi's work on music was known to the Jews, and is recommended 
by Joseph Ibn Aknin in his enumeration of works for instructicn 
(Ersch. s. V. p. 52.). Ibn Sahula, in his Comm. on Cantic. i. 1., ap- 
peals to the " science of music " (pyjn n) ; cf. also the author's com- 
munication in Zunz, S. P. 220. A passage of Abu el Ssalt (ob. 1134), 
in his work np2Dn, or treatise on music, is quoted by P. Duran 
(Grammar, MS. chap, vi.) ; and hence, perhaps, the whole work was 
supposed to exist in the Oratoire (Wolf. iii. 331 b.). The Cod. Vat. 
400, 5. contains questions (a treatise) on mathematics and music, which 
Zunz (Add. p. 323.) supposes to be translated from Arabic by Abra- 
ham bar Chijja (but see Cod. Rossi, 1170). A passage on music 
and the different number of chords in the "1)22, &c., is to be found in 
Shemtob Palquera's Mebakkesh (cf. 39 b.). Immanuel of Rome 
boasts of his music (Lit. bl. iv. 24. ; conf. inf. n. 55.). A Jewish 
musician was an officer of Alhakem (see Alraakarri, ii. 117.^ quoted 
by S. Cassel, 1. c. p. 231.). On the name and place of the ^'^ science 
(not "sequence,'" as in the text, p. 154.) of sounds" amongst mathema- 



338 NOTES TO § 18. 

tics, see § 21. n. 1. In p. 154. lin. 11. from bottom, read "poetic'* 
{sic), not "poetry." 

49 See Boethius, Lit. bl. iv. 340. ; conf. Adelard of Bath, in Jour- 
dain, p. 249. Kimchi connects the seven sciences (free arts) with 
Prov. ix. 1. ; vide Dukes, Mishle, p. SO., conf. Zion, i. 47. (Abu 
Sahal ben Tamim), and vide sup. § 12. n. 3., and inf. p. 351. 

50 The author's Manna, p. 104. <Sj j^ Jt^l\ ,j— 5^\ (Hodschr. [?], 
in Thaalebi, Synt. Diet., ed. Valeton [1844], p. 36.), is a wrong trans- 
lation of "Aristotle's " Apiarov rrJQ eTroTrouag to -^evloQt to which the 
Heb. 11t3 TSJ^n 1D''D approaches nearer. — Opinions of Maim, and 
Palquera, see in Sachs, p. 341. sq. 

5^ Cusari, ii. §§ 78 — 80. (see the remarks of D. Cassel), and after 
him Parchon and others. The whole passage of Cusari, highly in- 
teresting with respect to grammar and poetry (see Ker. Chem. ix. 64.), 
will be given elsewhere in the genuine Arabic, since the Hebrew trans- 
lation presents much difficulty, e. g. § 70. (where the division of poems 
is given). On the terms, conf. Bar Hebrai, Gram. Syr., ed. Bertheau, 
iv. p. 134., conf. iii. 33. ; Maim. Treatise on the Unity, p. 91 • ; 
Archevolti, Gramm. cap. 31. For later parallels see Dukes, Lit. bl. 
iv. 687. Albo (ib.) speaks of a^DVS, dn^ti^, niJ^pn, which coincide 
with the np'»D1D ''i1)l''i ; conf. also Duran and Ephodaeus (Lit. bl. iv. 

540.), nniym nipnn "pipn ^dh'' nia^nnn. The expression ^^isj^d 

(Jeh. Ibn Tibbon in Dukes, Mischle, p. xiv., and Lit. bl. viii. 362. ; 
cf. Bedarschi, in Dukes, Beitr. p. I9I.) answers to the Arabic 5<*ii;2J>, 

*lyt.^ (Maimon. Mel. Chofn. p. 78., Hebr. text), and cf. ^^UD 
Dnnnn, in Ibn Ezra, Zachot. 

52 Cf. Zunz, S. P. p. 116. 

53 In Dukes, and Jellinek, Lit. bl. iv. 540. 6l5. 734., v. 470.; 
Zunz, 1. c. 114. 

5^ In Sachs this fact is the more missed, inasmuch as he (p. 180.) 
calls this far-fetched reason for the origin of the Pijjutim in Dukes 
'* quite comical," while the fact in itself is an important reality. S. 
Cassel (p. 192.), on this one point, rejects the mere analogy of the 
Syriac adduced by Dukes (z. K. p. 70* 

55 Dukes, Lit. bl. iv. 542. ; Sachs, Busch's Jahrb. v. 234., speaking 
of Nagara (cf. Catal. p. II70.), omits also this circumstance. So also 
Tartar melodies are to be found among the Karaites (Annalen, iii. QS.). 

56 Cusari, iii. § 45. (conf. sup. § 6.), Maimon. and others in 
Dukes, Lit. bl. iv. 687-; Sabbatbl. 1846, p. 92.; Ersch, s. ii. vol. 31. 
p. 94. n. 7« Del., p. 56., confuses Jacob Levi (?''""inD) with Isaac 
LoBiA ! see also n. 48. 

56 a Del. p. 127.; Dukes, Lit. bl. iv. 5Sg.\ Zunz, S. P. p. 89. 

57 The particular species in Dukes, p. 449- sq., and Zunz, 1. c. 

57 a The author's Manna, p. 111.; we know not whether this ob- 
servation has been made elsewhere. 

58 Del. and Dukes, pp. 485. 527* (where we find the same ending 
words). Cf. Hammer, in Journ. Asiat. 1839 (viii.), I67.5 to which a 
mere reference is given ib. 1849 (xiv.), 248., quoted by Dukes, Lit. 
bl. xi. 288. 

59 Del. p. 163. infra; cf. Sachs, pp. 262. 268.; the author's Dis- 



NOTES TO § 19. 339 

sert. in Frankel, iii. 409.; Zunz, S. P. 86. 105. j cf. 90. 98. 113. 
157. 169. 253. 

60 See the author's article in Busch's Jahrb, iv. 228. Munk (1. c. 
in n. 1. p. 75.) observes that the Arabic poetry does not nearly so 
often allude to the Koran, which is only natural, since the Bible occupies 
another place in the history of the Hebrew from that of the Koran in 
the Arabic; besides that, the Hebrew poets sang in a language which 
they did not speak, &c. ; cf. sup. § 5. n. 49. 

^^ Dukes, Lit. bl. iv. 337. 520., vii. 808,, where Absalom ben 
Moses and Ephodi call a poem with Biblical final words, QtlV'O ^''^ ; 
Zunz, 1. c. in n. 59. 

62 Lit. bl. iv. 523. 715., v. 27; Zunz, 1. c. p. 80. 

63 Dukes, z. K. p. 140., and Jellinek, Lit. bl. iv. 26. 9O. 486. 519= ; 
Pseudo-Japhet, 605., v. 719.; Zunz, I.e. pp. 88. (368.) 94. On 
«"ID:i, see Dukes, Lit. bl. xii. 687. 

«4 Jellinek, Lit. bl. iv. 64. 9I. 141. 521.; Zunz, 1. c. 82. 98. 

65 Dukes (iv. 522.) finds himself in a palpable contradiction. Jel- 
linek has tried to e^cplain some termini. 

66 Dukes, zur Kenntn. p. 38, ; Lit. bl. iv. 339. n. 3., p. 489. n. 
32., p. 539.; V. 483. pD^nn (sic), 719.; vi. 17. 185.; Zunz, 1. c. p. 
79. (368.), in Lit. bl. iv. 489., on a non-liturgical poem following the 
melody [Dyij'?] of a Selicha ; cf. § I9. n. I9. 

67 Lit. bl. iv. 89. 521, 524. ; Sachs, p. 247. Zunz, 1. c. p. 65., 
gives no explanation of the word. 

68 Dukes, z. K. p. 38.; Lit. bl. iv. 91. 449. (a couplet without 
metrum), v. 719. 

69 Lit. bl.iv. 91. 449. 

§ 19. Page 157. 

^ Vide sup. § 6.; Zunz, zur Gesch. l64. 

2 Concerning the time, see Rapoport on Parchon, p. xi., by which 
Sachs, p. 175. n. 1. (Lit. bl. viii. 326.), must be corrected ; see also inf. 
n. 35. 

3 TiD'' is a work generally in the German-French school, see Rapop. 
Saadja, n. 23.; Chan. p. 32.; Zunz, zur Gesch. 105. lin. 4. ; Catal. p. 

2171. In the Spanish, inn^ u_£j b', composiiio, is used. 

* Dukes, zur Kenntn. p. 33. sq. (cf, inf n. 32.). The recent work 
of ZuNz, Die Synagogale Poesie der Juden im Mittelalter, although 
undertaken before the author of this essay could have even thought of 
composing his German sketch (see the German note 51. p. 430.), 
did not appear till April, 1855 (cf. Athenaeum, 1855), when the 
greater part of this translation was already revised and prepared for the 
press. This book is, indeed, only one part of an extensive work on 
Selichot (see n, 7.) ; but the technical section (p. 59. sq.) includes most 
valuable hints on synagogue-poetry in general. We have endeavoured 
to take account of these, as far as it was possible without essential 
alteration of our general plan, in the very short time between the 
publication of Zunz and the printing of §§ 18 — 20, and we have 
added special references to the old notes. We have tried also to give, 

Z 2 



340 NOTES TO § 19. 

in nn. 5. 7* and 10., the most essential particulars on special classes 
and names, &c., wliicli are of great interest to a certain kind of readers ; 
with more toil, indeed, than might be supposed by those who do not 
know the difficulty of the task. 

5 See § 6. n. 14., § 18. n. 18. ; Zunz, S. P. 63. 65. nnnp de- 
signates, in a narrower sense, only the parts inserted in the first three 
numbers of the so-called Prayer of 18 (Shemone esra, § 6.); also 
those in the prayer for the fast day of the 19th of Ab, and the half- 
feast of Purim, and sometimes those in the second Morning Service 
(Musaf). The three pieces have diflPerent names, as we shall mention 
below ; while the cycle of hymns, comprising the " 7-prayer," substi- 
tuted for the " 18-prayer," on the sabbath, is called «nV3SJ^ (Shibata), 
from the real number of seven (Lit. bl. iv. 451. ; conf. § 6. n. 11 a.) ; 
and also t^1)0"n (Zunz, p. 69', does not explain it ; perhaps " Dramma," 
or Ipofiiov, runner, = bTll??). This cycle, however, is not adapted to 
the first Morning Prayer, but to the Musaf, and occasionally to the 
Evening, where, according to the present rite, the T-prayer is not 
recited again aloud by the Cantor (except on the Day of Atonement). 
Perhaps, therefore, subsequently to the 11th century some hymns be- 
longing to the Shema (§ 6.) derive their name from the Evening Prayer 
•time ( l''")y?0, or with masculine or feminine plural D''2''iyD, nii**"!!?^ 
[the latter usually called nniyD], Maarib, -im, -ot) ; and an addition 
mostly on the subject of the Halacha, or History of the Feast, is called 
10''1 (Bikku?'), i. e. firstlings, having been first composed for the Pen- 
tecost; see Zunz, p. 70. 

6 Lebrecht, Lit. bl. i. 107- &c. ; conf. Catal. p. 1802. 

7 Conf. n. 12. and § 28. p. 242.; conf. Geig. Zeitschr. vi. 30. 
Since the above-mentioned monography of Zunz (n. 4.) contains, in 
the principal section (pp. 152 — 334>.), a considerable number of criti- 
cal remarks, we must refer our readers generally to it for all particulars 
on the subject. We will only add two general remarks, which may be 
useful for understanding the importance of this class of hymns, the place 
of which,. in our sketch, could not well be altered (see n. 4.). According 
to Zunz, whose authority we acknowledge even on this point (which is 
perhaps still open to question, and has not yet been treated fully), the 
Selichot are not a subordinate, but a coordinate class of Synagogue 
poetry, in contradistinction to the Pijjut, in its narrower sense. He 
compares the Pijjut to the revelation of God in the mouth of the Pro- 
phets, and their interpreters, the wise men, the authors of the Hag- 
gada and Midrash (§ 5.) ; while the Selicha, like the sacred songs of the 
Psalmists, is an expression of Israel's feelings and reflections, suggested 
by the present or past fate of his race. With this is connected another 
distinction. The Pijjut, being more closely linked with the public service, 
is more restricted and confined by its relation to the older basis of prayers; 
while the Selicha, embracing the nation as well as the individual, in all 
that concerns them, leads the poet to a deeper insight into his own 
frailty, and a closer clinging to his Lord and Master, his Redeemer 
from persecution and cruelty (conf. Zunz, p. 83.). How constantly 
both Christian and Moslem have turned the Jew's devotion in that 
direction will be learnt, not without emotion and indignation, by every 
one who peruses the section " Sufferings," in the work of Zunz (pp. 



NOTES TO § 19. 341 

8 — 58.), which, taking the mildest view of crimes committed under the 
pretext of religion^ we must designate as an '^' index erratorum " of the 
human mind during a long period of history. Thus the Selicha was 
developed on a larger scale, either as a part of public or private devo- 
tion, or as a mere Kterary production ; and it has remained in vigour 
almost down to our own times, and will always continue to be a main 
source of history. No less than 250 authors of about 1200 numbers 
of Selichas of the Middle Ages are known to Zunz (p. 332.). With 
respect to single pieces (either separate or inserted in larger composi- 
tions), we may point out, without entering upon their technical re- 
lation, two distinct tendencies of the poet's mind. He either dwells 
objectively rather upon the relation of the past to the present, as in the 
history of the "^ Ten Martyrs," the Gesera (niiJ, persecution), (Zunz, 
p. 135.), and the '''' Temptation of Abraham" (nT'py, Akeda, i.e. binding 
of Isaac), considered as propitiatory, and therefore connected with the 
intercessory prayer (njnn, Tehinna) (Zunz, p. 147-) i ^^ ^^^^ ^^ isikes 
a more subjective turn, as in the Confession of Sins ("'IT'I, Widdui), and 
Exhortation (nniDID, Tocheha). 

^ This Arabic word, occurring also in Moses Ibn Ezra (Poetic MS,, 
see Catal. p. J 112.), has been rightly explained by Jellinek, Lit. bl. iv. 
63., V. 26. ; cf. also Freytag, Lex. Arab. s. v. Notwithstanding this, 
Dukes (Nahal, p. 28.) derives n^mo from the Spanish Mortajo. The 
Zions, D^j VV, so called from the first word Zion, are a separate class ; 
cf. Zunz, p. 72., and on mJyk^M^, p. 73. 

^ Such, for private use, were composed as early as by Saadja (p. 
166.), omitted by Dukes, p. 111. Some of them are called n2k^, i. e. 
praise of God, and ninn^Tin, Arab. ^*^LJ ; cf. Cacal p. 220-i., and 

p. 22.; and inf. n. 10 e. Some of them form a cycle of private de- 
votion, and are divided accordingly under various heads, taken partly 
from the attitude of the person praying, or from other circumstances, 
e.g. mnrn, Admonition; nj13, Intention, Reflection; nTDV, Stand- 
ing; ninnC-'in, Praises; n^inn'^^'H, Prostration; nvn2, Kneeling; 
D''Q^< n?''2i. Falling upon the face; KTIP, Still prayer. These are 
marked in a MS. petition of Jehuda Levi, partly printed under the 
name of Moses Ibn Ezra (Catal. p. 1814.). We may remark that 
the Spanish school seems to attach more importance to the attitude of 
prayer ; and Abraham Maimonides dedicates to this subject much 
attention, and a large portion of his great work (MS. Bodl.) : we sup- 
pose that this was in consequence of the influence of Muhammedanism. 

^° For instance, large groups comprising the Shema (§ 6.), &c., 
as Jozer, nvV ; Ofan, |21N* ; Zuint, fl'pn ; Meora, ."niJ^O ; Ahaba, 
nnnx ; Mi-Kamocha, 11D3 ^^ ; Geulla, n^USJ ; Nishmat, HOC': ; Kad- 
dish, S^'np (cf. § 6.) ; Barchu, 1212 ; SJiehah, r\:i^ ; and the first three 
of the 18-prayer mentioned above; Magen, prO; Mehajje, riTID ; Me~ 
shallesh, E^^Vj'D, or C')h\:*D ; and Elohechem D2m'?N*. See Dukes, p. 
36. ; Lit. bl. iv. 451., cf. n. 5. ; Zunz, 1. c. pp. 6l— 69. 

10 a Sachs, p. 222.; Zunz, p. 70. 

10 b Lit. bl. iv. 89. ; Sachs, 247. 254. 277. ; Zunz, p. 6I. 

IOC Lit. bl. iv. 489.. ^^- 19. ; Zunz, pp. 66, 67. 

•od Lit. bl. V. 483. ; Nitronai in Dukes, Rabb. Blumenlcse, p. 277- 

Z 3 



342 NOTES TO § 19. 

10 e Dukes, pp. Sg — 111. The subject of the ni^'Tl "CK^, Song of 
Unity (Dukes, p. 153.), its authorship (it was erroneously said to be 
by Bebahja Nakdan), and various hymns of the same name (e. g. 
one by Isaac Nakdan, in a Bodl. MS.), which is also given to a part of 
Gabirol's great hymn, as well as the connexion of that name with 
philosophical and Kabbalistic works, called Books of Unity j cannot be 
fully treated here. Cf. Catal. p. 2073. 

10 f Zunz, G. V. 377 e. ; Dukes, Ehrensaulen, pp. 5. 15. sq. (§ 5. 
n. 22.). 

11 Vide sup. § 6.; Luzz. and Rapop. Ker. Chem. iv. 37.; Annal. 
1.301.; Dukes, 47. 141. sq. ; Lit. bl. iv. 337- 452. 538. 715., v. 
404.; Sachs, p. I76. ; Dernburg, Geig. Zeitschr. v. $99- 401. n, 2.; 
Zunz, S. P. p. 76. sq. 

12 Dukes, pp. 3S. 139.; Sachs, p. 175., ^' for the fast days," is to 
be limited according to p. 265. For the opposite 22^VO, see Ker. 
Chem. iv. 28.; Nitronai (about 850), Zunz, G. V. 381. (whence Geig. 
Zeitschr. v. S99.) and Amrara (in Dukes, p. 32.) know of Selichot for 
the Day of Atonement; conf. n^^Dj; (not riT'JDJ^n !), Hamida de la 
Magnana in Sachs, p. 308. ; comp. p. 262. ; Dukes, p. 34. ; Zunz, 
S. P. 78. 137. 

12 Geig. Zeitschr. v. 403. n., no. i. ; conf. Moses Chabib, in Sachs, 
p. 302. n. 2.; Dukes, Lit. bl. v. 404. n. 26. 

1'^ Nitronai, in Dukes, Lit. bl. vii. 676. (ix. 1 79.> xi. 335.), appears 
to know such for Pentecost. Cf. Luzz. Virgo, p. 10. ; Zunz, pp. 69. 
71. The reference of the 6l3 precepts to the number of letters in the 
Decalogue is quoted under the name of Nahshon, by Nathan ben 
Jehiel, s. v. n?Qn J., and mentioned by Saadja (cf. Dukes, Nahal, p. 
3., and the corrections and new notices on Azharot, in Catal. p. 2206.). 
Cf. also § 4. n. 6. 

1-5 Dukes, pp. 44. 140. ; Sachs, 177-; conf. 302. 

16 Zunz, G.V. 420.; conf. 379. 417 e, f . ; § 18. n. 31., § 6. 
n. 12. 

1^ Alphabet, lists of 25 in the Spanish ritual, in Zunz, G. V. 419- ; 
see S. P. 218. sq., cf. 33'2,. (and see note 32.). German imitations and 
descriptions of the characteristics of some of them in Sachs ; conf. 
Humboldt, Kosmos, ii. 11 9. That Is. Ibn Gaj. is the y^tJ^O p in 
Dukes, Nahal, p. 12., has been shown by the author (Catal. p. 1110.), 
who, however, had thought to explain it by "Abu Nasar ;" but Geiger 

observed that Di^'']! is written with Teshdid (d.;Cc ) in a MS., and 
means the same as y'E^ID. 

18 Vide sup. 18. n. 18. Jost (Busch's Jahrb. v. 155.) wishes to 
change this technical expression, as a corruption of speech, to "poets," 
which, however, destroys the limitation of the special idea. 

19 Notwithstanding the explanation of ntOim, quoted in § 18. 
n. 66., we might still adhere to our remark in this note, that Kalir 
and others were less artificial in those pieces which were composed 
for the whole congregation; cf. Zunz, p. 119-^ and our remarks, § 18. 
n. 21. 

20 Zunz, G.V. 391 a.; Del. 137-, Ker. Chem. iii. 201.; seldom 
with Spaniards, vide Dukes, Lit. bl. vi. I9. n. 3. German translation 



NOTES TO § 19. 343 

according to Simon ben Isaac (1040 — 1050), by Zunz, Geig. Zeitschr. 
iii. 40. ; cf. § 5. n. 93. 

21 Frankel, Zeitschr. iii. 463. 

22 Zunz, 419 c. ; Delitzsch, p. 43. ; Dukes, z. K. p. l6. sq. ; Sachs, 
1. c. ; conf. Ker. Chem. iv. 28. ; Zunz, S. P. p. 85. 

23 Landauer (Lit. bl. vi. 180.). It does not occur "several times," 
as Schor., Lit. bl. iv. 679'j. supposes (cf. Catal. s. v.). Kalir must, 
therefore, be removed a whole century ; but there is no urgent reason 
for more than that ; and the general view of the literary development 
established by Rapoport and Zunz still holds good. The decision 
■which S. Cassel, in Frankel, Zeitschr. iii. p. 191 •? claims in favour of 
the " tradition" is probably that of Steinhardt (Annal. ii. 201.; Lit. bl. 
ii. 386., viii. 246.), a German of the last century, who places Kalir in 
the time of Saadja, The Midrashim of Palestine know only of the 
Talmudic authorities of Babylon, and nothing later. The old Pesikta 
was, however, already known to the R. Achai Gaon (Zunz, G. V. I96.) ; 
thus the proof of the use of the Pesikta and of the treatise Soferim 
(Zion, ii. l65.) holds good ; and Cassel, p. 226., must be corrected. 

23 a f he expression in the text should be qualified ; we have said 
above that the existence of an Italian school is rather doubtful ; Luzz. 
Lit. bl. vi. 683. nn''^p Hk^^Hp (id. 685.) means probably in Kalir's 
manner. 

2^ With the acrostic jbpn, i. e. parvus or junior, an appellation which 
almost at the same period is found for the first time in the Spaniard 
Chiquitilla, and appears in Hebrew in Gabirol in Spain (cf. Zunz, S. P. 
108.). Later it continues to be in use in signatures as an expression 
of modesty, as it already occurs in the elder Samuel (Jer. Sota, iv. 9-, 
comp. Rap. Ker. Chem. v. 227-, vii. 262. 264. ; Resp. Gaon. § 6., 
with which comp. Megill. 32 a., Lit. bl. vi. 131. 245 n., xi. SS5.). 

^5 Zunz, S. P. 109. 167. That he was not, however, himself a 
Babylonian (Luzz. Lit. bl. vi. 680.) appears from the patronymic or 
surname, and his connexion with the southern French. According to 
Rapop. (Resp. Gaon, 12b.), Babel is Rome ; and if Joseph Cohen speaks 
of Sal. Babli, who died in Spain, he confuses Sol. b. Juda Gabirol, 
whom Ibn Danan makes a pupil of Nissim {Catal. s. v.). The pre- 
tended "Dor Rug^ma" (in Fiirst, Lit. bl. i. 133.) is nothing but an 
abbreviation, which he has misunderstood ; nD"i"l "1113, i. e. a contem- 
porary of the R. G(erson) M(eor) H(aggola). 

26 Catalogue in Zunz, G. V. 392., Syn. P. p. I66.; cf. 332., and 
above, n. '^., on the number, &c. 

2^^ Alphabetical Catalogue of the Provencal Poets of all kinds in 
Zunz, zur Gesch. 463. sq. 

27a Erroneously in Dukes, Mos. b. E., p. 108., anno I486, the 
author has established the truth of Zunz's conjecture of his identity 
with the translator; see § 21. n. QQ' The poem has been published by 
B. Goldberg, Lond. 1850. 

28 Zunz, G. V. 422 g. ; Geig. Zeitschr. iii. 48. sq. ; comp. Lit. bl. 
vi. 588. ; Lit. bl. iv. 22. n. 50. v. 403. n. 25. ; Catal. p. 788. &c. 

28 a Conf. Luzzatto in Oesterische Wandelingen, p. 50. A Conspectus 
succinct us Precum is prefixed in the Catal. (pp. 295 — 302.) to the 
editions up to 1732, which occupy more than 200 pages of the Catal. 

Z 4 



344 NOTES TO § 19. 

29 The editor, Elia Halevi, is pupil, not teacher, of Elia Misrachi. 
The 2nd ed. was Const. 1574 (according to the conjecture in Catal. 
p. 398.) j the author has seen it at Mr. M. Lehren's, at Amsterdam. 

30 Complete description by Zunz, Allg. Zeit. d. Jud. 1838^ p. 580. 
sq. ; conf. Annal. i. 341. 

30a See Zunz, zur Gesch. 253. and § 28. n. 17. 

31 Luzz. Ker. Chem. iv. 27. On the ritual of Troyes, see inf. 
n. 40 a. 

32 According to Dukes (Lit. bl. v. 452.), an African ; according to 
Zunz (zur Gesch. 475.), probably a Proven9ale. Dukes gives a special 
review of several collections, and of the particular authors, Lit. bl. v. 217. 
sq., vi. 17. sq., with which his alphabetical list of more than 200 Paj- 
tanim (Lit. bl. ii. 569-) is to be completed. After the completion of 
this article, Luzzatto's alphabetical list of 6OO Hebrew poets was pub- 
lished ; but the order seems to have been disturbed by the editor of the 
Lit. bl. ix. 548 — 617. ; some names have been incorrectly taken from 
acrostics. L. Landshuth has begun a work on the subject. In the 
author's Catal. the special hymns could not in general be enumerated ; 
cf. also p. 242. The Bodleian library acquired some years ago some 
very interesting collections of hymns ; one of more than 700 was made 
by Saadja [Ibn Danan], who designates some of the authors as 
"idiots." 

33 § 17. n. SS.; comp. Zunz, zur Gesch. l64. 

3'* The feminine is characteristic; conf. § 18. n. 31., and § I9. n. 
41 a, — Several writings with this title and Siddurim in Dukes, Lit. bl. 
V. 218., vi. 17. 

35 Rapop. Chanan. n. S5. A compendium written in 1425-6 has 
been lately purchased by the Bodleian Hbrary. A copy in the posses- 
sion of Almanzi is described by Luzz. Lit. bl. viii. 289 — 326. 

36 Geig. Zeitschr. v. 398., Lit. bl. x. 178. There are, however, 
two of this name ; see Rapop. Nathan, n. 27v one K^""l. 

37 See p. 161. and the note, and inf. n. 44. 

S8 Probably a mistake of Conforte, 18 a (see n. 25.); the Solomon 
in Lit. bl. v. 219- is Rashi, whose Siddur is extracted (?) in his Pardes. 

39 Zion, ii. 103. 

29 a Elhanan ben Isaac, killed in 1184(?); cf. Zunz, z. G. 34., 
Luzz. in Polak, pp. 45, 46.; Benjacob toAzulai, ii. f. 84.; see, how- 
ever, Zunz, S. P, 249. 

40 See Tosaf. Abod. Zora. 74 b. 

40 a See Schor, Zion, i. QS. sq.. Lit. bl. v. 21 9., sup. § 9. Upon 
the ritual of Troyes, by Menahem ben Joseph ben Jehuda, arranged 
by his pupil Jehuda ben Elieseb, see Luzzatto in Oost. Wandel. 
(Amsterd. 1846.), p. 50. 

41 Zunz, zur Gesch. 476. ; conf. Geig. Zeitschr. ii. 311.; on Benj, 
p. 11. ; cf. § 13. n. 21., and the following n. 41 a. 

41a Probably Asher ben Jehiel is a mistake. Dukes, Lit. bl. v. 
219v quotes Zunz on Benj. p. 1 1., who speaks of Asher ben Meshullam 
of Lunel. The D^:in3?3 of Asher ben Jehiel in Mai Cod. 484. is pro- 
bably the ethical work niJrijn ; see Catal. p. 748. 

42 Catal. p. 2204., Epilogue to Landshuth, on Haggada, p. xxx., 
n. 8. ; Ker. Chem. ix. od-. From the same work some one has forged 



NOTES TO § 20. 345 

a work of Sajiuel Abu Azaria (cf. § 15. n. 28.) in Cod. Uri. 257.; 
see Ersch, s. ii. vol. 31. p. 52. n. 56., and Catal. p. I912. 

42 a Munk^ Annal. iii. 87. Can h' )i^thi< be an epithet of an anony- 
mous writer? cf. n. 49. 

43 Zunz, Geig. Zeitschr. ii. 305. 

'^^ Read Isaac ben Jehuda, &c. (no. 37.). Sachs^ p. 26S. conf. 
219.; Wolf. 1. 1180.; Dukes, Lit. bl. viii. 405. 

45 Zunz, G. V. 387 c. and 394 c. names several. 

46 Dukes, Lit. bL v. 232. 

4'' Id., and vi. 17. ; Zunz, zur Gesch. 74. 76. 

4^ Geig. Zeitschr. iii. 444., nr. I9. ; and Simcha, f. 246. 

49 Zunz, G. V. 425., Lit. bl. iv. 718. ; conf. Zedner, p. 56. n. 14.; 
Annal. iii. 93.; conf. the author's note on Ez. Chaj. 379'j and vide sup. 
n. 42 a. Upon the names of prayers, see also Trigland, chap. 10. (Lit. 
bl. V. 797.)- Jeshua in the Maschor Tripolis (Lit. bl. v. 396.), and 
Kaleb in the Greek (ib. 398.), are not Karaites, although these names 
are common among the latter. 

50 See § 14. n. 31. (cf. Ez. Chajjim. p. 302.). According to Luzz., 
Lit. bl. ix. 483., they borrowed only from the Greek ritual. Arabic 
translations are ascribed to Salmon (Geig. Zeitschr. iii. 443. 7.) ? 

51 Frankel, Zeitschr. iii. 463. 



§ 20. Page 168. 

[Authorities : Ddkes, Uebersicht, &c., Annal. i. 67. sq. ; the author's 
Manna, p. 94^- sq. ; Dukes, Nahal Kedumim, 1853, gives some in- 
teresting notices from MSS., but with less accuracy than is desirable. 
The Jildische DicMungen, &c., of Geiger, published by the '^ Institut 
zur Forderung der Isr. Lit.," 1856, is indeed only a reprint of the 
^' Bliithen," in Volks Kalender, 1853, p. 15.; and Wiener Viertel- 
jahrschr. 1 S5S, i. p. 35. Some alterations, however (e. g. pp. l^S, 14. 20. ; 
cf. Bliithen, pp. 21, 22. 24.), and even the birthplace of Jehuda 
Levi, Toledo, hitherto unknown (and only a recent conjecture of the 
author), are taken without acknowledgment from the article Moses Ibn 
Ezra of the author's Catal. (pp. 1801. 1807.);, where the statements in 
Treasures of Oxford (§ I9. n. 1.), and the conjectures of Geiger built 
on that basis in tbe "■ Bliithen," are shown to be false (cf. inf. n. 24.).] 

1 Dukes (Z. K. 135, 136.) unjustly refers Archivolti's blame 
especially to Immanuel ; see n. 40. 

la This figure is traditional with philosophers, poets, and Pajtanira ; 
for instance, Gabirol (in Sachs, 221. ; Lit. bl. iv. 382.), Charisi (In- 
troduction and chap. 28. of Tachkem. and commentary on the Mishna ; 
conf. Lebrecht, Lit. bl. ii. 245.), Ibn Aderet and Abbamari (Geig. 
Zeitschr. v. 109- I60.). The Christians employed it against the Jews 
(Jost, vi. 62. ; cf. also Japhet, sup. § 13. n. S^.^ Another stereo- 
typed phrase of the translators is, to divest the matter of its polluted 
dress, and give it a pure one. Dukes says (Lit, bl. iv. 804.) that the 
mosaic style was only applied to religious poetry and epigrams ; but 
this observation must be restricted to the actual interweaving of w^hole 
passages of the Bible; cf. § 18. 



346 NOTES TO § 20. 

2 Lebrecht^ 1. c. 

3 Perhaps Saadja Ibn Danan ben Maimun at Grenada (1455 — 
1485)? See moreover Cod. Vat. Hebr. 375.; 7- 9- 411. (Solomon 
BEN Aaron). 

4 flJ^J nSD (Introduction to the Articles of Faith, in Del. p. 141.), 
conf. Moreh, 1, 2. ; Frankel, Zeitschr. iii. 280. The author has cor- 
rected Dukes' translation (Ehrens, p. 47.) in the preface to Schene 
Hammeorot (Berlin, 1847) ; cf. also S. Sachs, ha-Techijjah, p. 9. 

^ Dernberg's suggestion (Geig. i. IO6 n.). Perhaps Abu'lmaali 
should also be mentioned here. 

6 Munk, Tanchoum, pp. 10. 101.; conf. Gavison (ob. l605) in 
Zunz, zur Gesch. 384. 

7 Lebrecht, Lit. bl. ii. 254. ; Zunz, z. G. 428.; Frankel, Zeitschr. iii. 
235., where " Modawwes;" conf. also, Anon. Vat. 397:, 5. (Joseph), 
half Arabic. Upon an ^'1.5^.^, see § 22. 

^ Read, "^ in Spain and the Maghreb." Charisi (in German by 
Zedner, p. 66. ; Del. 43. sq. ; cf. Cod. Vat. 225. ; Frank. Zeitschr. 
iii. 411.), wbo seems to have taken his classical passage from Moses 
Ibn Ezra. 

9 See Manna, p. Q5. ; conf. the Contest between Age and Youth by 
Joseph Palquera, Vat. 298. (Lit. bl. vi. 148.); of Bread and Wine, 
of the Birds and wild Beasts, Vat. 303,3.; and cf. sup. p. I76-7., 
and inf. § 28. 

9* It is said that Thodros Halevi, when in prison awaiting judg- 
ment, composed in a dream his two verses foretelling his acquittal. 
(Zunz, zur Gesch. 432. ; conf. Lit. bl. vii. 565 0. ; comp. Ker. 
Chem. V. I6I.) 

9^ Conf. Manna, no. Ixxxiv. p. IO7. (cf. Dieterici, Motenebbi, 
p. 16.). The proverb is given in Mos. Ibn Ezra, Poetic, f. 47 a., as 
the saying of an Arabic poet. 

[|Page 170. inf. The authority for the judicial poems is rather 
doubtful, see § 18. n. 100.] 

10 Frankel, Zeitschr, iii. 279* y conf. Dukes, Rab. Blumenl. p. 43. 

11 The Arabic nt1)n5<, i. e. composed in metre j^j (see Casiri, 

Cod. 826, 2.), not '^' Archuza," as Reiske, or Schultens on Herbelot, 
i. 213. corrects it, became nV^l^ ^'irritatio" (Wolf. ii. 1263., ii. 
p. 7. et 1177-)^ "theca " (Cat. 0pp. 1134 F.), '' area" (Rossi, at Cod. 
1169.), D'''':nS (Wolf. iv. p. 838.). Wustenf. makes two separate 
works of Ardschuza, and Mansuma. Delitzsch (p. 49.) does not know 
the translator. Deutsch's errors (Cod. 56. in Oesterr. Blatt.) are not 
entirely removed in the Catal. no. clxvi-vii., even after the author's 
corrections in private communications. 

11^ Catal. s. V. The connexion between chess and cards has been 
pointed out lately by Mahn (Etym. Forsch.). 

12 Catal. p. 939. and s. v., where the author will supply the refe- 
rence to Dukes, Lit. bl. xi. 297. 

12 a Catal. s.v. 

[P. 171. inf. Joseph Ibn Chisdai, see the author's article in Ersch, 
s. V. p. 74., printed in 1853, before the volume of Hammer was pub- 
lished.] 



NOTES TO § 20. 347 

13 Wolf. iv. p. 1167. sq, (whence Del. p. 70. ; Lit. bl. ii. 769. sq.). 
ZuNz, zur Gesch. 390. sq., gives an excellent and elaborate account of 
them, cf. § 8. n. 15. Concerning a collection by Marini, see Mai, Script, 
vet. nova Coll, T. V. (Rome, 1831), p. xviii. Within the last two years 
epitaphs have come into fashion, and collections have been published by 
different authors but little qualified for such a task. That of Worms 
contains too much ; but we expect something better from that of the im- 
portant and ancient burying-place Prague, v^ith a preface by Rapoport. 

1^ The statement in the text (following a MS. notice of Michael in 
Zunz, z. G. 71.) is wrong. Saadja is the Gaon (ob. 941-2.) who 
seems to have mentioned the celebrated Rabbins by name, in a rhyming 
polemic. See Catal. p. 2l62. 

1^* See the author's treatise in Busch's Jahrb. iv. 227. sq. 

15 Weil, Die poet. Lit. d. Arab, vor Muh. &c. p. 42. The Moal- 
lakat are intended by Is. ben Eleazab, who uses the well-known 
Arabic name nN2n '"ID (gilded) (Lit. bl. vii. 711.)^ which Dukes in- 
terprets wrongly. Thaalebi, in Dieterici, p. 73., blames the excessive 
number in Motenebbi ; conf. the author's notice, Mag. fiir die Lit. d. 
Ausl. 1847, p. 128. 

1^ Hammer names several; Wien. Jahrb. xxvii. 293. sq. The 
Syrian Ebed Jesu (lOth century) wrote among other things riddles 
and proverbs in the Syriac language. 

17 See Dieterici, p. 7- ; conf. p. 12., and § 18. n. 31. The Arabian 
historian Noweiri devotes a chapter to the passages from the older poets 
which had become proverbs. See Schultens, Monum. p. 33. Upon 
particular collections, see Gesenius in the Encyclopedia, i. sect. v. 
p. 63. 

1^ Vide sup. § 5. n. 42. Maimonides quotes (Talmudic) proverbs as 
being known amongst the Arabs ; see the author's Manna, p. 99- ; 
conf. Lonzano in Dukes, Sprache der Mischna, 43. Upon Biblical 
proverbs in later writers, vide sup. § 5. n. 48. 

1^ Hence, for instance, in Shemtob Palquera (see n. 22.), the same 
proverb twice word for word ; conf. Raimond of Beziers in D. Sacy, 
Not. et Extr. x. 2. p. 56. 

20 Read BEN Sira., see § 5. n. 57. 

21 Testam., ed. Steinschneider, p. 11. 

22 P. 183. (concerning the author, see Rev. Or. i. 345. ; Geig. 
Zeitschr. v. 98.; Munk, Lit. bl. vii. 780. n. 3.). Tobia Kohen 
(Maase Tob. 115 b.), quotes and translates the Turkish proverb, "The 
apple falls not far from the tree." 

23 Schlesinger (p. 688.) asks whence they are quoted. 

24 Dukes still repeatedly asserts that the quotation refers to a poem 
of Moses Ibn Ezra ; but the poem belongs to Jehuda Levi (see Catal. 
p. I8O7., confirmed by a MS. of Luzz.) ; the Arabic source is given 
by the author in 1845, and in this note, and again 1851 (note 14. to 
Jeh. Ibn Tibbon, p. xiii.). 

24 a igg. B. ch. iv. 5. (conf. Sure, 29. 44. in G. Duran, I9 a.) ; soon 
afterwards comes p^yDt^^l- 

25 Busch's Jahrb. iv. p. 230. (where there are other examples belong- 
ing to this subject ; conf. Dukes, Mischle (p. xi.), Goldenthal on Ibn 
Roschd's Rhetor, p. xxiv. ; Dukes, Nahal, p. 76. ; and cf. a passage of 



348 NOTES TO § 20. 

Mos. Ibn Ezra on the subject {Catal p. 2183., cf. § l6.), who defends 
himself against the over-scrupulosity of his contemporaries amongst the 
Rabbles. The Persian translator of the Hitopadesa also generally sub- 
stitutes Persian customs, names, and sayings ; see Sacy, Not. et Extr. 
X. 239. 

2^ On the most celebrated writings, see Dukes, Bluraenl. p. 54. sq. ; 
Lit. bl. vii. 728. sq. 297^ sq. ; xi. xii., and on the popular ethical li- 
terature, see his Zur Rabb. Spruchk. 1851 (partly from the Lit. bl.). 

2^^ ^' Samuel " in Dukes, p. 59., should be corrected. Upon the 
German translation, see the author's Manna, p. 110. It was the first 
publication of the celebrated Soncino press, a. d. 1484. 

28 Catal s. V. ; cf. § 18. n. 40., about the metre. 

28 a Should Abraham ben Jehuda (Cod. Rossi hebr. 945., hisp. 
6.) be the father ? 

29 Zunz, zur Gesch. 129. ; Catal. s. v. 

29 a On *' Alexander-sagas," see the notices given by the author in 
his Manna, p. 114., and in Zeitschr. der D. M. Gesellsch. ix. 838., 
where he observes that Spiegel (Die Alexandersage bei den Orientalen) 
has neglected various Jewish authorities, e. g. the work mentioned in 
the text, and also the Hebrew translation of an Arabic work on the 
subject by Samuel Ibn Tibbon ; cf. also Dukes, Lit. bl. xi. 828., xii. 
111., B. Beer, Zeitschr. &c. ix. 785. The subject deserves and re- 
quires a comprehensive monography. 

30 Catal. no. 3546. 

31 See Dukes, Annal. i. 41 6., and the author's Manna, p. 94. sq. 
Upon additions to fables, moral applications, and the like, conf. Zeitschr. 
d. Deutsch. Morgenl. Gesellsch. ii. 121, 122.; Derenbourg (Dern- 
burg), in the introduction to his edition of Lokman, with a French 
translation (1847), has demonstrated the Christian origin of the fables 
of this Arabian "^ Bileam ;" and the parallels which he brings forward 
from ^sop, &LC., offer some interesting contributions to the history of 
the fable. 

^2 The author has repeatedly drawn the attention of the learned to a 
passage in a Hebrew MS. of De Rossi, highly interesting for the his- 
tory of Arabic translations of Indian poetry and mathematics, which 
has been neglected or misunderstood (see the notice in Zeitschr. der D. 
M. Gesellsch. viii. 549. ; cf. Notices et Extr. x. 2. p. 15. and 27. ; cf. 
Catal. p. 1399.). Hai Gaon (ob. 1037) compares Kalila with R. Meir's 
fable of the fox (sup. § 5. n. 54 a.) ; see Dukes, Blumenl. pp. 7- 264. ; 
conf. also Dukes, Annal. i. 4l6. ; the author's Manna, p. 96. That he 
knew the Persian translation, has been shown by the author (Zeitschr. 
1. c). Perhaps the polemical tendency of Ibn Sahula (n. S5 a.) is 
directed against John of Capua. 

33 Catal. p. 1399. From the preface of Kalonymos (1316), it ap- 
pears that the Hebrew version had already, in his time, obtained a 
certain favour in Provence, like Hariri in Alcharisi*s translation. 
Rodiger's Raisonnement on this subject, in Allg. Lit. Zeit. 1843, 
p. 151., is contrary to logic and history, since Charisi's age admits of 
no doubt. Concerning a later version of the M. Send., see § 28. n. 9O. 
Tlie remarks of Landsberger (Lit. bl. ix. 126.) contain nothing new, 
and p. 70. must be corrected. 



NOTES TO § 20. 349 

33 a E. g. Joseph Ibn Zaddik, Moses Ibn Ezra, and probably 
Maimonides (see § 12.) ; also Catal. p. 1580. 

34 Delitzsch, p. 49. 

34 a Thus, for instance, the smaller treatise upon Physiognomy in 
Jourdain, I.e., p. 185., conf. 303., seems, as well as the Disetetics (id. 
p. 126.), to have arisen from the Secretum Secretorum (see the author's 
Register to the Catal. Mich. p. 323. n.). In a Bodl. MS. the Phy- 
siogn. is ascribed to Alexander M., because the pseudo-Arist. is said to 
have been dedicated to him. 

35 Dukes, Annal. i. 294. 

35a Cf. De Castro, i. p. 171. (perhaps Berahja?). Catal. p. 1150., 
and Serapeum, 1854, p. 348. 

36 See the author's remarks. Lit. bl. iv. 59-, and in Frankel's Zeitschr. 
iii. 279« The particular writings belong mostly to the following period ; 
cf. the notice of Sommkrhausrn, Lit. bl. xi. 181., which the author 
will complete elsewhere. Similar subjects were treated also in the 
Christian literature of that time : the Lamentations of a monk upon 
fleas (Grasse, ii. 2. p. 5.) does not bear comparison, in an aesthetical and 
moral point of view, with Charisi's witty treatment of the same subject 
(translated into German by Krafft, Geig. Zeit. iv. 135.; cf. 418.). 

3" miiriD, properly dictionaries and the like; see § 16". n. 38. 

38 Catal. s. V. 

^^ Charisi, pp. 8 a , 36' a. ; conf. Dukes, Annal. i. 4l6. 

40 The author's Manna, p. 111. (§ 15. n. 17.)- He also (p. 251.), 
like Dante, sees Greek and Arabian philosophers in hell. No one, to 
the author's knowledge, has called him a '^'^ Jewish Voltaire " (Encyc. 
Art. Emanuel, sect. 1. vol. xxxiv. p. 15.) ; conf. n. 1. Kalonymos 
pronounces Hariri, as well as Kalila Wedimna, and Mischle Sendebar, 
to be worthless reading ; see n. 33 a. 

41 Read, '^ born 1388"; see Catal. p. 1984. We have forgotten to 
mention in the text Eli a Cohen ben Moses ben Nissiar, who trans- 
lated a work from the Arabic, under the title "I2iy ri?5D, probably in 
1276. An imperfect copy of this hitherto unknown work has been 
discovered by the author in the Bodleian Hbrary. SnEairoB ben Isaac 
Ibn Ardulil (1345) was the author of a humorous little work, recently 
printed, which Dukes formerly {lAt. bl. vi. 149. ; cf- 255.) confused 
with the anonymous "ISIV HC'yD. 

4- Dukes (Annal. i. 41 6.) thinks his identity with the grammarian 
and lexicographer (§ I6.) improbable, but he has neither given his 
reasons nor published anywhere the specimens which he obtained from 
the Munich MS. (Mos. b. Ezra, p. 5.). 

43 [Page 177. line 3.] Catal. p. 1370. On a passage misunderstood 
by Dukes (Lit. bl. xii. 374.), see Ersch. ii. vol. xsxi. p. 49., and sup. 
§ 18. n. 30. 

43a \yolf. i. 1691* Adonia Kalomiti, the copyist at Salonichi (De- 
litzsch, Catal. p. 361.; cf. Zunz, Add. p. 332.), lived scarcely as early 
as 1329 (see Catal. p. 2162.). Menahem Kalomiti, fl. 1445 (see 
Wolf. i. 1454.). Isaac Kal. (not Kalommi), 1466 (MS. Uri, 411. 
f. 30.) 

43b Biscioni, p. l62. (Carm. Hist. d. Med. p. 135.). 

44 Lit. bl. vii. 565. ; Cod. Vienna, cviii. 



350 NOTES TO § 21. 

^'^ Zunz, zur Gesch. 204. 

^^ Cod. Bislichis, 78. (now in the Bodl.), where the author is called 
Jehuda ha-Shaari, and Vatic; see Serapeum, 1851, p. 63. The 
author of Cod. de Ros. 791. taught the rules of poetry to Abba Mari 
ben Kalonymos. 

47 Catal. p. 1308. sub no. 2. 

48 See Melo Chofn., p. 104.; Ker. Chem. vii. 78.; conf. Dukes, 
Beitr. p. 159., and Introd. to Mischle, p. 48. n. 51. 

49 CataL s. v. 

^0 Catal. p. 865. shows that the author is different from David Ibn 
Jahja, who has also a section on poetry. We forgot to mention 
Saadja Ibn Danan's treatise in the introduction to his Hebr.-Arab. 
Lexicon (MS. Bodl.); see Dukes, Nachal, p. 1.; Catal. p. 2155. 

51 Lit. bl. iv. 435., viii. 118. 

52 See Dukes, Lit. bl. iv. 435., vii. 808. (" Schalom," vii. 403., is 
wrong)^ by which Del. p. 4. must be corrected. 

5^ Vat. 225. (perhaps fragments of the Tachkemoni) ; see Frankel, 
Zeitschr. iii. 411. In Dukes, Ehrens. p. 58., and Lit. bl. iv. 435., 
read -1"'&J^ for DC^. Vat. 236. 
^ 54 Delitzsch (sic), p. 65. 

[P. 178. Santo ; see Ticknor, i. 80. Dukes (Lit. bl. xii. 29.) proposes 
several conjectures (adopted by M. A. Levy, Allg. Zeit. des Jud. 1855, 
p. 138.), all of which we cannot admit; he also places our Santo 
wrongly in the 13th cent. The Shemtob mentioned by Zarzah as dead is 
probably IbnArdutil (n.71.) ; cf.sup. p. l67. The matter will be treated 
in the Catal. under Schemtob. We will here only add a reference to Perez 
de Hita, Guerras Civiles de Granada, who names a Hebrew translator, 
Santo, of his doubtful Arabic authority. We owe this notice to our 
learned friend M. Zedner.] 

55 V. d. Hagen, Minnesanger, ii. no. 119; see Lit. bl. i. 145. sq. 

56 Zunz, zur Gesch. l66., and Catal. p. 1540. sub no. 6. On 
Jewish literature of that kind in general, cf. Wolf. n. 351. ; Gervinus, 
Nationallit. i. 6"4. sq. (This reference is wrong, and we are not able 
to correct it). 

57 Zunz,^ zur Gesch. 173., according to Wolfius, iv. p. 201. 



§21. Page 179. 

1 According to the Aristotelian system current among the Arabs, the 
older and general division of mathematics arranges the subject under 
four (read "^four or sometimes seven," p. 179-) heads or disciplinae, the 
names of which vary according to the Arabic and Hebr. works introducing 
them : viz. 1. Mathematics in the stricter sense ('•pTlXDriD in Joseph 

ben Zaddik, p. 2., Arab. c_jL^]1, Hebr. ])2^n, or -|£)D?D, or pjto) ; 
2. Geometry (i5''1t2?01J, in Jehuda ben Barzillai; in Oosterche Wand, 
p. 71. ; Lit. bl. viii. 6'20. ; D''?015^5, in Obadja b. David, Comm. cap. 18. 
§ 13.) ; Arab, or Pers. HOnin (Lit. bl. iii. 182.), or n^D^IJn, which is 
either adopted in Hebrew, or translated by mut^n (properly Algebra, 
see p. 179.), or hp^DT)) n^''D (Jehuda ben Barzillai), or DHD, or 



KOTES TO § 21. 351 

D^biym ]i^^j2 (Joseph ben Eleazar on Exod. xxxiv. 6.), or DHiyj^^ 
(Jehuda IlDn Tibbon, Rikmah, p. 3.; Lit. bl. viii. 718., and preface 
to Bechai) ; 3. Astronomy (Arab. *^sO^\ jXz> Hebr. D''nD13n 'n, or 

ti'hyhyn 'n, or both [Cusari, iii. sg.], or h:h}r\, or ni^T?on, or n^ibn) ; 

4. Music (in Arab, and Hebr. «p^D1?0, or ''p^D'lD [Np-TlJO in pref. Bechai, 
and '•pVID in the uncertain Commentary on Jezira, which the author 
formerly explained wrongly in § 12. n. 1. ; see the correction by S. Sachs, 
Ker. Chem. viii. 64'., who^ however, neglected the present note], or 
translated into Hebrew, "innn 'n [i. e. art of composition, or "inn 
m^^y^n composition of melodies, or pj**:, or p^^jn in^n, or D^J15''Jn] 
cf. § 18. p. 154.). These four are given by several authors, e. g. the 
Comra. on Jezira (10th century); Bechai (where "IDIDH 'n is a different 
reading of <^<?b ., or the mistake of an interpolater for nnDH 'n ; 

cf. nnnn ^L^'JS, in Jos. Caspi, Lit. bl. viii. 485. S. Sachs, 1. c, gives the 
same explanation) ; Joseph Ibn Zaddik, p. 2. ; Maimonides, Logic, chap. 
14. ; Shemtob ben Isaac, Preface to Alzahrawi, MS. ; Nachraanides, 
Sermon, p. 20., ed. Leipzig ; a dubious Comm. on the Kanon, ^IS. Bodl. 
595. ; Warner, 39., and others. In Jehuda ben Salomo Cohen, the seven 
disciphnae are called D^231Dn 'n, Dl^^nn, m^nnn, J^p^DIO, J^nt^D^J, 
PJPJn 'n and~l2DD: the latter is divided into theoretical (nj?''T') and prac- 
tical (nt^'y»)(Introd. to Midr. Hacochma, MS. Mich. 414.). "liy-t^^n 'n 
mnDni, Munich. 255., is the geometry of Euclid. Misrachi (Resp. 
56. in Conforte 31 a.) distinguishes njl^n (Astronomy), m^L^'n 
(Algebra), ISDb (Arithmetic). In general, the mathematical sciences 
are called JlVniTO^'? (:\raim. Comm. Erubin, i. 5.), DniD^^ (Jehuda 
ben Solomon Cohen), DIT'SD is peculiar to Ibn Ezra. To mathema- 
tics especially is applied the word n^l (Prov. i. 2=, with respect to 
1 Chron. xii. 32.) in Jehuda ben Solomon (not Samuel, as in ha-Jona, 
p. 26., cf. p. 36. ; Scrap. 1851, p. 6I.) and Emanuel of Rome, who 
recognises an allusion to the seven disciplinae in Prov. ix. 1. (Dukes, 
Introd. p. xiii.). With respect to the number of seven, we must remark 
that the " seven liberal arts " (§ 18. n. 49.) must not be confounded with 
the " seven sciences" mentioned in some Jewish authors (e. g. Abr. 
of Granada, quoted in the note to Nachmanides, 1. c, and Moses Rieti, 
f. 11.). These latter are the four mathematical disciplinee, and the three 
following, Ethics (or Politics), Physics, Metaphysics ; while the above- 
mentioned Commentary on the Kanon divides Philosophy also into 
four, Physics, ISlathematics, Politics, and Metaphysics, where we might 
expect Ethics instead of Mathematics. 

With respect to the general name, S. Sachs (1. c.) has explained the 

singular word n"lD, which answers to <iUjU j. Both mathematics and 
logic (§ 12. n. 3., against Sachs, p. 64., who wishes to place logic 
amongst the philosophical sciences) are properly excluded from philo- 
sophy. Logic is the general "^ organ" (vis) for thinking, as grammar 
is for speaking ; mathematics have their own purposes and objects, but 
as regards philosophy, they are only preparatory. On "inj/, see inf. 
n. 22. On ^^''^DDO in its peculiar sense in Talmud (sup. pp. I6. 30., 
p. 52. n. 105".) see the article Gematria of D. Cassel in Ersch, s. i. 
vol. Ivi. p. ^Q. (on the Mathematician Elieser Chisma, see inf. n. 88.); 



352 NOTES TO § 21. 

cf. also Zunz, Die relig. Poesie, p, 368. and § 18. n. 30. ; Maimonides, 
De Novilun. chap. 18. § 13. ; andObadja ben David, ib.^ and chap. 12._, 
combine D^:i with ])2^r\. 

2 Zurat haar. Introd., which work itself is called j^triri "ISD in Em- 
manuel (p. 1970' ntin, for an astronomer, see Zunz, Benj. p. 104., 
conf. 131. 359., and § 20. n. 18. 

2 Palqu. Mebak. 38 b. (according to which Zunz, Benj. p. 231., 
is to be corrected) ; conf. also Hammer^ Encykl. Uebers. p. 341. 

2* One seeks in vain in Delambre's Histoire de I'Astronomie for 
information on the Jews and for critical remarks upon the Arabian 
period generally ; he did not consult even Herbelot, Casiri, or De 
Rossi (Dizion. Stor. degli Autori Arabi). His principal authority, 
Am. Sedillot (vide J. J. Sedillot's Nekrology, in the translation of Abul 
Hassan^ 1834), has not prevented his falling into great mistakes (vide 
inf.). The astronomy and mathematics of the Jews are with him re- 
presented by some works which have been badly edited and translated 
into Latin, from bad abridgments by Schreckenfuchs (1546), viz. : first, 
the Astronomy of Abraham bar Chijja ; secondly, the Arithmetic of 
Elia Misrachi (vide inf. n. 70 a.). The Jewish section in Tdeler's 
celebrated Compendium of Chronology is equally open to objection ; see 
the author's essay in S. Sachs, njvn (printed 1848 — 1850). 

2^ The principal authority for the history of jhe Kalendar is Asarja 
DE Rossi, cap. 40. sq., and Appendix, and a special apologetic work 
printed Lond. 1854; see also Slonimski, Kerem Chemed, v. 104. sq., 
and in nJVn (edit, by Sachs) ; also a special compendium, "ll^yn DD^ 
1852, p. 1. sq., and the author's treatise, ib. p. I?, sq., the results of 
which he has here introduced in brief; conf. older authorities in Wolf, 
ii. p. 1302. sq. On Ideler, see n. 3 a. L. M. Lewisohn has re- 
cently published a popular essay under the title Geschichte und System 
des judischen Kalenderwesens, without independent researches, (v. n. 
16.) but rich in authorities. The author regrets that he must leave 
several important questions on the history of the Kalendar without fresh 
investigation, on account of the extensive astronomical researches which 
would have been necessary for the purpose ; vide inf. n. I7. 

4 Hamza el Isfahani, ed. Gottwaldt (Petersb. 1844), p. 4.; cf. 
Shaharastani, ii. 352., ed. Haarbriicker ; conf. Alfergani in As. de Rossi, 
cap. 40. sq. 201 b. (ed. Vienna) ; Bailly, Hist, de TAstr. i. 217. (ac- 
cording to Golius ad Alfrag. and Herbelot) ; Ideler, ii. 495. 

4 a Conf. § 15. n. 28. According to Herbel. (Nassa, iii. 646.), 
Muhammed forbade it expressly in the Koran (ii. 185.? conf. Sunne, 
552. [in Hammer, Fundgr. d. Or.] : " The moon is sometimes twenty - 
nine, sometimes thirty days ") on account of the superstition connected 
with it ; cf. Shaharastani, 1. c. in n. 4. According to Isaac Israeli (iv. 
17.), the reckoning was first determined by inspection. Weil (Mu- 
hamm. p. 281.) supposes only the existence of a year with intercalation, 
but considers the abolition of it before the time of Muhammed as 
certain. According to Simon Duran (Keshet u-magen, 25 a.), Muham- 
med forbade the calculation of the new moon. Similarly, an old author 
quoted by Isaac ben Baruch (in Abraham bar Chijja, Haibbur. p. 94.) 
and Ibn Ezra (Ker. Chem. iv. l63. ; conf. As. de Rossi, 213 b.; 
Slonimski, Ker. Chem. v. 128.) asserts of the Tekufa of R. Ada (vide 



NOTES TO § 21. 353 

ti. l?'):" t^^^ ^* ^^s ^^P^ secret on account of superstition; while the 
Egyptian priests opposed intercalation on religious grounds (Ideler_, 
Handb. d. Chronol. i. 95.). Abr. Krochmal (fl^nn, i. 133.) finds a 
political reason why the determination of the new moon was made a 
" secret" (cf. § 5. n. 102.). 

^ Makrisi in Sacy, Christ. Ar. i. 134.; Zion, i. 35.; conf. § 14. 
n. 10., Annal. i. 137. sq. 

6 See § 14. n. 20.; Ibn Ezra on Gen. viii. 3. ; Hedessi, § 184. sq. 

7 Zion, i. 38. ; conf. Jost, Busch, v. 159. 

^ Jehuda Halevi (Cus. iv. § 20.) speaks of attacks on the Jewish 
Easter according to Samuel's solar year ; and his renegade opponent, 
Samuel Ibn Abbas, probably treated of the same subject (n. 33.) ; 
but Cod. Uri, 257.5 is a forgery ; it contains a fragment of the Liturgy 
of Solomon ben Nathan (see n, 23.): conf. also the reply of Israeli (1330) 
to an apostate on this subject (Jesod Olam, ed. Goldb. ii. 36.). Abra- 
ham bar C'hijja expressly excuses the strange opinions of Saadja by the 
polemical tendency against the Karaites. Maimonides is more candid 
(see Rap.^ Erech MiUin, p. 91., and Catal. p. 2170.). 

9 Rap., Chan. p. 46., Erech Milhn, p. 91- (conf. sup. § 5. n. 29. ; 
Geig. Zeitschr. vi. 18.). On Carmoly's fictions and plagiarisms (Annal. 
i. 222.), see Rapop,, Ker. Chem., vi. Il6. sq. ; conf. Resp. Gaon. f. 
12 b. Luzzatto, 11 Giudaismo, i. 31. 

^0 Vide Abrah. ben Chijja, p. 38. (As. de Rossi 1. c, and conf. sup. 
§ 5. n. 25.); cf. Aderet Eliahu, f. 19 a. col. 2., ed. 1835, and inf. 
n. 77- Herbelot (Resm. iii. 774.) speaks of the Geography of Pto- 
lemy, which was translated from Greek into Hebrew, and afterwards, 
under Mamun, into Arabic. The mistake might be occasioned by the 
double meaning of the word ^jb—;^ which signifies Hebrew (Rab- 

binical) and Syriac ; so also Weil (Muhamm. p. 140. n. 209-) thinks 
that the Jews in Muhammed's time used Syriac ; see the author's 
compilation in Frankel, Zeitschr. iii. 324. n. 20. ; conf. Ewald, Beitrage, 
p. 138. ; IVTunk, Tanhoun, p. QQ., and inf. n. 39. § 22. n. 22. Perhaps 
the passage in Honein's preface to Musare ha-Philos. is to be explained 
in the same way. 

11 Slonimski, Ker. Chem. v. 10. The objection of Luzz. (Lit. bl. 
xi. 690.) has been removed by his extract from an old MS. (in Ker. 
Chem. viii. 37. and in Slonimski, Jesod, p. 31.). 

12 Steinschneider, 7]:i)'''n, p. 19- (conf. sup. § 5. n. 32.) ; Samuel 
DDPin (Ker. Chem. vii. 67') is certainly not the younger Gaon Samuel 
BEN Choeni (Reifmann, "im ■)t^♦^, ii. 10.). Furst (Lit. bl. viii. 43.) 
erroneously transfers the quotations in Zunz (G. V. p. 93. n. e.) from 
Ada to Samuel. Our observations are not mentioned in the recent 
essay of Abr. Krochmal (p'pnn, i. 77.) nor in Jellinek, pref. to Donolo, 
p. v. Cf. Catal. p. 2240. See also inf. n. I7. 

13 See the author's partial restoration of the text, 1. c. p. 20. Elieser 
BEN Faruch, who appears in Makrisi (Ideler, i. 275.) as the founder 
of the Jewish mode of calculating the Kalendar, is considered by the 
author (I. c. p. 18.) to be one of the Talmudists, the commencement of 
whose year (in Tishri) is the foundation of the Kalendar now in use; 
conf. inf. n. 21 a. Fiirst has appropriated to himself part of our dis- 

A A 



354 NOTES TO § 21. 

sertation (Lit. bl. xi. 326.), and afterwards (Lit. bl. xii. 458.) spoken 
of it as useless. 

1* Vide sup. n. 4. Ptolemaeus (in Israeli^ iv. 2. fol. 3 c.) speaks of 
a cycle of eight years with three leap years. 

15 Vide sup. § .5. n. IO9. also respecting the date of the work. The 
cycle of 84 years is probably that of Epiphanius and Cyrillus, and the 
Quartodecimans^ of whom Ideler (i. 571 -^ in the passage where he 
speaks of the Perakim, conf. ii. 202.) asserts that he has found no 
trace in any Rabbinical writer. Lewisohn (1. c. p. 25.) sees in the whole 
passage nothing but "^ an allegory/' which can only be admitted with 
respect to the day of 1000 years, to which the author never meant to 
attach any value. The cycle of 84 years of the fixed stars in Albatani 
(Delambre^ p. 54.) is quite independent. On the hours of the planets 
(Ideler, i. 87. 197- sq.) see Steinschn. I.e. p. 21. 

1^ The various directions for intercalations of Meton and the Jews 
(Israeli ascribes the received method to R. Chananel; conf, also 
Ideler, i. 579-; see Achai Gaon in Geiger, Zeitschr. vi. 18.) are, in 
fact, only chronological varieties (see Steinschn. 1. c. pp. 29- SS.\ and 
connected with the difference between the Babylonian and Palestine Jews 
in respect of the commencement of the year. Neither this short, but 
important observation, nor the special dissertation of Rapoport (Erech 
Millin, p. 91. ; cf. sup. n. 8.), has been noticed by Lewisohn, pp. 32. 
40., although he dwells upon the different cycles, and gives the former 
part of the present note; cf. § 10. n. 25. 

17 Viz. fc^^i^ '11 ^^h^ naipn, i. e. " according to that " of R. Ada 
BEN Abin (not Ben Ahaba, as has been hitherto supposed) ; see Slo- 
nimski, 1. c. p. 12. The 9th vol. of Ker. Chem., p. 27. sq., contains a 
correspondence between Slon. and Pineles, who attacks the whole 
system of Slon. by astronomical calculations (sup. n. 3 b.). We must 
remark that in such a complicated matter great care ought to be taken 
not to confuse different questions by using ambiguous expressions. 
Some recent authors try to claim antiquity for more recent reformations; 
thus Graetz (Gesch. iii. 552.) and Wiesner (Frankel, Monatschr. iii. 
113.)beheve that they find the usual '^ Order of Kalendar" in the 
Talmud. But Graetz brings forward only an uncertain general ex- 
pression, and Wiesner only one practical rule for the day of New Year ; 
see Slonimski, Jesod, p. 34. 

IS See the various authorities and hypotheses in Catal. s. v. p. 2131, ; 
cf. n. 20. 

19 D^liin l^n ; conf. sup. n. 15. 

20 Hedessi, 63. D, mentions the figures. (This observation is re- 
peated by Jelli nek in the pref. to the Introd., published 1854, under the 
new title, " Der Mensch als Ebenbild," &c., p. vii. He, however, omits 
entirely our dissert, in ha-Jona, and this essay, amongst the authorities, 
p. iii., as also some others.") Abu Sahal (p. 182,) also illustrated the 
work sent to Chisdai (cf. n. 93.) by figures. 

20a ijjxi Ezra calls Mashallah an Indian sage; cf. Catal. p. I677. 
Israeli (iv. 7. fol. 11 a.) speaks of Persian sages (D?**!^ Tl), who worked 
about 790 by royal command ; conf. inf. n. 59. 

21 Vide inf. n. 60., and on Abu Sahl, inf. n. 93. 

21a See Steinschn. p. 18.; conf. the author's Index to Michael's 



NOTES TO § 21. 355 

Catal. p. 317.) on Fiirst's incorrect plagiarisms (Lit, bl. xi. 320.) ; 
vide sup. n. 13. 

^^ On the title IIIlVj in Saadja and the later writers (mentioned p. 
437. )j see Catal. p. 2170. Meir Aldabi distinguishes between HD^n 
mnnn (see n. 1.) and "lUyn 'n. Levi ben Abraham (Astr. MS. i. 
§ 1, 2.) says that the "lUymiD is founded on "iSDJOnV nnoh 'n and 
nD^nn 'n, i. e. Mathem. and Astron. or ^^ Observation." 

23 See n. 8. and § I9. n. 42. ; Ker. Chem. ix. 37. So also the 
Persian Kalendar of the year 1290, in ^lunk, Not. s. Saadja, p. 67. 

-'^ See, however, the author's remarks on the Leyden MSS. Warner, 
25^. and 60., out of the pieces of which the one printed is composed. 
Cf. also Zunz, z. Gesch. p. l64. 

25 On Nahshon (sic) (ob. 898 ?), see Catal. p. 2020. 

26 Luzz. Lit. bl. vii. 420. 

2'' Vide e. g. Abraham ben Chijja's forced distinction between the 
visible and numerable stars (vide n. 48.) and the countless numbers of 
Scripture (Zurat haar. fin.) ; by which one is reminded of the passage 
in Pliny (ii. 26.) : '' Hipparchus ausus sit rem Deo etiam improbam, 
annuntiare posteris Stellas." 

28 E. g. the three questions in Ghasali (Munich, 35. n.), which the 
author has proved to be the niillDn nJIID mentioned by Moses Narbonl 
{Catal. p. 1973. ; Cod. Warner, 15.) ; the work of Bathliusi (Catal. p. 
2001.) j Ibn Roshd's Subst. Orbis {Catal. p. 764. &c.). 

-^ The astronomer (Casiri, i. 430.) and historiographer in Spain, 

Ibn Ssa'id (^j<r.U;], whose section on celebrated Jews, however, seems 
to be lost {Catal. p. 1114.), was in close connexion with the Jews (n. 
59 a.) ; he and his companions (according to Isaac Israeli, iv. 7-) con- 
fess to have used Jewish authorities, and to have borrowed amongst 
other things the cycle of 19 years. Ibn Ssa'id is said to have died 1070, 
so that the year 1080 (p. 188. line 1., where read cb'ca) could not 
be referred to himself. "V^^hether Sahal ben Bishr (p. 191') was in 
Spain has become rather doubtful to the author (see Catal. s. v.). 

30 He had apparently the usual additional name, Abu Ali, which gave 
rise to the story of his son Ali (in Obadja, conf. D. Cassel, on Cusari, 
p. 120.). We have given his date, 972, according to Zunz, Got. Vortr. 
363. (cf. Annal. ii. 225.) ; but the new ed. of Israeli, iv. 14. f. 28., 
gives 952 (hence Slonimski, Jesod, p. 43.). According to Ibn Ezra 
(Ibbur MS.) he wrote three works on Ibbur (see Catal p. 2171.). 

[Page 183. hne 8. Isaac ben Rakufiel, probably more correctly 
Jehuda ; see Catal 1. c= in n. 30. The year 1040 (Annal. ii. 225.) is 
probably without any other authority than Carmoly.] 

[Page 183. line 14. The word Samuel is erroneous. On Isaac ben 
Baruch, information is to be found also in Moses Ibn Ezra.] 

31 Abraham ben Chijja wrote in 1105-33. ; but we have perhaps 
a final redaction after his death, a. 1136; see the author's remarks in 
Cod. Warner. 37-, and Catal p. 2113. 

32 See Catal pp. 687. 1038., and Cod. Scahg. 14. 

33 See Nicoll, p. 603. ; see, however, n. 8. 

34 Isaac ben Juda (see AV'olf. iii. n. 1195 b.; 1170, according to 
Carmoly's Annal. ii. 225.) is rather doubtful. 

34a SediUot (Comptes Rendus, xvii. l67-) divides the Arabian 

A A 2 



356 NOTES TO § 21. 

astronomers into — (1.) translators and compilers; (2.) calculators; 
(3.) observers. The same holds good of the Jews. 

35 R. Maimon., the editor of the Alfergani (As. de Rossi, chap. 40.), 
is probably neither Maimonides nor his father. 

3^ The Latin and Spanish were partly themselves translated by Jews_, 
e. g. by Johannes Hispalensis, whose works are mentioned in Jourdain 
in an incomplete manner, and not without mistakes ; see Catal. p. 1402., 
and inf. n. 93. 

37 Wenrich (De Auct. Grsec.) introduces him first in the Supple- 
ment, p. 306., without reference to a MS. (see Br. Mus. 7473., without 
the name of the translator in Ewald, Zeitschr. f. d. Kunde des Morgenl. 
ii. 211.); but he is already mentioned by Joseph Ibn Aknin (see 
Ersch, s. V. p. 51. n. 40.). The Hebrew translation (after another 
Arabian version, Munich, S6. 4! = 35. 5. in Lilienth.) is mentioned as 
early as by Del Medigo (in Geig. Mel. Chofn. p. 104.). Carmoly 
(Itineraires, p. 346.) calls the translator Kalonymos, but mutilates the 
name, and refers to nobody else. 

38 This is the fictitious Jew Isaac Cohen (Encykl. sect. 2. vol. xxiv. 
p. 219'), whom De Rossi (Cod. 806. 3.) confounds with a real Jew of 
the 15th century. Cf. Cod. Bislichis, 69., and Cod. De Rossi, 11 70. 

• 39 This princely Arabian alchymist is obviously the Kalid ben 
Jaztchi, &c., who under various false names figured as a Jew, and 
whose Hebrew writings are erroneously said to have been translated into 
Arabic, and thence into Latin (probably by Robert Retinensis ; see 
Jourdain, p. 109.)' Conf. on ^'^ Hebrew," sup. n. 10.; see Catal. p. 
813., and cf. Morienus Romanus, de Alchemia, printed 1593, &c. 

39a Catal. p. 1567., where the date of this author is first demonstrated 
from a passage of his work ; cf. inf. n. 6S. 

40 His Astrology was translated for Alphonso X. into Spanish by 
JuDA BEN Moses (not ben Joseph), and thence into Latin by ^gidius 
de Tebaldis (conf. § 22. n. 70.) and Petro del Real (Reggie), and, 
perhaps, afterwards improved by Alvaro (Castro, i. 114.). The Spa- 
nish translation, and the Hebrew of Isaac ben Samuel Abulcheiu, 
made from the Latin, are at Oxford. Another Hebrew edition by 
Solomon Doyen (?) has produced great mistakes; see Catal. p. 1361. 
— To the Arabian authors belongs also Ali ben Ahmed el-Omrani (ob. 
954-55), who is beyond doubt the '^ Enbrani " in Cod. Lat. Canon. 
Misc. 396. (in Coxe's Catal. p. 734.); the year, 1134, and the place, 
Barcelona, agree better with Abraham bar Chijja than with Abba- 
ham JuDiEus of Tortosa, who is perhaps the same as Abraham of 
Toledo, sup. p. 184. 

40a Conf. Abu Bauzel (!) and Abu Malmel (!), Munch. 225. 

41 Catal. p. 1181. 

42 In the Escurial there are many Spanish translations made by a 
Rabbi Zag, or Cag (= Isaac), of Toledo, for Alphonso X. These have 
occasioned various mistakes and contradictions characteristic of this class 
of investigations, and discoverable only by a careful collation of the 
extracts with the MSS. themselves. De Castro has made some unfair 
deductions from these works. His principal purpose is to prove that the 
Jews who worked for Alphonso were baptised; see Catal. pp. 1156. 
1359. 2144. The author does not hesitate to identify R. Isaac with 
Ibn Sid (see n. 67.)- Sachs (Rel. Poes. I96.) regrets that Jourdain 



NOTES TO § 21. 357 

** makes references only from secondhand, without criticism," and yet 
himself combines even thirdhand authorities ( Jourdain and Zunz) from 
the same origin ; see Catal. p. 1359. 

^^ See pref. to Catal. Michael, p. xiii. (Catal. p. I6l0. ; Ker. Chem. 
ix. 37.), and Catal. of Ley den MSS. Cod. Warner. 20. 

'^^ Not ^"^ Abualbari " (Encykl. sect. 2. vol. xxiv. 217.? according to 
Wolf. T. iii., confused with Aboab). See Cod. Warner. 68., in the 
author's Catal. of the Leyden MSS., and cf. n. 40. 

^^ Another Hebrew compendium of the same work (757!in 'D), printed 
together with the translation of Solomon ben Abraham^ has not been 
hitherto recognised as such, and has been falsely ascribed to the same 
translator. Catal. p. 2255. 

^^ [This reference belongs to Jacob ben Samson, line 12.^ where 
read 1 123-42 ; cf. Catal. pp. 1838. 2222. ; cf. Zunz, zur Gesch. p. 51. 
(Conforte, f. 17 a., &c.). On Isaac Alhadib, see Catal. p. 1086., 
and n. 6l a.] 

46a [The passage was inserted at line 22.] See Humboldt, Kosmos, 
ii. 453. n. 12. 

^7 Zunz, zur Gesch. l66. 

^"^^ See Hadji Chalfa ap. Hammer, Encykl. Uebers. p. 343., and 
the comparison with the Druzes in De Sacy, Chrest. ii. 384. To the 
Jewish authors quoted by Sachs, Rel. Poes. p. 230. (cf. § 13. n. 48.), 
add Jos. Kimchi, Lit. bl. vii. 730., the description in Ibn Sahula, Mashal 
hakadmoni. 

48 Lit. bl. iv. p. 24. n. BQ. ; conf. Ibn Ezra, Reshit Chochma, 
init. ; on Ex. xxiii. 20. (p. 72. Prag.), Palquera, Mebak. 36 a., conf. 
Sachs, p. 232., '^^ round numbers." In Joseph Caspi^ p. 103., the 
correct number is placed between brackets. Hadji Chalfa (in Ham- 
mer, Encykl. Uebers. p. 479.) reckons 29,000. Conf. sup. n. 27. 

4^ See Shene Hammeoroth, pref. p. 6. ; and, perhaps, hence D. 
Cassel ad Cusari, iii. 79. p. 279. ', cf. Jos. Gikatilla in Ersch, vol. 
xxxi. p. 78. n. I7. ; 5000 is found in Levi ben Gerson ad Gen. i., fol. 
lie; cf. Milchamot, v. 1. Cf. Saadja Emunot, vii., and in Simon 
Duran, Magen Abot in fol., f. 9 a. ; the quotation of Ptolomaeus 
(7i7Jn D in fine) is an addition to Sacrobosco (cf. n. 45.). In de- 
termining the distance of the moon, Jehuda ben Solomon Cohen (Trea- 
tise on the Letters, MSS.) differs about 1 ppH from. Ptolemy. 

^0 Maim, in As. de Rossi, cap. 28. p. l64. ; conf. Chasles, Comptes 
Rendus, xxiii. 850. The 6OOO parasangs of the Talmud are a symbolical 
number (conf. 8000 in Delambre, p. I98.) ; cf. Saadja, Emunot, vii. 

^^ Ibn Ezra on Ps. cxlviii. 9- 

^2 E. g. in Gabirol (Sachs, p. 231.) ; the Astronomy of Abraham ben 
Chijja is full of variations. On the still important question about the 
motion of the fixed stars (octava sphsera), which much occupied the 
astronomers, Joseph ben Eleazar finds contradictions in Ibn Ezra (see 
ad Levit. xxv. 9- &c.) ; cf. also n. 66. 

^^ Read some antipodes, viz. those on the extremities of the Eastern 
hemisphere; see Maimonides, Moreh, i. 73. ; conf. Palquera, Mebak. 
39. The rotation of the earth, however, is adduced as an example of 
a false conception (Jos. ben Shemtob, Kobez Wikk. fol. 20 a.). A 
passage of the book Zohar, speaking of rotation, antipodes, &c., has 

A A 3 



358 NOTES TO § 21. 

repeatedly attracted the attention of Jewish authors : see Hurwitz^ 
Deutsche Zugabe zum Sammler, 1809^ p. 32.; Zunz, Etwas iiber die 
Rabb. Lit. 1818, p. l6. ; Jost, Isr. Annal. 1839, p. 70. ; Franck, Kab- 
bala, p. 98. (conf. p. 73. , where 5^7J7)inD is not exactly translated) ; 
and Jost still (Jellinek und die Kabbala, 1852) goes so far as to find 
here '' special geographical notices." 

^3a Gabirol, Keter Malhut, 210.; Jos. Kimchi on Job, x. 22. (Lit. 
bl. xi. 93.) ; Maimon., Letter to the Wise Men of Marseilles (or Mont- 
peUier). 

^'^ Jourdain, p. 280. ; conf. Shene Hammeor. p. 10. n. 8. ; cf. D. 
Cassel, in Ersch, s. v. Joseph Gikatilla, p. 78. n. l6. 

55 See Annal. ii. 80. 288. ; Ker. Chem. vii. 254. The Ephe- 
merides of Solomon Jorchus, in Zach. Corr. Astr. viii. 22. (Niiin- 
berger, Astron. Worterb. i. 328.), are unknown to the author (conf. 
Abraham ben Solomon Jarchi Zarphati, Wolf. i. l60. ; Vat. 297. 
13. on Euclid, he was perhaps a mere copyist). On the other 
hand, we possess similar ones by Sabbatai Donolo. The existence 
of this among the Arabs is, in Delambre (p. 6.), only an " on croit !'' 

55 a Basnage, p. 259*^ in Wolf, and Rossi. 

56 Biscioni, 88. ; Cod. 28. 3. ; perhaps transcriber. Conf. also on the 
Celidario of Bartholomaeus de Jamfredi (.'*) ibid.. Cod. 47. 1.^ and the 
instrument j^n^l 111223 (?.^) Vat. 429. 30. ; conf. 379- 7. 

57 T2 ^b, Vat. 387. 10. (Wolf. i. 958.). 

58 Irving, in Zunz, Benj. ii. p. 268. ; Depping, in Carmoly, Hist. 
des Medecins, p. 124.; conf. Allg. Zeit. d. Jud. 1847, p. 887. The 
astrolabe is also called nc^^in^ri ''7D in Ibn Ezra and the Mishna 
Commentary on Erub. iv. 2. Jehuda ben Babzillai is against the 
use of it on the Sabbath (Zunz, zur Gesch. 483.). — Also Abraham Zar- 
kali's description of his Tables (niT'S^*) is translated into Hebrew (cf. 
also Geig. Zeitschr. iii. 445. ; Munic. 35, 36. &c.) ; the printed Latin 
ed. is perhaps extracted from the translation of Abraham (De Castro, 
i. 143. ; cf. Jourdain, in Stahr's translation, p. 147.). See the author's 
notice in Zeitschr. der d. m. Gesellsch. viii. 379« 

58a Read 1328-40 ; the identity is proved by Munk and the author 
(Catal p. I6O9. ; cf. p. 2118.). That the printed verses belong to the 
instrument is distinctly said in a prefatory remark of the Pocock MS. 

58 b Tables of geographical lengths and breadths (conf. Zunz, Benj. 
p. 307.) are contained in the astrological work of Ibn Radshal (viii. 
cap. 37.), according to " Harix' " (?) accounts. 

59 Del Medigo, MeL Chofn. p. 14., and vide n. 71', viz. either that 
of Djelali (Mill's Hist, du Mahom. p. 275.), or the Chowaresmi ; see 
n. 60., and conf. sup. n. 20 a. 

59a Vide sup. n. 29., about the year 1080. 

6^ To the Tables themselves, and to their Indian origin, Chasles 
(Comptes rendus, xiii. 846. ; conf. Von Humboldt, Kosmos, ii. 452. 
n. 10.) alluded lately, so far as they are of importance for the question 
of the originality of the Indian, Chaldee, and Arabian astronomy. The 
most interesting older accounts of Ibn Ezra, whose "^ Super Opere Ta- 
bularum " was mentioned as early as by Pico (Wolf. i. p. 85.), have been 
much mutilated by De Rossi (Cod. 212.). See the quotations in § 20. 
n. 32., and especially on Canca and Jacob Ibn Shear a (n. 21.) our 
notices in Zeitschr. der d. Morg. Gesellsch. viii. 550. We must again 



NOTES TO § 21. 359 

regret the want of the Hebrew text of Cod. Rossi. Conf. also Jour- 
dain^ p. 104., where Zydj is to be read as an emendation for Zydi, and 
Taarich Japhari for Erichiapharira. 

^^ As an assistant in the composition of the '' Six Wings," Solomon 
Talmid appears only in Buxtorf, according to Jacob Romano (see 
n. 63.); conf. Abraham Talmid (1483), copyist of Cod. Tur. 113. 
(wrongly in Wolf. iv. p. 9W-)i conf. Cod, Rossi, 1185., where "Tal- 
mid " is probably not the name of the author, and Solomon Ezobi 
(1633), inf. § 30. p. 262. ; Solomon Mirnachi (.?), Vat. 498. (in Mai). 
See also the author's index to Catal. Michael, p. 34?. — On the com- 
mentaries of the celebrated " Six Wings," some researches should still 
be made; see Index, p. 359. As early as 1380 it was commentated 
by Samuel Chajjim ben Jomtob Matron Sefardi (Cod. Reggio, 42., 
now in the Bodleiana). On the G7^eek Commentator, see inf. n. 63. 

6^^ See n. 46 a. From the very mutilated extract in Deutsch and 
Krafft, cxci., we can only gather that he used, beside the tables of Al- 
batani, also those of Dp5<1?S, or D5<p"l'?i^ (1. Almorakeshi?), which were 
preferred by many astronomers in Tunis, and also those of ^DD^X (1. 
Alkomad ? cf. ^\a^\ ^\ in Casiri, 1. 393 ?). 

62 Catal p. 1457. 

62 a Against the inventions of Carmoly (Frankel, Monatschr. 1854, 
p. 67-) and the false combinations of De Rossi (Cod. 1181.), repeated by 
Geiger (Proben, ii. 49-), see Catal p. 2117.;, where also a Hebrew 
retranslation out of Latin is mentioned, now in the Bodl. libr. 

63 AVolf, i. n. 1956., according to Bartol. (Vat. 393. 1. in Assem 
14th century ! See infra, n. 77.) ; conf. Wolf. i. pp. 340. 597- So- 
lomon Rhodius (?) MS. Munic. 343. 5. ; Solomon Mirnachi (?) 
II. 61. The poet Solomon Sharbit hasahab (Ca^a/. p. 2214.) has 
nothing upon astronomy in his Keter Malchut (Luzz,, Kerem Chemed, 
iv. 39.). The family name ^riTH D''2"1^ (conf. Abraham and Schemarja 
in Conforte, 48 b.) appears to be translated (Zunz, zur Gesch. 157.), 
and may correspond to the Greek Chrysokokka (and not Chrysoste- 
phanos, as Zunz, Syn. Poesie, p. 107. )> because xpuo-o^roK-K-a is the name 
not only of the commentator of the '' Six Wings" of Immanuel, but also 
of the translator of the Persian tables in Delambre. 

64 Op. 1666. 9. 

65 The author has tried to investigate the subject as far as he could 
without the rare Latin work of Ricius, in an essay (" Alfons' x. astro- 
nomischer Kongress zu Toledo, and Isaac Ibn Sid der Chasan, Eine 
Randglosse zur [Humboldt's] Kosmos, ii. 26l,") which appeared in the 
"^ Magazin fiir die Literatur des Auslands," unfortunately, in May, 
1848 (n. 57. p. 226., and n. 58. p. 230.), when public attention was 
directed to anything but investigations of that kind. He has shown 
from clear authorities, in two articles : 1. That no congress of Arabic 
authors ever existed ; 2. That Isaac Ibn Sid was the principal 
author of the tables (v. Catal p. 2144.). He intended to treat in a 
third article the question whether our recension is really a rechauffe of 
1256, and was happy enough to find, in 1850, in the Bodleian library, 
the work of Ricius (described at large in Catal pp. 2143-5.); when he 
found that it requires a more thorough knowledge of astronomy than he 

A A 4 



360 NOTES TO § 21. 

possesses. He will therefore add only one short observation. Ricius 
(ff. 27. 29.) gives as a reason for the retractation, that in the tables of 
1252 the movement of the fixed stars w&s supposed to be 1° in 70 years 
(which number he attributes to Jewish superstition, f. 24. ; hence 
Bailly, i. 225., Encykl. s. i. vol. iii. p. 90.), but that by the translation of 
Abu'lhasin he was convinced of the truth of the system of Albatani 
(f. 39; in the name of Zacut, but see sup. p, I9O.). Asarja de Rossi, 
however (chap. 40. f. 213 b., where the year 1251 agrees with the 
Latin ed. of the tables, and hence D. Gaiis, Zemach David ad A.), 
asserts that Alfonso did not know '' the works " of Albatani, speaking 
especially of the length of the year. 

^6 On the strange mistakes about Jehuda ben Moses (Moischa), of 
whom de Castro, Jourdain, Jost, and Carmoly, make two different 
authors, &c., see the extensive note in CataL pp. 1360-2. 

^"^ See n. 68. On Pedro's behaviour to the Jews, similar to that 
of his father Alfonso, see the authorities quoted in D. Cassel's note to 
Jehuda ben Asher, f. 6I b. 

^8 Preface, 9 b. (see § 30. n. 11.). Here the confusion pervading 
the Catalogues can only be unravelled by actual inspection. Jacob ben 
Isaac Alkarsani is named as translator of a work on the astrolabe, 
the Arabic author of which is either Ahmed Ibn al-Ssoflfar ( .U»:;in 
or ben Djaafer (see the author's notice in Zeitschr. der d. m. Gesellsch. 
viii, 548., and cf. "^ Abnasafar" in De Castro, i. p. 129.), and probably 
the same as *' Ameth filius Afar," from the Latin of Philipp, Spanish, 
in Cod. Canon, misc. 340. (p. 693. of Coxe's Catal.), following after 
Propha^as de Marsilia supra Quadr., &c., by Armengaud in 1299' This 
Propha^as is Jacob ben Machir, who certainly translated a work on 
the astrolabe from the Arabic, the Spanish (or Limosin) translation of 
which is attributed by Deutsch (Catal. p. 186.) to a fictitious Goisu 
("guysios des estrellas," see 39 a. Catal. p. 1569.) ; so that the author- 
ship of Jacob ben Isaac is rather doubtful. Jacob Kabsani is named 
as author of tables, or of a commentary on them, in which Peter III. 
of Arragon (at Barcelona, 1276), among the learned men commissioned 
by him, is said to mention Magister Peter (Vat. 379- 10. ; Rossi, l65., 
vide sup. § 8. n. 90^ ^o"^- Petro Regio (del Real) sup. n. 40., and CataL 
p. 1358. Jacob ben David ben Jomtob Poel also reckons according 
to the era of Peter III. (Vat. 356. 3, 4.), although he wrote in lS6l (see 
n. 62 a.). Finally, the tables (Almanack) of Jacob ben Machir 
(1300) have been confused with the translation of Ibn Heitham, &c. ; 
see CataL pp. 1234. 2113. 

^^ The identity with the poet (Zunz, zur Gesch. 473., see sup. p. 
343. n. 27 a.) is established by comparing the date of his pupil men- 
tioned in the text (Cod. Reggio, 14., now in the Bodleian). Del Me- 
digo (p. 53.) calls the translator Kalonymos ? 

70 See Catal. p. l658. ; his anonymously printed tables of day and 
night (different from those of Bianchino) are also in MS. Mich. 525. 
In the passage given from MS. Mich. 570., the words " which ex- 
pression," &c., to '^ above" should be put in brackets, and instead of 
" or to those," read *' and those of Jac. Poel." 

70^ According to Delambre, he is later than Ibn Junis (ob. 1008)> 
but is the first (f) who speaks of the extraction of the cube root. 



NOTES TO § 21. 361 

^1 He treated of chronology in his supplement to Aderet Eliahu of 
Beschitzi. 

72 See n. 45. 

73 Vat. 387. n. 379, 7. 

[Page 190. sq. In general compare the note 7^ a. of § 22.] 
-^^ Hadji Chalfa in Hammer_, Encykl. Uebers. p. 475. If Gesenius 
(Encykl. sect. 1. vol. v. p. 69.) derives the Arabian astrology from 
'^ the Jews " like Alkendi, then the hypothesis falls with its foundation ; 
conf. sup. § 13. n. 7- In Grasse (ii. 2. 991.) it is said: ''Of strictly 
mathematical studies, astronomy and astrology were, however_, principally 
cultivated, which served their purpose and suited their taste for cheating.'' 
Sufficient excuse for this admirable logic is given in the other statements 
contained in this work on Jewish Literature. See the observations in 
Lit. bl. ii. 230. Jewish authors often derive astrology from heathen- 
dom, or ascribe it 10 other nations (see n. 77«)- ^^^ Zarzah (f. 20 c.) 
gives the Arabian name ")i^''t2 and ''astrology" (n&^'':il7'nDD5<) as used 
by Christian sages. On the antiquity of it, see Narboni in Comm. on 
Averroes de Subst. Orbis, in fine ; on the little value ascribed to it, 
see Palquera, Mebak. f. 39 b. ; cf. also Joseph Nasi, Lit. bl. xi. 768., 
where Dy?2 is probably Apollonius. Even the pseudo-Abraham ben 
David argues (f. 38.) against the D''Tin (n. 1.). But it would lead 
us too far to collect the sentences against astrology, and especially its 
practice ; cf. § 22. n. 72 a. sq. 

75 See on the other hand, e. g. Ibn Ezra, Introd. to the Astrol. Vat. 
390. ; and on the Doctrine of Freedom of the Jewish philosophers, 
see Ritter, Gott. gel. Anz., 1847, p. 6*11.; cf. also S. Sachs, ha-Jona, 
p. 19. sq. 59. sq. 

76 In his most interesting letter to the learned of Montpellier (or 
Marseilles) ; see § 22. n. 74. 

'''' The wise men of Greece, says Maimonides, never composed such 
as these, even the Persians recognised the worthlessness of the works 
produced by Kasdaeans, Chaldaeans (a distinction common among the 
Arabians), Egyptians, and Canaanites ; one must not adhere to indi- 
vidual statements in the Talmud. Moses ben Samuel Cohen, of 
Saloniki, who grounds astrology on the oracle of the Urim we-Tumim 
(cf. Catal. n. 3392), is probably not so old as stated by Assemani, ad 
Cod. Vat. S9S. 3. (conf. Wolf. i. p. 2093., ii. p. 1259-, iv. p. 1039.) ; 
see sup. n. QS. 

78 Zunz, zur Gesch. 483. ; see, on the other hand, n. 79* 

78 a See Von Humboldt, Kosmos, ii. 252. Astrological necromancy, 
*&c., attracted the inquisitive especially to Salamanca (Schmidt, Discipl. 
Clerical, p. 113., and Sol. Duran, sup. p. 201.), Toledo (Jourdain, 
pp. 100. 271.)^ ^^^ other seats of Arabian science. 

'^^ E. g. the care taken of liquids at Quarter Day (DIDIpn), which 
even Abrah. ben Chijja (in Asarja de Rossi, add. 2. to cap. 40.) desig- 
nates as provincial superstitions ; conf. also Briick, p. 43. ; Ker. Chem. 
iv. 165., vii. 77- An elucidation of this custom by the baptized Jew 
Paul William Hirsch (1717) was welcomed as a new antijudaistic 
argument in the " Unschuldige Nachrichten " (Wolf. iii. p. 908.). A 
refutation of this superstition was written by the neophyte Philip Ni- 
codemus LEs-aECHT (Wolf. iv. p. 954.). An interesting article on this 



362 NOTES TO § 21. 

and similar superstitions (which also gave rise to persecutions of the 
Jews), explaining them in a physical way, is to be found in Lieher- 
mann's Kalendar, 1855, p. II9. : "Die Wunder des Bluts, von S. 
Cohn." Another superstition, of looking at the shadow on Hosianna 
Night, is acknowledged by Elia Levita (Lit. hi. viii. 342.) ; and Isachar 
Ibn Shoshan gives the hours (Tikkun, f. 124 a., ed. Ven.). 

^'^ See Zunz, Annal. ii. 156.; Jehuda ben Solomon Cohen, In- 
trod. to Astrology ; Solomon, transl. of Ali Ibn Radshal ; Cod. Vienna, 

CLXXXVII. 

^^ V. sup. § 15. n. 15. A revolution throughout the world was ex- 
pected in the year 1179 hy the Persian, Arabian, Jewish, and Christian 
astrologers ; see Scaliger ad Manilium, p. Q, ; conf. Hadji Chalfa in 
Hammer, Encykl. Uebers. p. 180. On the constellation of the years 
1464, 1469, see Zunz, 1. c, and Catal. p. 1575. Astrological proofs 
for Muhammed's being a prophet form a chapter in the Annals of 
Hamza el Isfahani (ed. Gottwaldt, Petersb. 1844). 

^2 Zunz, 1. c. 

[Page 191. lin. 22., for ''^ astronomical '' read "astrological."] 

S3 Read Centiloquium (Kapirog, tJjUi). V. sup. n. 39. sq. Many 

anonymous astrological works in foreign languages, but in Hebrew cha- 
racters (e. g. Vat. 245, 246.), have been probably only transcribed by 
Jews. It must, however, be borne in mind that "^ Astrologia" in earlier 
times was used also generally for astronomy. On the other hand the 
pretended astrological work of Farabi, in Cod. Paris. 382 (according 
to the Catalogus), is really the preface of Shemtob ben Isaac (1251) 
to his translation of the medical work of Zahrawi, where he reckons 
astrology amongst the subsidiary sciences of medicine. Indeed most 
astrological notices in Jewish MSS. belong to that category. 

84 See n. 21 a. 

[Page 191. lin. 4. from bottom, instead of, '"''and whose influence," 
read ^' the influence of whom " (viz. of Petrus) was, &c. See Renan, 
pp. 238. 246.] 

85 Vat. in Wolf, i. I692. 

86 Vat. 477. (Mai). 

87 Wolf. iii. 1502 d. 

88 Vide sup. § 5. n. 1. Thus e. g. Rabba (S3"1, 3rd century) men- 
tions that the Persians called 10 " one " (in), and thus knew the decimal 
system of arithmetic (Bechorot 6O a. ; v. inf. n. gS.). Abraham Zacut 
(p. 52.) means by the words mintJ^ni nSDD hv2, that Eliezer 
Chisma was an able mathematician (Geiger, Zeitschr. vii. 26. ; cf. 
D. Cassel, Encykl. s. v. Gematria ; v. sup. n. 1. p. 351. infra); but 
Wolf., i. n. 31.5., misunderstands them, and makes Eliezer the author 

of a work niinc^n. 

89 The title '' Mishna," in Emmanuel ben Jacob (MS. Tur. 68.), for 
the Propositions of Euclid is characteristic. 

90 Zunz, zur Gesch. p. 177- Samson of Sens, the opponent of 
philosophy (§ 11.), doubts also the validity of geometrical theorems 
(he quotes DnDn 'brDn ; cf. n. 1.), but is reproved by the recent 
authors Joseph Karo and Lipman Heller ; see Zuckermann on the 
passage of Erubin, v. 5., in Frankel, Monatschr. iv. (1855, f. 156.). 



NOTES TO § 21. 363 

91 Zunz^ zur Gesch. p» 535., names the authors (adde Cod. Taur. 70. ; 
cf. W. iii. n. 187 e., Mich. 527. ^ MS. Warn. 20. f. 99- ; and cf. Catal. 
pp. 1086. 2004. ; a table of measures and coins in the Bible is printed 
in the Bible, ed. Ven. l6'78; Catal. n. 594^.), and draws from Jewish 
sources some valuable notices, forming a worthy supplement to Bockh's 
celebrated metrological work. But his complaints about the neglect of 
Jewish authorities have not prevented his being himself unnoticed by 
Bertheau in Ersch (see foot note, sup. p. 3.) ; and even Frankel's 
Notice (Monatschr. iv. 156.) on Saulcy, Recherches sur la Numisma- 
tique Jud., does not refer to Zunz. 

•'2 Terquem, Lit. bl. vi. 474. 494. (where the method of calculation 
of the doctors of Israel [not the " wise Israelites "] is quoted) ; Luzz. 
Zion, i. l6. ; conf. Zachot. 8 b., Berlin ed. His division is not that by 
the difference of 10, in Chasles (Comptes Rend. xvi. p. 172.). Allemano 
(Shaar haheshek, 12 a.) cites a passage of Ibn Ezra on ni''Tin JIIIIV, 
which, however, does not seem to signify Indian ciphers {'' figurae 
Indorum" in Chasles [1. c. xvii. 143.] ; conf. Sprengel, Gesch. d. Med. 
ii. 338., and see the following note), but astrological figures. On the 
formula called " stratagem," which recurs in other literatures, see 
Catal. p. 681.; dele ''^ besides various other." 

93 On the dubious author, v. sup. § 13. n. 12. Against Saadja, he 
remarks in his Commentary to Jezira (in Dukes, Kontros, p. 75.), that 
the calculation of knuckles, intended for common intercourse, does not 
proceed farther than 10,000, the manner of noting this number being 
described by him (according to this Rodiger's article in the Jahresber. 
d. Deutsch. Morgenl. Gesellsch. 1845, 1846, p. 113., is to be supplied. 
Jellinek, Bet hamidr. iii. p. xxiii.., finds an allusion in the Hechalot, 
without referring to our essay). On the other hand, he remarks that 
it is easy to calculate on the table ( DpJD) with Indian numbers (PJD 
nin *>^2) larger sums by the combination of ten as unity. The Indians 
also have only nine signs (nvni&5, p. 77., does not mean '' letters"). 
On this subject he refers to his work on HIH 01 pit^n (or ''^in ; conf. 

j__^A:»^^ (, >l*--.7=-, Arithmetic, Cod. Ar., Leyden, 1055 ; hence Landauer's 

reasoning, Lit. bl. vii. 121., loses ground). Since he thus does not 
know the existence of the zero (conf. Chasles, 1. c. xvi. 1408), his work 
quoted under the title liM^J^? ^^2i^ ])2^n2 "llli'pi^ ni^DH (Zion, i. 47.) 
must treat of the Arabic '^ powder writing, Gobar," discovered by Sacy 
(vide Humboldt, Kosmos, ii. 456.). Our independent conjecture has 
been confirmed afterwards by Munk (Not. sur Aboulw. p. 51.), who gives 
the Hebrew translation isyn "IDDD. In another translation (now in the 
Bodl.) we read plJ^H ISDD, "' number of powder." Munk refers to his 
communication in Reinaud, Me'moire Geogr. &c. p. SQQ. ; but the 
author has not been able to consult this work. — With respect to the 
question which has of late been so much discussed, about the origin of 
the decimal notation and the so-called Arabian (Indian) numbers, it 
must still be remarked, that in the Algorism of Joh. Hispalensis, who 
was a born Jew and a translator from the Arabic (v. sup. n. 36. ; which 
Chasles, 1. c. xvi. 1400., xvii. 147., leaves unnoticed ; conf. Von Hum- 
boldt, Kosmos, ii. 262.), the names *'^arba"(4) and '^'^ temenia" (8) 
(1. c. xvii. p. 148. ; according to which, Themeis, ib. p. 146., is to be 



364 NOTES TO § 22. 

corrected) are to be derived from Arabic or Chaldee; and in the apSfxoi 
evdiKOL of the monk Neophytos (Proselyte?) the form for 4 is dif- 
ferent (vide Humboldt, p. 456.). 

94 Rossi, Worterb. p. 82., Zunz, Geig. Zeitschr. iv. 189-, are to 
be corrected according to the author's Index, p. 331. 

95 MS. Mich. 429. ; Uri, 448. 1. Joseph ben Moses Zarphati, 
Vat. 397. 2. 

96 [Page 192. last line.] Ibn Ezra on Exod. (shorter recension), 
p. 71., ed. Prague ; Maim, on Erub. i. 5. (where rf^DJ HD = ^JJ^l;^-, 
Ignorant) ; conf. on ii. 5. Klajim. iii. 1. 



§ 22. Page 193. 

1 Geschichte der Medicin (1st ed.). 

2 Essai Hist. Lit. sur la Medecine des Arabes (Montpellier, 1805). 

3 Vide e. g. inf. n. 6I. We cannot think that he understood the 
Hebrew. 

4 P. 259. 

5 P. 88. Conf. Sprengel, ii. 482., on the avarice of the clergy. 
David Pomis (De Med. Hebr.) does not know of this objection ; see in 
particular pp. 10. 71« 

6 Gesch. d. Arab. Aerzte und Naturforscher (Gott. 1840). 

^ His notices are repeated by Carmoly in his Histoire des Medeciris 
Jwfs (inserted in the Revue Orientale, and also as a separate work, 
Bruxelles, 1844 [which ed. we quote] ; in English by Dunbar, Bal- 
timore, 1844 [which we have never seen] ; German extracts begun in 
the Kalendar and Jahrbuch fiir Israel, Vienna, 1854, p. 220., by M. 
Engel, who praises this work exceedingly for its erudition, '^' real critical 
spirit," &c. ; but the promised continuation seems to have been wisely 
suppressed by the editors in the subsequent year), although Carm. 
quotes only Ibn Abi Oseibia, for instance, p. SQ., about the death of 
JoNA Ibn Gannah in 1121, where the Arabic author gives no date at 
all; and his own statement ("on sait" !), about 1045, has no authority 
whatever (see Catal. p. 1413.). That Carmoly, in this, as in all his 
writings, heaps together carelessness, plagiarisms, and inventions, espe- 
cially as amplifications and exaggerations, has been sufficiently shown 
by Geiger (nn. I6. 34.) and others. Moreover, he brings too much non- 
medical literature into his book. All those who are themselves not well 
acquainted with Jewish investigations still need this warning (as we have 
shown in the example of Engel). His falsifications, for the purpose 
of plagiarism, extend even to the titles and years of his own essays or 
'^ notices," which the reader, if he is at all able to get them, will find 
diflferent from the quotations of Carmoly in his later writings (cf. e. g. 
1. c, with Revue, i..l78.. Lit. bl. ii. 584., and Annal. ii. 225., with 
Journ. Asiat. 1831, p. 139.)- From Wiistenfeld and Carmoly, J. 
Bbug (De Med. lUustr. Jud. qui inter Arab, vixerunt, Halle, 1843) 
has compiled most uncritically, under the guidance of Fiirst (vide 
Catal. p. 1415.). 

^ V. inf. examples of mistakes, the extent of which necessitated the 



NOTES TO § 22. 365 

omission of many notices^ although the author has been able since to 
gain some more correct information from MSS. of the Bodleiana. Unfor- 
tunately pnyn ^Jij signifies both to translate and to transcribe. 

9 See n. 25. 

10 The influence of the laws relating to slaughter and forbidden foods 
can scarcely (or at any rate only for zoology and zootomy) be taken into 
account. Thus e. g. Israeli (in Sprengel_, ii. 359.) designates pork as 
good food; Maimonides (Ker. Chera. iii. 13., and the author's remark 
in the Oesterr. Blatt. 1845, p. 443.) might recommend it to the sultan_, 
if it was not forbidden to a Muhammedan. The contrary is rare, e. g. 
from the sixteenth century, Ker. Chem. vii. 124., cf. also yotin, ii. 31. 
sq. We must mention here the learned anon. Arabic essay on Cattle- 
killing in the Bodl. Library, already quoted (supra, passim). The 
Jewish way of cattle-killing has been recently, in a German medical 
journal (Medic. Jahrbiicher, 1855), criticised on modern physiological 
principles, and a reform proposed. But those who start only with the 
purpose of getting healthy food forget entirely the other point, viz, the 
moral influence of the manner of killing upon the man who kills. 
This point of view ought to have also been brought into account by the 
recent English censors, who speak of the tormenting of animals. 

'1 Saadja (iv. 4. f. 32 [second of that number] b., ed. Amst.) and 
Jehuda Halevi (v. Brecher's and D. Cassel's Introd. to Kusari) quote 
anatomy ("linn, mnj). 

12 Maimonides, himself a physician, does not like the philosophy of 
the physicians from Galen to Israeli ; and indeed apostasy gained the 
greatest number of recruits from the class of physicians, but their station 
in life must also be taken into account. 

13 The general dogmatism did not oppose the use of physicians (see 
different sentiments on physic, &c., in Dukes, Blumenl. p. 32., and 
Spruchk. p. 13,, cf. Ibn Ezra on Exod. xx. p. 59- short recension). 
There is no trace of excessive modesty, e. g. against the operation 
of the stone, as among the Arabians (Amoreux, p. 111.). Sprengel 
(ii. 285.) asserts that the doctrine of torments in the grave, so per- 
nicious to anatomy, came from the Jews ; but the oldest Jewish autho- 
rity which mentions it is Saadja (9^3). See also Hammer, Gemalde- 
saal, i. 40.; Wien. Jahrb. C, p. 113.; conf. also Lit. bl. v. 777. and 
Catal. p. 576. no. 3527- Another impediment, the doctrine of resur- 
rection, is alluded to by Phocylides, according to Bernays, p. vii. On 
the aversion of the Arabians to anatomy, see also V. Humboldt, Kosraos_, 
ii. 254. 

1^ Sprengel (ii. 270.), referring to Benjamin of Tudela, who, how- 
ever, does not speak of Jewish medical schools. 

1^ Sprengel (ii. 400.) here also refers to Benjamin (see ii. p. 29- ed. 
Asher), who, however, speaks only of the medical schools of the Chris- 
tians and of learned Jews in general. On the other hand Clifton (in 
Amoreux, p. 255., Carm. p. 29.) names one Elisa, teacher of the 
Hebrew ; cf. Raumer, Gesch. der Hohenstaufen, iii. 482., quoted by S. 
Cassel, Ersch, s. ii. vol. xxvii. p. l64. n. 27. On the subject of rhymes 
n. 17. 

1^ Astruc in Amoreux, p. 259*; Cuvier, Hist, d. Sciences Nat. i. 



366 NOTES TO § 22. 

387-:, in Humboldt, Kosmos, ii. 450. n. 3.; Steinschneider, Lit. bl. 
iv. 6.; Die Juden in Oesterreich (Leipzig, 1844), vol. ii. p. 92.; 
Tbusen, Darstellung der bibl. Krankh. (Posen, 1843), p. 69., and see 
inf. n. 39. On Carmoly's inventions (p. 35.) see Geiger, Zeitschr. v. 
46"3. 467. 

^^^ It is probably Abu'l Fadhl's Pharmacopoeia which is made use 
of in the Raudhat el Atthar of Ibn Hadji (Cod. Arab. Flor. 242.). 
Maimonides was one of the three men, to meet whom AbdoUatif jour- 
neyed to Egypt. 

^^ See § 20. n. 11.; similar to those of Salerno, v. Cod. Paris. Hebr. 
424. 

^^ Some by an anonymous Spaniard on fever. Cod. Leyd. 755., who 
copied in 1292, and composed according to Avicenna (we owe these 
specialities to Rev. Prof. Kuenen of Leyden). 

19 Cod. Leyd. 763.; cf. inf. n. 31.? 

20 Wolf. i. 384. 

21 Sprengel, ii. 258. (according to Freind ?) ; Grasse, ii. 1. 548.; 
Carm. p. I7. ; from a mistake of Abulfar. p. 126., where we read 
'' Refert Ebn Jaljal Andolosenus Maserjewai^wm Medicwm Basorensem 
lingua Syrum, religione Judaeum fuisse, <Src., in ling. Arab. &c., trans- 
tulisse \" Tbn Djoldjol is the renowned Muhammedan author. 

22 Not from the Hebrew, see the author's corrections of Wiistenfeld 
and Carmoly in Frankel, Zeitschr. iii. 404. n. 7. Sprengel (ii. 266.) 
speaks also of an Arabic translation made from the Hebrew, which the 
Jews had previously translated from the Greek. See, however, supra, 
§ 21. n. 10. 

-3 Catal. pp. 1113—1124. 

2^ Constantinus is not a Jew (Encykl. ii. vol. xxiv. p. 218. ; and his 
Viaticum is not a work of Israeli but of Ibn ol Gezzar, pupil of Israeli), 
but he quotes Jewish authorities (see CataL p. 1123. ; inf. n. 34.). 

25 Munk, Annal. iii. 84, 

26 Carmoly (pp. 59- 67.) makes two persons, different in name and 
age, out of the same. On his inventions about Ibn al Nakid see 
Catal. p. 1933. 

27 A correct and probably complete list of genuine and spurious 
medical works ascribed to Maimonides is first given in Cafal. p. 1917. sq., 
where adde inf. n. 39. and a MS., recently purchased, in Bodl. 

28 Conf. Ibn Djoldjol, Encykl. ii. Bd. 15. p. 30. 

29 Sacy ad Abdallat. p. 497. On the mistakes of Carmoly see Th. 
Cohn, Lit. bl. ii. 649., and on this treatise conf. Wiistenf. § 242. ; it is 
also mentioned by Abraham ben David, Emuna Rama, p. 49- 

20 He would appear to be the unknown author of the MS. Escur, 
888. 1. (Casiri), where mention is made of a cure of fever by cold 
water. 

31 Escur, 826. 2., '' teacher " (Grasse, ii. 1. 553.) is incorrect. 
Upon anno 975 (!), and other inventions in Carm. p. 32., cf. n. 19- •'* 

31a Catal. p. 1120. (Wolf. i. n. IQSg.?). Isaac ben Missim Ha- 
SAKEN (ante 1342); Vat. 36l. 

32 Paris, 400. — The work, copied for the physician Abu Ishak 
Jehuda BEN Astilag(.J^), 1387 (Cod. Escur. 868.), is perhaps the 
Aphorisms of Maimonides ? 



NOTES TO § 22. 367 

33 Carmoly (p. 29-) says that nothing is known of his medical 
works and makes Sab. a pupil of the school of Salerno, like " Abul- 
hakim," who taught Arabic (Bart. i. 29., Wolf. i. 32.), and Farraguth 
(p. 82.; see inf. after n. 37.), and others. JeUinek makes him 
practise 40 years in Modena, not observing that '' Modin " in Biscioni 
must be a typographical error for " Modim/' and this a mistake for 
DHIX given by F. Lasinio. On these and other mistakes see Catal. 
s. V. p. 2233. 

34 Catal. p. 1123. On Carmoly's plagiarisms and distortions see 
Geig. Zeitschr. v. 463. 467. To these probably belongs also the mis- 
placement of '^ JocHANAN Jarchuni" into the thirteenth century and to 
Montpellier (p. 91-; see Ersch. s. ii. vol. 31. p. 83. n. 17.). His recent 
statements (Lit. bl. xii. 372.) are partly more correct. Our view of the 
origin of the book (entirely neglected by Jellinek, Donolo, p. vi., cf. Bet 
hamidrasch, iii. p. xxxii., and sup. § 13. n. 3.) is confirmed by the name 
AsAP BEN Barachia (jApLxp [sic] vloQ 'Ipai^Lov in the Greek Via- 
ticum, not explained by Daremberg), whom the Muhammedan legends 
know as the author of some w^orks ; see Catal. s. v. Salomo b. David. — 
The physician and grammarian Koreish (in Ewald, Beitr. p. 121.) under- 
stands by ni&51S"l 'D (as it must be called) medical Jiterature generally ; 
like Maimonides, in a passage (Deot. iv. 21.) which has been re- 
peatedly mistaken for a special quotation (Catal. p. 1870.). 

35 See § 5. n. 25.; conf. § 13. n. 3. 

35 a According to Wiistenfeld; on the other hand, Fliigel (Encykl. 
sect. ii. vol. xxii. p. 225.) admits only one, viz. the younger. 

35b In the Encykl. he is twice treated of by Fliigel, once as Djezia 
(sect. ii. vol. xiv. p. 186.), and again as Djozla (sect. ii. vol. xxiv. 
p. 201.). 

36 In Carmoly the family Ibn Zuhr, as also Ishak ben Amran 
(who is divided into three persons! see Catal. p. 1115.) and the 
Syrian Joshua Ibn Nun (conf. Annal. ii. 96.) appear as Jews. 

37 Catal. p. 1308. (Frankel, Zeitschr. iii. 279-). 

[Page 197. Farad J : see author's notice in Zeitschr. der Deutsch 
Morgenl. Gesellsch. viii. 548., to which we must further add that 
the Arabic author of the " Tacuinus " is named in some MSS. Ibn 
Botlan (Wustenfeld § 133. ed. Argent. 1531), not Ibn Djezia. Faradj 
also translated from the Arabic (probably of Honein) Galen's ^' De 
Medicinis Experimentatis " (unknown in Greek) ; the authorities (con- 
sisting partly in Latin MS. in Oxford) will be given in the Additions 
to Catal. p. 979-] 

38 MS. Uri, 440. Wolfius, iv. p. 86I., translates '"'■ ad mandatum 
Friderici;" but ni''11J^2 is '^^ in the stables." 

39 He translated (or ordered translations of) some Hebrew works 
out of Hebrew, for instance (1299) the Astronomy of his colleague 
Propiiatius (sup. p. 187., Catal. p. 2113.) and Maimonides on 
Antidotes to Poison (sup. p. 193.) ; he is named in the Latin MS. of 
Christ-Church, no. cxxv. The year 1 306 in our text was taken from 
the Hebrew translator ; if our view of the work is correct, it would be 
Averroes' Commentary on Ibn Sina's poem 1287 (Renan, p. 172.), 
perhaps itself translated out of the Hebrew? (cf. Renan, p. I96.). 

40 Erroneously '' Barnabas " (Vat. 366, 1. [conf. MS. Munic. 288. 1.] 



368 NOTES TO § 22. 

Rossi, Cod. Lat. 59. 1.; conf. 59, S.\) and *^ Ranellus *' (Biscioni, 
p. J 53,). 

'^^ So are to be corrected the names of authors on the subject of the 
plague (Catal. Vien. clviii. ; cf. also Zunz, Catal. 1850, p. 12.). In 
Janus, 1852, vol. ii. p. 401., the Hebrew translation is not mentioned, 
and generally no notice is taken of the Hebrew authorities. 

42 Carm. p. 108, 

43 Par. 422. 2. (on Epidemics), Sprengel, ii. 538., names two 
distinct persons; conf. also Grasse, ii. 2. 594^. 646. Thus the date 
could be determined from the Hebrew translations ; cf. also Janus, ib. 
p. 419. (a.d. 1377-1410). 

44 Par. 420.; Rossi, Cod. 1281. Opp. 1646 Q.; the Latin work is 
in Cod. Lat. clxxi. of New-College in Oxford (Catal. p. 67.j. where 
Coxe supposes "' Salernitanus " [Jo. Nic. Rogerius]). It is certainly 
not the Chirurgy of Roger of Parma, whom Sprengel, in the Index, 
confuses with Roger son of Robert Guiscard. Hence the notice of 
Carmoly, Itiner. pp. 330. 347*, seems one of his inventions. On the 
Hebrew translator see inf. n. 52. 

45 Hebr. VT^JH 'D (MS. of the late Dr. Schonberg at Berlin) con- 
cludes with the remark that it is called nK"'^"jn^X i^pT'V among 
Christians. The author has found it identical with the Latin ed. 
1497. Biscioni (p. l63., conf. Wolf. i. 1381.) confuses it with the 
Halacha work of Meir of Trinquetaille (vide § 9.). Some doubts and 
errors in Amoreux (p. 98.) and Sprengel (ii. 463.) must be removed ; 
conf. Grasse, ii. 2. 536. 569. 

46 The title nnnj 'D in Pasini, p. 80. (Zunz, Geig. Zeitschr. iv. 
191.)? is a mistake; and probably Jehuda Ibn Castiel (or Caspiel) 
was not a translator, but a copyist. 

47 We have omitted Joseph Kolon, because he is not the author of 
MSS. Opp. 1138, 1139. fol., whose main part is the anon. -)2^^1^^ (see 
Ersch. s. ii. vol. xxxi. p. 83. n. I6.) 

48 Par. 420. Conf. Menahem Zebi ben Nathanel pTID at Sini- 
gaglia (1474), translator of a compendium of logic. 

49 There were several authors of that name, and not all Jews ; older 
quotations (e. g. in Razi's Antidotarium) refer probably to one of the 
Syrians of that name (Wiistenf. § 28. sq.). 

50 De Rossi, Cod. 1053. {" ad mag. Gabteir," perhaps Gauthier, 
according to Zunz), confounds the renowned Liturgist with him ; see 
Catal. p. 1228. 

51 MS. Michael. ; see Index Auctorum. 

52 The MS. Catal. of Opp. attributes to him the translation of Roger 
Brocarde (n. 44.) without sufficient reason ; his name occurs only 
f. 157., before a new tract. 

53 See Oesterreichische Blatter, ] 845, p. 288. 

54 Opp. 1139 F. 

54a Gagnier and Uri, 422., could not read the name which they 
spell LatiA:. 

55 Pasini, Cod. 80. 3., where " Cohen " is more than probably a 
mistake for Natan ; in Cod. Opp. 1139 F. the name is corrupted. 

56 Carm. p. 108. 

.57 Wolf. 1727. A similar abundance of authorities in MS. Geig. 



NOTES TO § 22. 369 

Zeitschr, iii. 4-48. n. 49- and some other anonymous MSS. ; the au- 
thorship of Natan is rather doubtful. 

^^ See Caial. s. v, Carmoly knows nothing of his medical works. 

^^ Rossi, ll68. Carmoly (p. 106.) again knows nothing of the me- 
dical works themselves. 

60 MS. Mich. 772. 5.; Vienna, clx.; Wolf. i. 730. (a copyist a. b. 
1440, Opp. 938 F.). 

6^ Amoreux, p. 200., although stating that the work is Hebrew 
(p. 52.), would identify him with Abu Daud el Antaki, who wrote in 
Arabic. 

62 See the author's article Joseph ben Isaac in Ersch, s. ii. vol. xxxi. 
pp. 82, 83. 

63 MS. Leyd. Leg. ^Varn. 40. 

64 Wolf. iii. iv. n. 455. (I'pll), whence Castro, i. p. 2>^5. Carmoly 
(p. 121.) adds, '^in the year 1450" ; cf. Wolf. iii. n. 1883 b. (n'pp), i. 
439. (fl^5^^^:l); ^h\> in Opp. IJ39 F. f. 72. is Khalaf (,_dU-) Ibn 
Abbas, renowned under the name of Zahrawi (sup. p. 197-)- 

6^ Carm. (p. 131.) confuses the place. See Assem. Cod. 360. 2>^Q, 
367. and Wolfius, who gives the year ] 478. 

66 See the Art. Joseph ben Isaac (1. c. in n. 62.). 

67 Vat. 372, ].; conf. 2,^%, 1., Wolf. i. 2047. The name ^t^nSDS* 
(Esperial }') appears in later times. 

68 Sup. § 12. n. 3. As "Physics" (the nature of bodies) it 
belongs to Philosophy (Sprengel, ii. 408.). Humboldt (Kosmos, ii. 
248. 282.) considers the Arabians as founders of Physics proper; still 
this appears especially in the form of alchemy. 

69 Penini, Defence against Aderet. 

''o Jourdain, p. 201. See Humboldt's reference to the study of 
nature properly so called (Kosmos, ii. p. 31. n. 51.), so much the 
more strange as he founds his argument on Jourdain's conclusions 
respecting the interdict of the works of Aristotle (sup. § 11.). 

71 Vide § 17. n. 23. Pills of Elieser ^^ in 11t^ " are mentioned in 
MS. Scaliger. 1 5. f. 32. 

72 Thus e. g. Sam. Ibn Tibbon (in 1200) tells of the rise of a hiJl in 
England ; cf. Catal, p. 1014. 

[Page 201. line 12. Jacob ben Rkuben's work, as the author 
has found out since, is a translation of the renowned poem of JMarbod, 
Bishop of Rennes (ob. a. d. 1123) ; hence the king is not Alexander.] 

72 a ^\^ith respect to medicine v. Amoreux, p. 26. 

73 See § 13. n. 7- Amoreux (p. 26.) ascribes the use of astrology 
in medicine to the Arabians, while Sprengel (ii. 415.) asserts that he 
has found nothing of the kind. Some older traces of Arabian magic 
might be found in Sprengel, pp. 129- 142. Of the sorceries of the 
Arabians, see Ibn Zarzah (not t5D5<1D) quoted by Allemanno (Schaar 
hacheshek, 1 b.). Joseph ben Elieser (on Exod. xx. ) also appeals to 
Indian and Arabian images and talismans; and Samuel Ibn Tibbon 
introduced the Arabic term, techn. jllT'D. The history of these su- 
perstitious " sciences " must of course begin in the former period, 
regarding which valuable contributions are given by Eliasberg (whose 
work, however, is only known to the author through the notice in 

B B 



370 NOTES TO § 22. 

Lit. bl. V. 691., xi. 579 ), and Brecher (p. 276. n. 26.), whose epistle 
in Kochbe Jizchak, as well as the notes of J. L. Mises to Del Medigo, 
touches upon that subject. Treatises for our period are not known 
to the author, neither has he as yet been able to work out the materials 
collected, the subject being alike difficult and interesting in its close 
connexion with general literature. VFe must confine our observations 
to a short notice on the writers and works belonging to this branch : 

a. The parts and branches of magic and witchcraft are given in the 
encyclopaedical work of Jehuda Ibn Bolat (p. 260.). 

h. A general dissertation on witchcraft was composed by Geoalja 
Ibn Jahja (p. 251.) ; here belongs also the Responsum on practical 
Kabbala ascribed to Hai, remarkable for the sober and sound principles 
contained in it ; also Ibn Ezra and others, even the pseudo-prophet 
Abraham Abulafia, condemn those who pretend to do wonders with 
the name of God (Tetragrammaton). Comp. MS. Vatic. 245 ^. 

c. Individual branches, or superstitions, are illustrated by several 
authors. Johanan Allemanno quotes a '^ chapter" of Nachmanides 
on Necromancy (in its narrower sense) ; cf. n. 77* An essay of 
Abraham ben Isaac Levi of Gerona, on the " night women " (D*"^^ 
nivvn), composed a. r>. 1380 (^Catal. p. 693.), has been discovered by 
the author in the Bodl. According to Carmoly (p. 104.), Jacob of 
Toledo (conf. Zunz, Syn. Poesie, p. 40 A. 1348; cf. a correspondent 
of Arnold de Villanova in De Castro, ii. 7^3., and an older monk of that 
name in Jourdain, p. 113.) wrote on the evil eye of the magicians. 
Meir ben Eleazar wrote on the evil eye in general (two years before 
the French exile), from the medical point of view, and knows of no pre- 
decessor on the subject (omitted by Uri, 464.). The astrological medi- 
cine of Arnold de Villanova and others was disseminated by translators. 

d. Several older titles of tracts treating of the practical Kabbala have 
been mentioned in § 13. n. 7. ; a special branch is formed by* the use 
(p'\'0'^t^) of sacred books for different purposes, as therapeutic, augu- 
ristic, &c., for instance, the use of Psalms (Q''7nn C^1?D''Si^, see Catal. no. 
4066., and inf. n. 81.). Moses de Leon (DE^H, pref.) mentions also 
niinn ^^ID^S^ and t^t^lTI nm "K^ID''^ (cf. § is. n. 7.) Analogous use 
of Koran and Psalms, &c., is to be met with amongst Muharamedans 
and Christians (see n. 81.) ^1D''£^ of stars, &c., see Zarzah, f, 101 d. 

"^^ They are also quoted by Abraham Ibn Ezra (on Exodus, ii. 10.) ; 
and comp. Zarzah, f. 102.; the authorities in the author's Fremd- 
sprachl. Elem. p. 10. n. 20.; conf. Lit. bl. vii. 233. (the explanation 
of niDDltD as spectacles!); Encykl. ii. vol. xv. p. 32. ; Wiistenfeld, 
§ 96. ; Sprenger, De Orig. Med. Arab. p. 8. Botticher (Zeitschr. d. d. 
m. Gesellsch. vii. 408.) has found in the Arab. MS. parts of Apollonius 
(see note 77.). Here, probably, also belongs the work De Agricultura, 
said to be translated from the Chaldee (Syriac?) into A.abic by 
'' Abulhacen," and into Spanish by Jehuda [ben Moses Kohen], 
l)hysician to Alfonso XII. (.?), if the whole notice is not a mistake 
(see Catal. p. 136l.). 

'^^ Catal. s. V. Salomo b. D. ; cf. note 74- abovie, and note 77. below. 

^^ Uri; 442.^', certainly the same in Casiri, i. 403. 

77 Uri^ 434.; cf. Wolf. iv. pp. 841, 842., and Catal. pp. 1402, 1403. 



NOTES TO § 22. 371 

To the same class belong the many works on magic, alchemy, &c., 
under diflferent titles^ especially those of Raziel (see § 13. n. 3.), 
Clnvicula, &c., forged at different periods up to the 18th century, under 
the name of King Solomon ! A list of more than thirty titles of such 
tracts (partly still extant) is given in Catal. s. v., where the author 
thinks he has shown that even the very few of them extant in Hebrew 
(Raziel is not to be confounded with the printed book of that name), or 
quoted by Jews (since the 13th century), do not originate in old Hebrew 
works, but spring especially from Arabic and Christian sources^ a very 
important circumstance for the history of that pseudo-literature. To 
these sources belong two works, both known to Johanan Allebianno, 
the industrious and zealous collector of everything connected with 
Solomon's supposed supernatural or metaphysical wisdom. One is the 
Hebiew translation of a magic work of Abu Aflah al-Saracosti (this is 
certainly the correct spelling), partly still extant in MS. Munich. 214. ; 
the other is the translation of Apollonius (sup. n. 75.), whom the Arabs 
call " Belinus," and whom hence some catalogues, &c., confound with 
Phnius. — To Galen was ascribed an astrological and pneumatical work 
(conf. § 11. n. 22", and Catal. p. 1703.). The Book of the Moon 
(niQ"?!! 'D), on necromancy, quoted by Nachmanides (Rapop., Chana- 
nel, n. 15.), is perhaps the magic work of Abu'l Kasim Maslamah 
al-Medjriti (of Madrid, ob. a. d. 1007 ; cf. Wustenfeld, § 122.), of 
which certainly a Hebrew translation exists in the Cod. Munich. 214., 
although several other works of that kind treat especially of the twenty- 
eight " mansiones" (niJriD) of the moon; for instance, that extant 
under the name of Hermes (who is considered the same as Enoch), in 
the Latin MS. of Christchurch, 145. (p. 45. of Coxe's Catal.), which 
is certainly of Arabic origin ; (probably also Galen's Comm. on Hermes' 
Lib. Secretorum, in the same codex, and comp. the German MS. of 
Llpsic, n. 734. p. 193., of Naumann's Catal., Hermetis Hebrcei Geheira- 
nisse von deren Stunden des Tags, &:c. ; also the Latin printed book of 
Hermes ''^de Juiliciis et Signif. Stellarum beibeniarura" [i.e. trepidan- 
tium, viz. fixed stars] which is extant in Hebr. translation, see Catal. 
p. 2144.). All this leads us to suppose the same sources ; if we find 
anonymous quotations of such works in authors of this period, for in- 
stance, the Book of Talismans (we read Dl^ODT'tO instead of 'iDtD^D, 
in Ibn Zarzah, f. 21.), quoted by David Ibn Bilia, &c. Dukes (Lit. 
bl. viii. 472) doubts whether the book '•12 of Ptolomaeus is still ex- 
tant ; but it is the Arabic Laj. The title of the Centiloquium, and 
the Coram, ascribed to Ibn Rodhwan in the printed Latin translation^ 
is the same which the Hebrew translator Kalonymos (1314) ascribes 
to Abu Djaafer Ahmed ben Jusuf ben Ibrahim. The error of Wen- 
rich (p. 236.) will be corrected in the Catal. of the Leyden MS. on 
Cod. Scalig. 14. 

78 Cf. Cicero, De Divin. i. 3. — The 9th chapter of the Talmudical 
tract Berahotis almost an oneirocriticism ; on the book Razim, see § 13. 
n. 3. Samuel ben Chopnj, in expounding the dream of Jacob, entered 
at large upon oneirocriticism ; which is blamed by Ibn Ezra. The mo- 
nography Dl'pnn T]1i^ of Shemtob Palquera, only known by his own 

B B 2 



372 NOTES TO § 22. 

quotation, was probably pbilosophical, according to the principles which 
the Arabs and Jews drew from Aristotle's De Somno et Vigilid (part of 
the Parva Naturalia, called De Sensu et Sensato). The impostor Botarel 
gives a formula for dreams, which he asserts to have been proved by Saadja 
and many other authorities. In the following period monographies were 
composed on dreams by Moses Almosnino (Spanish) and (a.d. 1557) 
Gedalja Ibn Jahja (not extant) ; and, before both, there was an inter- 
esting one by Solomon Almoli (cir. 1515), who names as his authorities 
— 1. Talmud; 2. Hai Gaon (see n. 79-) 5 ^- ^^^ tract ^' ascribed to " 
Solomon Isaki (Rashi) ; 4. Joseph p''^Vn, which means the Patriarch 
Joseph (see Catal. p. 1542.), Daniel the prophet, and different others, 
some not Jews. With respect to the works ascribed to patriarchs and 
prophets, we may suppose the same source as that stated in n. 77. In- 
deed, A. Bland, in bis essay On Muhammedan hiterpretation of Dreams 
(in Journ. of the Roy. Asiat. Soc. 1854, vol. xvi. p. i.), points out as 
authorities, amongst others, Daniel (p. 123.), Joseph (p. l6l.), and the 
Jews Hay ben Akhtab (perhaps hence Hai Gaon?), Kaab ben 
Ashraf, and Musa ben Jacub. The author has had no opportunity to 
inquire about the Latin Salomonis et Danielis Somnia, Ven. 15l6, 
which, however, is not of Hebrew origin. 
. ^^ Catnl. p 1029-; and see the preceding note. 

80 See, however, Catal. p. 2218. Cf. ?]DDn \>p'h, in Wolf. ii. p. 
1299-:> with Cod. Urb. 26. } Ibn Ezra also scorns Alchemy. 

«i Vide Emmanuel, Mechabb. p. 197. Wolf. (i. 211.) translated 
Sabbatai's article incorrectly; cf. Catal. p. 1308. — Midrash Threni 
(Jalk. on Ez. xxi. 26.) speaks of the Arabian method of augury from 
the liver. Cf. Bainidbar Rabba, cap. I9., "1''''^, and the parallel in 
Pesikta; cf. Kimhi, ad i. Reg. 4. 32. ap. Losius, Biga Dissert, p. 21., 
and Landau, s. v., who finds here a trace of Ordeals. — We have men- 
tioned above, p. 191-5 some astrologers by profession who were of rank ; 
some others were renowned as soothsayers, &c. On Moses Cohen see the 
Resp. attributed to Hai, p. 5Q. On Abraham ""Dnp (Wolf. i. 143.), 
vide Ker. Chem. ii. 40., vi. I9I. ; Annal. ii. 248. (a Joshua ben ""D^p, 
Jer. Pesach. cap. 6.). — The use of Holy Scripture for soothsaying (like 
the Koran, vide Sale, Introd. cap. iii.), is founded on the old custom 
of asking children for verses of the Bible, vide Lit. bl. viii. 809* ; and 
cf. n. 73 d. — The augury by arrows belongs to the Arabians ; conf. 0pp. 
1175 g. 

82 Arab. MS. in Hebrew characters, Flor. 537. (in Evod. Assem. 
and Bisc. in Oct.); cf. preface of Biscion. in foL p. xxxvi., and Abraham 
Zacut, f. 26 b., ed. Amst. 

83 Jeh. Tibbon (transl. of Emunot, v. introd.) has introduced the 
Arabic word (cf. Zarzah, f. 92. ; AUemanno, f. 2 a.). Ibn Chisdai 
(translation of the Ethics of Chasali, p. 124.) has the Hebrew. Ac- 
cording to Rapop. (Nathan, n. 32. p. 40.), Sherira is the first Gaon 
who attaches any value to Chiromancy ; the passage quoted belongs to 
the Responsum of Hai (perhaps also to that of Sherira), which the 
author has discovered and published in Ha-techija of S. Sachs, p. 42., 
and is in close connexion with the " divine physiognomy," if we may 
so speak ; see Catal. p. 5S3. On a cheiromantic tract ascribed to Me- 



NOTES TO § 22. 373 

NAHEM RiECANATi (omitted by Uri), see Catal. p. 1734. ; the source is 
said to be an Indian author. Also in Uri, 496. f. 446., there is an 
anonymous PjDn nnit^ '•y*!. As late as Jacob ben Mardochai (1706), 
Aristotle is the pretended authority for Chiromancy ; and nideed the 
principles of physiognomy go back as far. On the physiognomist 
Sabbatai Hajewani (ante 1263), v. Catal. p. 2238. On Mai- 
monides' censure of the physiognomical sayings of Ben Sira, vide 
Spruchb. f. Jiid, Schulen by Horwitz and Steinschneider, p. 102. n. 
84 Vide § 20. n. 34 a. 



CORRECTIOKS AND ADDITIONS. 

'Unimportant and easily recognizable errors are 



left to be corrected by the intelligent reader; tlie hehrew prin- 
ting errors are corrected in the Index. 

VVe have also given here some references to such correcting 
notes, to Mhich no direct reference is given in the text.] 



Page 48 lin. penult. History, read Uhiories, 

— 49 1.5, belovr^, r. p. 5 3. 

— 72 footnote after „bloss'' adder or Hebr, riNT N^D . 

— 74 I. 10: referred to by, r.>Yhich is considered to be a com- 
pend. of Ahron Kohen's OrhotHayim (composed about! 340); 
Ahron -svas of Majorca, according to a recent essay of Luzzatto. 
The older Ahron Kohen o{ Lunel is a fiction, see Catal. p. 1689. 

— 86 1.16 „Iike the last'' r. like Anatoli himself. 

— 89 1.4 ,,1332" r. 1232. 

— 92 1.4 from bottom (see notes p. 360) r. Prophiat Tibbon 
.. . 1306. 

— 96 1.5 after collection adde : at that time at Hannover, 

— 98 1.2 Taish leg. Jaisch. 

— 100 1.13 fr. bot. after ancient, adder estimation of. 

— 104 1.1 1 fr. bot.: by the author(?). Should it be HiLLEL 
BEN Samuel, and the Paris M^. only an extract of ]D"n? 
See the Hebr. passage in Litbl. 1. c. 

— 107 1.3 fr. bot.: old book Raziel attributed to Salomon (?). 
See however the inquisitions quoted p,371. 

-— 110 1.3 Elhanan, cf. a^i^aZ. p.2096. 

— Ill 1. ult. and p.lll 1.1-3: the passage has become a little 
confused; Shemtob wrote in 1325 at Safet the most interesting 
(and perhaps latest) of his works: ISAAC BEN ToDROS lived 
probably about 1305 in Spain, when also Isaac ben Samuel 
of Acco was there (see p. 113,115). New researches about 
these three authors see in Catal. s. v. Schemtob Ibn Gaon, 
who was also to be mentioned as supercommentator on Nachmani- 
des, as well as Joshua Ibn Shoeib (p. 115). In two MSS., 
the one anonymous, the other erroneously inscribed Joel Ibn 
Shoeib (both recently purchased in Bodl.), we found Ibn (and 
in one also Ahraham\) Ezra instead of Ezra (p. 109); hence 
the conjecture in note 29 p. 307 gains a solid basis. Naftali 
Treves mentiones „ben" Ezra between the 
manides and Shemtob! 

cc 



376 CORRETIONS 

Page 114 1.5 fr. bof. The same circumstance occasioned Moses 
DE Leon to write his work ha-Shem. 

— 1161.12. Our misgiving has, happily, not been quite confirmed, 
if we have not been mistaken by a private report, that the 
French g-overnment has got some old Karaitic MSS. from 
Sebastopol. We have not heard anything the like from England, 
although we know of a private letter having been directed 
from, and to, a Reverend gentleman of that country, to that 
purpose. 

— 119 1. ult SUTA r. SlTA. 

— 124 1.14 fr. bot. 1405 r. 1415. 

— 126 1.6 & 4 fr. bot. see p.317. 

— 127 1.10 other authors, adder of Pdemics. The relation of 
Chajjim Galipapo however was inserted into his Comm. on 
tract. Semachol, but has been omitted by the writer of the 
recently purchased Bodl. MS, 

— 128 1.12 fr. bot. before Maimon. adde : Abraham ben David. 

— 130 1.9 V. p.319. 

— — 1. ult.: Matatja ben Moses [Jizhari?] wrote in rhyming 
prose against Muhammedism and Christianism (]1d'?L»1 D'LDTli^). 

— 133 1.19: ornamental lettres, r. ornaments of the letters; 
cf. p. 323 n.22. 

— 135 1.11 fr. bot. 1169 r. 19169. 

— 140 1.16 adde: Benjamin ben Jehuda of Rom (about 
1300?), whose tract is printed (see Catal. p. 1840, accor- 
ding to which the querv of Fiirst, Litbl. 1849 p.431, is to 
be answered). 

— 144 1.2 Elam r. Elem. 

— — 1.16 fr. bot. Irani r. Trani. 

— 145 1.5 fr. bot. instaed of arrangement r. part of this essay. 

— 151 1.13 fr. bot. 1260 r. 1612. 

— — 1. ult. after recur r. mostly every seventh distichon, 

— 153 1.16 pNleg. ]D. 

— — 1.17 „prayers with music" r. melodical prayers. 

— — 1.18 he, see p336! Gabirol. 

— 155 lin. penult., instead of: which obtain etc., r. who have 
but little favoured the synagogue with their compositions 
(the author alluded to Halevi, Meyerbeer and others, and 
would by no means say, that the synagogue had any objection 
to their compositions!). 

— 167 1.2 Samuel b. Solomon belongs to the Commentators, 
see Catal, s. v. 

— 168 1.7: 1449 r. 1466, see Catal. of the Leyden MSS. 

— 171 1.3 Karlin r. pDin ]D (corr. Catal. p.l897) wrote a 
rhylmical paraphrase of the Moreh. 



CORRECTIONS 377 

Page 173 1.5 fr. bot Ibn Sira r. ben S. 

— 183, different emendations v.p.Zb^. 

— 184 1.16 Meriti r. Medjriti. 

— — 1.13 fr. bot. Alph. x., tJiither belongs the additional 
passage p. 185 lin.2. 

— 185 1.13 r. 1123-42 (v. p.357 n.45) and ^i^'p^X. 

— 186 1,9 fr. bot. movement of, adde: the equinox or fiaied 
stars, or „octava sphaera'' (cf. p. 357 n.52). 

— 189 1.16-19, see p.360 n.70. 

— 190 1.7 1465 r, 1461. 

— 196 1.18 Izaigh r. Szaigh or SsaigJi, 

— 197 1.4 fr. bot. 1457 r. 1451, cf. p.849 n.41. 

— 199 1.12 Is. Lat. ben Jehuda etc., r. ben Jaacob in 
Provence, probably the same as mentioned p. 77 n. 12 (A. 1372) 

-— 201 1.12 see p.369. 

— 203 end of the § Feischer I. Fleischer. 

— 208 1,13 fr, bot. delei his teachers; his teacher refered only 
to Baruch (also in Catat p. 864 David Ibn Jahja is erro- 
neously said teacher of W.). 

— 212 1.18 fr. bot. „in a notice of a parody" is a mistake: 
the parody forms only the mottos of the chapters; and is 
probably composed by Elia Magistratos (=Parnas ?). 

— 216 1.19 **key", meaning- indeed a mere Index. 

— 219 1.14 fr. bot. before 1622 r. 1556. 

— — 1.8 — 1639-1664 r. 1663-1675. 

— 222 1.20: 1675 is the year of print, the author oh. 1671. 

— 232 1. antepenult, commentary, adde: on the Psalms, 

— 240 1. ult. 1762 r. 1746 (when Solomon died). 

— 251 1.12 fr. bot. down to 1587, r, 1553, the year of com- 
position is 1583 (6atoZ. p.2403). 

— 262 I. ult. Pereira r. Peiresc. 

NOTES. 

— - 274n.71: end Ta, r. 7a. 

— 275 n. 25 r. Jew. authors claim even more against the neglect. 

— 279 n. 54 1.7 margin, r. space or time. 

— 281 n.82. Lately B. Beer has published a monography on 
the Book of Jubilees. 

— 286 1.5 adde: Luzzatto, // Giudaismo 1,42. 

— 295 n. 29 (neglected). Cod. 1 704Q. f.l30 contains a solemn 
abjuration of those parts of the Moreh, which might contra- 
dict the tradition, dated 29. Tebet 5227. 

— 297 n.8 1. penult.: ben Said, r. Ssaid, see p.355 n.29. 

— 300 The work of LuzzATTO is not printed in Paris but 
Gorice (Gdrz). 

cc2 



378 CORRECTIONS 

Page 305 1.5 before: it Is, adde: where (viz. in the rhyme) at 
the beginning" of the tract we read: „I David ben Jehuda;'^ 
Tabjomi seems indeed Jomt. Muhlhausen, who might be the 
real author or the retractator (Ca^a/. p.2415). 

— 309 to P.114; see also C«ia/. p.2092. 

— 313 n. 32 end, adde: and to whom they have been after- 
wards achnowledged by Jost, Culturgeschichle p.ll2n.ll. 

-^ 315n.ll, adde Litbl.X.blO. 

-— 320 1.5 fr. bol,: Tuynboii, t, JuynbolL 

-— 322n.l4, adde: LitbLX,3S9, 

— 330 n.5 the german words ought to have been translated: 
Anan's deduction of the circumcision to be made with scis- 
sors from Josua V,2. 

— 341 n 8 after Dulles etc., adde: still following the strange 
mistake of M. Sachs. 

— 346 n. 9 „betwen Age and Youth"; r. betiveen the old and 
young man, the author is perhaps SHEMxaB Paiquera? 

— 349 n.41 end has become itself a lillle confused. In LitbL 
VI,148 two authors are confused, in Litbl. IX, 797 perhaps 
the two works, since MS. Saraval XXXVIII contains also the 
printed-^ cf. also Litbl. X (sic) 255. 

«— 350n.54 15r Zarzah as dead, r. Saba, 

— 3581.1, adde: the first (known lo the author), whose atten^ 
tion it attracted, is Azaria tie Rossi (chap. XI). 

— 358 n.55 ABRAHAM etc. seems not a mere copist, since l&e 
same work is in Ibe library of the Bet ha-midrash if> Lon- 
don n.3061; the author had only one moment to glance at 
it (in 1853), and lo note, that he quotes the Arithmetik 
(Np'riDnnx) of Nicomachus (cf. p.356 n.37). 

— 362n.83, cf. p.371. 

— 363 1.8 fr. bol. adde : nor does he know from what jour^ 
not it is a ,ytirage a part^'. 

— 365 n.l3 Shemlob b. Isaac (p.362 n.83, where read 1254-64), 
in his preface to Alzaharavi, says that he could not help trans- 
lating things which are against the Jewish laws* 

— 370,d, see Jellinek, Beitr. 11 p. XI and Shemtob Gaon lo Nach- 
manides preface. Cod. Rossi 563,*^; Wolf. anon, n.696. 

— 368n.46: probably, r. certainly Jaacob ben etc. 



The following Inde^^ is printed in the form of 
hebrew books from the right to the left. 



XXIV 



XXlll 



328 {sic) \^J^ 

117 r^' 

359 lODiPN* 

155.337 a':np, ]rh ^.^J 



296 o-^*^-^"^ 
335 ^y^ 



312 

117.310 VO^DHQ (jjj-^<>^ 
278 Jsi^ 

156.336 C5^^ 

347 nvsin'ia 
158.341 n^n-Q ^^^ 

335 ^^"'"IQ ^3^^-^ 
290 n^NDQ 



298 d^^ 

157 (5ic) 

136 (sic) J..*.;ui^'t 

153 pjUa^ 

133 (sic) ojliJi 

297 AoUw 

302 *Jt-iii^ 

314 *^ 

295 (.«c) nis:o^« 

171 (sic) iC^.?^ 



151.335 (sic) .-w^^ 

317 (sic) i;-=w^ 

327 y^i 

321.365 J-«J 



152 ^ 

152 o33 



118.312 o^^^J^' 



313 ,-^V^ 
269 s-^ 

142.321 ^yi 

153 -Ai; 

338 ^|,-«^ 
301 ^U^l (V^) 



360 



J' 



291 nSS 

358 nn»£s 

284 o^-L^ 
166 (*ic) pD^NI 

361 nj^^ia 



155 ,.-:S^-c 

336 O^jf*" 

101 o-^'^5 c-^ 

179 j^^ — 

202 L^r't — 

200 K ^uu^iiait — 

202 i^Uiii^ — 

351 p^f^^ — 

298 «>rj'i-^^ o-^^ 

342 vi^Ui 



345 (sic) b'^HUbi^ J^Uit 
310 ,Tp3 

107 4^^ 
362 (5ic) Aj!^ 



151 

184 _^_^^-^. 
151 (sic) b'A;^ 



104 



O' 



l\ ^JO" 



CC 3 



B) ARABIC. 

317 n'hJi 



164 »y^:fUt 

359 OU..:^! (^.j1) 

326 {sic) ^^j>. 

334 (j^U:>. 

364 n^^nj 

327 C5^^ 

326 nj^n^i^ 

134 (sic) '^j> 



158 



^.^- 



137 ^^^^aJI ;_55. 

350 V^-^^^^^ 

363 nDlJ^N* DJ^on 

363 (^'-^^^ ujLw.=> 

321 ^ai:> 



369 wai^ 

53 ;3L:^s3 
166 ^L^^ 

156 n'Dn c^vjj^o 

359 Dpsn^N 

156 c^u; 

157 HDnn 

346 i^^ 

290 n^NOn 
359 DNp-li?^ 

302 VwiuLQ^i! jAj 

351 '^^^j 

156 J^^ 

297 D15:i:'N Hn::! 

284 o^^j 

187 g>^j 



152 

j53 ^ff^ 



154, Ul^J 



338 



^SOlXJ^ ^*»/iC>,Jl .,y.^M^S>\ 

90 (^.^-^t {sic) ^S^\ 

171.346 {8ic) H3^^^ 

195^1^^ 

156 -^y^j 

291 *-iSS« 

117 ^.j-jjJt iyoS 

117 o-^^-^^^ 

149 ^wS 

184 nan^N* 

lS^.279 u^W^^ 

305 iwsU^ 

282 pND^« i?n« 

130 {sic) KxiLXil J^^ 
328 (sec) vLJ:^l_^y 

326 VW 
275 I:iA.s^o /Lxwo 

120 jt^^ 
153 




282 J-J^'^* 

326.339 ^wiuJLj 
137.151 
341 
156.279 (sec) "^-^ 

142.321 ^-v^^*^' 
152 J^:^^:tO 
328 g-'jaJJj 

371 « 



288.326 ^^ 

364 '»^^ 
317 J^>- 



XX 



XIX 



57.242.284.342 



134.152 ni;ijn 

-2} ^^'^^ 

57 nr^^} niiQEf nb^n 

354 i<lJ< '11 t<D'^N HDipn 

361 msipn 

182 niii?iQi — * 

15 pn 

15.73.257 ni^pn 

284 nann 
10 mi ^2 Ji"'^,n 

325.335 jnnD V'H 

350-1.362 D•^^2\I!n 

73.274 mDliirn 



12.270 cnsiD 'jip'n 
15.242.257 D'jip'n 

214 a'aiTn 

66.179.351 HJIDH 

303 '^n 

15.271.273 na!?n''- 

7 D'QDn n'Q^n 

150 ^Esx N^^on 

158 inan 

32 b^v^'\n' ^31 N^n** 

41 in'ipN* oi ~* 

14.291 '^<Jn 

20 D\xjn 

14 i<n:n 



CC4 



XVllI 



xvn 



107.302 naip nirc^ 

12 DnsiD '-nrc; 

351 Dm];'cr 

154.337 n'u; 

242.342 lin'M ~* 

157 VDbV'Cn — - 

151 IDS J — 

153 b)p^ ,bpw: — 

151,339 (sic) onriD — 

338 D'TC; 

107 bur 

138 (sic) DIU bi:;'' 

295 m'!?Der 

55,58 nDa n'^'J 

156 n**i:;'i5^ 

163 nr^iQ^i:; 

282 UW 

282 n";; ]2 — 

304 nj;roKf 

57 ;?DE? 

295 nr^'a;:^ 

10 Nn;;rj*i:; 

284.334 -la.s:^ 

156.336 (5zc) n^^'i^f 

326 -\V'^ 

177 n-npn ^pt:'^' 

359 Dnin LD'DTiir 

310 >c;~i'ii; 
310 n^iGN '-i^nz; 

310 (5zc) n"\D'\U 

117 D'E/Tii^ ,a"-i:;-i2/* 

106.323 ]'Jip 

133 ]'jn.Y=^ 

282 -j^n 

347 nnjin 

203 D1.S nnipin''- 

214 niEDin''* 

15.21 NnDDin'"' 

9 3nDD*i2; min 

9.271 ns i?:yDE; — 

341 mnDt^in 

351 ni^Dnn 

242.341 nunn ,njnn 

242 l^^^i^'^)''^ W^* 



57 poijf riNnp 
147 13D nnp 

304 NK/'Erp 

203 D'TH n"ft<'l 

57 niDH ttfN-l 

72.214 D^JIE^t?-! 

7.272 D-l 

41 nDl 

272 »D"1 

7 ]Dn 

274 Nncrn P3T 

VDMn ,(«2V) tj^n-i ,nain-i 

157.333.339.342 

120 HNnn 

104 (sic) ]n nn* 

301 i<3-i Nn* 

301 (5ic) pm — * 

107.301.306 !?N^n* 

51 n-^in »n^' 

301 annn* 

234 >n 

28 NHD^na c;n 
57 NiiD crn 

29.142.275.330 loi 

- 12 D'lQ-l 

193 n.S1DT- 

277.365 niNIS-l* 

203 n-iss-i'' 

158.244 nw] 

298 m^N^'' 

14.218 nuicrm mi^vx-i:;'' 

26.27 mni?N2:;* 

325 NDar 

341 HDi:; 

284.340.xni;Dtt; 

325 iiW 

242 npu^ Dnar^y* 

14.271 msi?.! n:iar 

73 mi:*©''' 

370 c;io'e;'"* 

370 D'^'nn — * 

273.302 ND-i NEflQ'tt;* 

370 ^'um ,NDn ^t^io'tt;* 

370 n-iin.i — * 

13 -yi^'^ 



XVI 



XV 



228.304 



330 ]T\W^ 

138 nDi nns* 

330 (sic) -iHE) 

202 mm'?n inns* 

313 uyM)^ 

372 pnijn 

102 HiSlS* 

281 Dp;;^ p ^i>n3J nt<ns* 

363 mnin nms 

138 D^nss; ns""- 

328 nana 

341 D'jra 
368 N'a:n2?N xpTs* 

284 (52c) ft*m^S 

176 bps 

164 n3"lS 

164 'JN^DNp 

9.108.296,304-5 r]b2p 

novj; — 

372 'DDp 

343 n'T^p Hiynp 

56.341 wnp 

72 D*:irD"p 
294 moip 

55 bnp 

73 pip 

133 mhpn* 

73 onDjip 

342 I'jpn 
158.286 r\yp 

242 mrp 

73 D'TiS^ 

156 "il^pip ,"ll^p'p 

369 D^p 

369 r|l^p 

291 'rbp 

306 r]:p* 

336 Diip 

286 bi^'n nsp* 

151 HTSp 

278 vNip 
133 D^^np 

58 j^snp 
340.157 (pinp) niDnp 



341-2 HTCy 

268 pwvn Dj; 

184 »d:j; 

151 p:j;* 
335 )nn pjj; 
157 NLDinriD]; 

341 HTpj; 

12 NrrmNi npj; 

117 cnp;; 

289 -jn;;* 

326 py 

351 D'Di;r 

46 niD^o ^jnn n-ic^i;* 

158 nn2in nncr;;* 

326 Dnmn rr.i:;;; ('d) 

149 ]>D^2Q 

333 pns 

73.214 D'pDlS 

142 DnniS 
157 pais 

158 nE?Q riTLJS* 
148.333-4. i , (°"/^^'^ 

306 n^<';?^* 

107 D^D^S 

282 'Q':S 

78.363 DpjS 

323 (sic D'OIJDn) piDS 

53.283 Nnp'D3* 

71 msDin 'pDS* 

73 D'pDS'^ 
142 D"'113 

73.143.305 a'-(i:;ns) tc^n'S 

12 DnSID 't:?lT3 

80 i)nj a-13 

371 ns 

203 DlDns 
316 pn3 

40 mm y:p — -^' 

16 n?Eri3 
30.142-5.221.1 UWB 

275.330-1 i ,D^D2;3 , L:::r3 

143 D'3L:t2;3 

330 nUTD 



XIV 



Xlll 



165 -iHD* 

45 niD 

4,32 in^'^N — '■ 

159 hid;; — '•• 

32 D^lj; — * 

77 ^^)^ — — "■• 
314 (sic) T]b)ii:i7] yp — ■'■ 

78 a\N-naNi d'^jh — * 

16 DniD 

269 ^^W 

153-)J1D 

30.109.142,282.305 1)0 

277.282,355 -\}2Vn 1)D 

23 n«mn ?iid 

328 nSID 

3.11 DnSID 

12 J'D 

12.16.23 D'JQ'D 

158 pi^D 

158 nn'^D 

158.242 nin'jPD 

158 ]ni?D ,n^D 

19 HD'CD 

330 niD'QD 

10 -00 

250 "nSD 

302 -TSD 

107.351 nn'ED 

270 IBD 

22 ^^-i2D* 

46 (sic) DliSl — * 

22 ^nSD^' 

16 mjn nsD 

305 D'Q^JSn DnSD 

323 (sic) i?lJ-lD 

61.164 IISD 

51 n-nn nno 

182.351.355 niD^; 

182.262 nijnD;;''' 

368 (sic) -i];;n* 

307.327 (5zc) ]VV 

314 dV'di; 

155 D'J^i; 



13 



20 ]Q4-nna 

278 j<^na 

350 »p'n^<Qna 

324 D^D];:jn ipna 

(sic) 21.271.273 ^n':nQ* 

21.271 vn-jno* 

288 pn^ 

337 nrj: 
134.337 nirjj 

282 nVjJ 

368 nnn:* 

273 (sic) ppn-Ji: 

270 mxnDi^ 

155.323 339 d;;i: 

123 DHS^J 

214 D'b ^i•l:'1:) 

155.323.337.351 pr: 

333 D'JUJ 

338 np'DiD ':u': 

73.143 D^pou'^*- 
134.139.314.323 l^f 

189 nD:iDn t':i 

282.305 (5zc) inDJ 

337 no'j?: 

337 nODDlQ — 
358 pnND -nLJSi 
341 D'S^ n^'DJ 

317 nm 

129.317 ]insr' 

315 ^s-iaj 

134.323 nmpj 

323 pp3 

139 U':ip2 

23 c;->3 

18 ^'w: 
370 nvb'!?n d^i:;: 

341 nCi^J 

271 >v*^:i 
365 mn: 

280.304 t<20 
23 D\S"ilDD 

. 117 nwiyn ip^o 
311 n!?Dpn — 

271 1DD 
23.227 fc<-iDP 



Xll 



XI 



48 ^)b p j?2^in^ 'm -u'^'q'' 
281 nis ]2 ^pvi — " 

50 n2D^i:2 — * 
349 irii — * 
124 pin — ^• 

42 niin — * 
124 n^n — ^■ 

49 r,Mjr,i 

27 ^N^.c;' pN ^:2^ C'l:'^::- ^iED*^ 
48 nnDin r^,w;; ^u cu?;*::'^ 

144 p'r>'>2 

10 n>'i^'jn 'EQ 

142 C'u-e:2 

215 r-rr:: 

304 yrv' ''^^-^ 

304 ^D-J- -iiO 

119.288 r.Vi^^n 'D" 

304 b^pa 

152.336 2*pa 

15 N"";pQ 

140 'pnii npo* 

215 DipQ "NIC* 

114 (sic) 'r--i2 

157 nirna 

-338 -i-iicra 

155 DHTU-J 
36.282 ^-JQ 

37 -L^inn — 

341 n^u'Q 
39 C^D21D (s2^) '!?:^'Q* 

30 D-bvr\i! — * 

47 na^D' ^u a-^tj'a'-'' 

341 c'i^u-a 

242 niTiCu'Q 
16.271 -rjo* 

21 rrjT^^n — "" 
271 n-.in — 
21 nrrco* 

16 -on-^n nr^a 
21 i:r:ro* 

264 L^Su'Q 

190 corirn (sic) '::su*2 

152.333.336.350 bp'Z"0 
358 N^J^jnu 



32 pDcn n^N^a 
179 v,'D:n -- * 

154 ^-j- — 
114 -J 12^:3'' 
153.282 rr^i-bn 

335 rniiDQ — 

335 innn r^'i^a 

27 9 ciEiD- -T,^::'' 

322 i:aa 

164.165.249 jHjD 

13 n:'-Q — 



165.344 






350 v::: 
363 ni- ":2 — 

79 r.iTJu — 

20 Nn"jnQ mcQ 

33.322-3)^'^^°^^ 

283 n-jrr r,Tca 

15 nrc:: 

48 n:n'j — * 

48 p;; p — * 

4 1 ps -p- — * 

33 CTiD — •• 

33 DnSlD — * 

25 r.'rjp (sec) p.'nrco* 

350.351 nSDO 
363 p2Nn — 
363 nSJ.Ti — 
325 ICQ 

164 2-^;;nDa 

325 n^ii-'a 

198.313 mt'^'cn* 

159 -::;':2 ,"::i>'a 

242 r,na>:2'' 

340 n2-i>*2 

340 (ni-) (D'-)3n>'a 

42.250.269.351 n2?>'Q 

47 ir2vN un-i2vx(-) — * 

47 n'cz'^ — '■• 

50 r;u\sn2 — "^ 

33 c^rusjn — * 

48 rii2i5a 'jnni — * 



IX 



27.274 D32rn 27-^0* 

47 i3;Dn — * 

107 i:iD — * 
1 5 D'DinDH — * 

18 nnDin m^v — * 

47 ncrc ni'i2D — * 

53 D'H nTc;(i';;) — * 

41 n-ncn^ — * 

322 y^T]iQn 

338 ^nno 

351 iipnm 

220 H'Dia 

302 mnn^io* 

304 (sic) njia 

351 yOMd ,Np'DlQ 

57 i:^Dia 

175 (sic) IDia 

173 ^DC^n (sic) noiQ* 

351 >psit3 

214 HNlin "TiQ 

343 }:'>m)2 (p) 

242 n'y\i2]T2 
139.176.326.349 nnDna 

153 -iDina 
273 naina 

157.165 -jima 

181 !?nj| — 

181 pp — 

341 (sic) n^na 

371 m^na 

336 Dsna 

336 nDana 

326.335 Dnnna 

157 (sic) "j-ino 

341 -jIDD "'D 

350 HTQ 

342 2WVTQ 

338 IDID TE;n DLJ'Q 

16.271 Nni?'3Q* 

16.271 vn^oa* 
269 nnna n^a 

327 pnpin riDwN^a 
193 m — 

202 n^DKfia — * 
351 mma'i) 



351 nnio'V 

73 D^Uip^* 

299 mnoi> 
138 DIU np^* 
14 D'ODn ]wb 

335 «''?;;o — 

327 N-ipa — 

327 napn — 

74 nnottfi? 

325 D'ry 1WQ* 
341 HTiNO 

336 D*:iN*a 

316 w^ nawsa* 

288 ^Di:;n "la^a* 

142 DHNDa 

299 man^ 

220 i»:a 

257 (szc) ni?ja 

39.77 DnriD ni^ja 

46 DOVL3^t< n!?ja* 

39 Dn^on — * 

46 yonv — '■■ 

249 -I3D — ^ 

245 anno — * 

347 -isi;; — * 

280 ]^W — * 

45 n':;;n — * 

341 pa 

12 Nnn^sia 

11.14 nnsiD nDia 

117.310 DHDia 
16.152.170.336 ma 

13.16.109.152.271.350 nna 
32 nna (3*;>)* 
35 m-ia (12 "af 

326 (5zc) piJNH '>pipi)2 

138.317 (aOpipia 
11 ]J3n-ia 

7.8.269 Ef-iia*'' 

48 nn^TN n!?N — "' 

27 nSD« — * 

46 >n*i:;i'Bn n'i?j (b-^) — * 

29 ni:i7]n — * 

14 HD^n — * 

283 niDsn — * 



Vlll 



Vll 



277 mSlE"! h^ N^3^ 


31.95 -1131- ncrn 


370 TiiE-ji:: 


310 z'-c^-^r^ — 


200.369 -pu 


355 -'JDnn — 


157 (sic) n^-j 


351 "iiDnn — 


372 T'lJ 


202 binn — 


371 niNCD^LJ 


179 pnnn — 


324 t<-^pi2n 'C>'*ij'^'' 


179 pri^'nn — 


134.323 {sic) c'c;':: 


200 ;,'2Ljn — 


351 rnu 


203 (sic) TH — 


212.311 i?-:-) 


179.351 C'DDirn — 


351 r;--' 


179 n-TC'b — 


290 ::':rn 


179.351 {sic) nncn — 


158.341 (r,-)~iil' 


35 5 nrDc-i ri-cn — 


368 TlLTu* 


179 riT-;::n — 


305 -in-n* 


154 Np'Cir:.! — 


339 TiC 


100.351 nci::- — 


314 bw''l2V'' 


351 nibicn — 


248 ?]i: ns'* 


179 c'Tr^^m xi-c- — 


107 HTSi'* 


101 Y^r^-cn — 


98 -bin riTij'* 


190 i:£'ci:n — 


41 vX-jn TvST* 


154.337 |U':n -- 


324 'cb'Jil' 


317 ]-nii:n — 


221 -D'D*' 


179 niTEcn — 


78.102.302 Tc;'n* 


180.35 5 td;;- — 


152 -rr 


202 C'Si^^E- — 


228.341 (n::iD) n:!0 


179 Z'^-CZ'Tl — 


331 nniD 


351 n-ncm n'>"L;n — 


369 pn-D 


355 rijirrn — 


329 .Yb 


179 nniz-LiTH — 


351 'b 


102 cn^Dn* 


358 ri:nn:n —* 


242 msn 


358 13 ~* 


302 ni^'Dl vVj-in* 


337 m:3 


"151 inn 


341 ->'nD 


335 mnn 


331 -b^ 


333 {sic) riiinn 


371 n:3i?n* 


335 nn 


79 Db'>' nNHDb 


214 nrnn 


182 mb* 


350.352 ]i2E/*n 


182 nimb* 


363 (n:n) mn ^jd — 


187 nji^nn — 


79 D':vn — 


328 pm:ib 


80 D'bN;;c2?*n — 


164 D'il-nb 


235 nabc? pc?n* 


372 ?]DDn ppib'^ 


365 -^rn 


79 pnnb 


13 p:n '3irn 


341 2?nb 


158 noT.n 



VI 



285 (sic) U"QWn |Q t<n' -p32?1 

325 mjiT 

41.268 NLJll 

341 nblT 

215 ]nDin 'd"' 

78 mjllDl* 

158.242 niTQl 

154 nOT 

227 ipin 

17 nnaa ipi 

7 Dn^n 

362 in 

327 JJin 

352 min 
361 D^nn 

42 n^^« nsiH* 
352 i?tnn* 

55.148.155.284 D'JIH ,lin 

148.155.166 nijin 

164 (sic) t^'Jin 

334 pin 

48 ^2pr] DiD^n"^*' 
339 (sic) niD'n 

186 ^nj — * 

351 (D"'iir:n) prjn — 
351 niQ'i;3n — 
221 D'jiwNjn 'WiTn* 
222 nnjn — * 
73 mD^n -— * 

73.214.221 (sic) C^iiriTH 

214 n^i^'n 

282 ]B^n 

20.28 CDn 

172.353 DDnn 

20 D'QDn 
276 nON^n 'DDH 
296 Wl}pn 'DHD — 

328 nbn — 

362 nnan — 

296.310 npnan — - 

354 d!?'!; -- 

24 -naipnn — 
50 nrjDn 
282 n^:r — 
351 (DOi'J^jn naDn 



146 ^"3,-) 

158 n'pi^n 

351 niDDH 
337 HHDJin 

28 nun 

215 D-Qbnn r.nJin^'" 

45 nDS rn^n* 

95.282.296 ]Vjn 

336 ivjn* 

152 (52c) in 

22 nvin 

158.341 m:iri2/in* 

341 ninin 

78 nM2^} n-iDin 

335 innn 

107 nibD^n* 

202 D':3 n"iDn 

11.14. 18.296 no^n 

10.14 ^^DQ {sic) ni^Q^ — 

26.274 ni'pnji no'^n'' 

303 n^SJ' — 

13 n^na (szc) — 

270 cnsiD — 

76.274 mpiDS — 

13 mi;iDp — 

274 IN-i — * 

18 i^n'w^b 5<nD^n 

274 t^np'DS -— 

153 na^n 

350 n'Dijn ,nDi:in 

334 mjnjn 

304 nmn 

257 ^son 

337 npson 

323 n-iQj;n 

321.365 p'n^'n 

117.133 npn;;n 
321 -^sn 

158 nDDE^n 

271 riiDbmn 

341 nnnn-i^n 

15 irpnn 

341 '>)T) 

3i7j;nm* 
127 n>ni2n* 



IV 



291 nii?'na b^:ibji 
357 ^j^jn^ 
107 D^^ji?: 

15.157.214.271 J<-Qj* 

339 (poet.) — 

80.150.351 (n'TJO'J) Nn-JGJ 

288 j;oj 

214 n"sj 

164 ii'Unj 

47 n-i:7Q ^sr D^Q-n nD")- 

221 D'QDn — * 
12 DnEOD — 

12 n-nn — 

325 -^'Jl 

57 pn 
32 7 pn 

284 ^^n 

271 nnu 'rn 

15 n-iin yi 

373 ^i^n nnvj ^n 

73 c'jn 

327 (sic) p'H 

327-8 mp'H 

328 ]p'n 

139 D^^p^n 

8 'i:;-in 

153 n'pi 

202 nri'n;;n n;;-i 

138.314.328 pnpi 

327 (iid"?-) pnp-1 

326-7 pnpT^ 

12 DnsiD 'pnpi 
139 -tin — * 
1 2 rmn — 

327 p-ipi 

358 n)pi 

104.375 ]3nT* 

7.8.30.142.298 i:;m 

104.220 D'-i:;!-!! 

41 p-iN --i-l"^ 

340 ::;iQn 

8.275 c;ii 

104.220 nvi:;-!! 
8.220 ]]i;-\i 
143 D':K?ni 



108.351 nrD 
153.336 n'D 
269 ]n — 

7 riDJDn — 

7 i;;i — 

327 irripon — - 

361 D:b 

199 Dlzr^D 

161 ;;'-iina p 

39 t<TD— * 

279 n^jn— * 

279 n:i;i?— "^ 

88 ]pin bv2 

362 n-nDE;m nsoD — 

265 U\D — 

338 c^ninn 'bv2 

316 -iiDin r.cDn — 

296 yn-QT] — 

322 ni^rpm nniDrsn — 

304 -bipn — 

158.242.338 r\Wp2 

21.271 Nn'HD* 

40 mDNl — * 

35 NlN 311 — * 

35 iid;;! "iDi — '^ 

35 i?Nioi:?-i — * 

318 nn^n* 

341 0-13 

57 niD-iD 

314 in ] D n^i^'Q nni:?2* 

341 nbiNj; 

25 |i^; 

369 Ti^b^n 

193 niniNj* 

337 ^S'i:;i HDJ 
12 (sic) 114 
350 }<'TJQU 

202 m!?iu''- * 
12.341 rnu 

13 niTU 

190 a^3Di3n ni'u 

342 nx'J 
334 Nn'LiQ'J 

351-2 — 

369 D^4 



INDEX. 



1. The asteriscus denotes the titles of books, and is often 
substitute of the hebrew word "ISD „book". 

2. lite article 7\ {^\) is not regarded in the alphabetical order 
(of both languages)^ and often entirely omitted. 

3. llie derivata are in their proper place, not under the root, 

4. The forms (like ipi^'S etc.) are in most cases spelt plene. 

5. 2 he Arabic number refers to the pages. 

6. „Sic" refers to places lohere there is a pr inting error 
corrected, but it is only added, when the erroneous word is 
not correctly printed in another place. 



11 



A) HEBREW. 


108 ND^y '"il 3"*<* 


19 v"t n^3 D{< 


39 NTD pi D"n* 


154 Np'UDN 


186 'L3D^;o^N* 


40 ]n: 'n tdn'^"' 


185 (^sic^ ^^^pb^^ 


315 'JVDN 


188 '2;-ipi?N 


202 D^DIDi^'Sn px''- 


2 D\s-naN 


28 mj^» 


1 n^njn nDjD ^iyj« 


350 (szc) Nn'jaijN 


328 DD*? — 


288 ^UN- 


357 mion — 


371 Di^nn n-ijwS'-'= 


296 ipnon — 


102 -iDian nijN*-' 


142 ^nnsn — 


135 ]nJN* 


361 nN'Jiy.TJDX 


327 m:njN* 


369 ^Nn2D5< 


249 D'aii^'i:; nnjN'- 


221 D'QDn ns^DN* 


341 n^.ivs* 


137 '"ISX 


314 naiN 


346.194 nilJl-iN'' 


341 p^^? 


272 J^DHX 


232 □':sit^ 


337 T\^y\^ 


181.367 DIIN 


158 i<raD-^t« 


19 Ni:nx 


277 nmQi:ri< 


314 natron mniN'-' 


242 -ipDH n-nDCTwX 


363 nrniN' 


200 p'TEi:;N 


107 i:^DN* Drn2Nl — '' 


159 nnjJiD nnN 


137 D'r:i;n -- 


187 W"^X2 


159.160 nnniN-- 


109 THDH""- 


72.217 D^Jn^^< 


315 ]T3N O 


133 n^JDNi n!?D«''- 


282 non ^W2 


164 T'iJ^N 


214 Dm&«»3 


341 DDM^N 


314 n^c'QH nwX'3* 


185 Din^N 


340 no^3 


149 VIODD^X 



HEBREW AND AEABIC 
INDEX. 



LIST of WORKS in GENERAL HTERATURE, 

FUBLISHED BY 

Messrs. LONGMAj^, BEOWN, GEEEN, LOXaMANS, and EOBEETS, 

39, PATEEIfOSTEE EOW, LONDON. 



CLASSIFIED INDEX. 



Agriculture and Rural 

Affairs. Pages. 

Bayldon on Valuing Rents, &c. - 4 

Caird's Letters on Agriculture - 6 

Cecil's Stud Farm ' " " t, 

Loudon's Agriculture - - - 13 

Low's Elements of Agriculture - 13 

Arts, Manufactures, and 
Architecture. 

Arnott on Ventilation - - - 3 

Bourne on the Screw Propeller - 4 

Brande's Dictionary of Science,&c. 4 

" Organic Chemistry- - 4 

Cherreul on Colour - - - 6 

Cresy's Civil Engineering - - 6 

Fairbairn's Informa. for Engineers 8 

Gwilt's Encyclo. of Architecture - 8 
Harford's EngrAvir.gs after Michael 

Angelo - - - - - 8 

Herring on Paper-Making - - 9 

Humphreys's Parables Illuminated 10 

Jameson's Sacred & Legendary Art 11 

" Commonplace-Book - 11 

Konis'sPictoial Life of Luther - , 8 

Loudon's Rural Architecture - 13 

MacDouffall's Theory of War - 14 

Malan's Aphorisms on Drawing - 14 

Moseley's Engineering - - - 16 

Piesse's Art of Perfumery - - 17 

Richardson's Art of Horsemanship 18 

Scrivenor on the Iron Trade - - 19 

Stark's Printing - - - - 23 

Steam-Engine,by the Artisan Club 4 

Ure's Dictionary of Arts, &c. - 22 

Young on Prs-Raff;ielUti?in - 24 

Biography. 

Arazo's Autobiography - - 23 

" Lives of Scientific Men - 3 

Bodenstedt and Wagner's Schamyl 23 

Buckingham's (J. S.) Memoirs - 5 

Bunsen's Hippolytus - - . 5 

Clinton's (Fynes) Autobiography 6 

Cockayne's Marshal Tureune - 23 

Dennistouu's Strange & Lumisden 7 

Forster's De Foe and Churchill - 23 

Fulcher's Life of Gainsborouah - 8 

Harford's Life of Michael Angelo - 8 

Haydon's Autobiography ,by Taylor 9 

Hayward's i hesterfield and Selwyn 23 

Holcroft's Memoirs - - - 23 

Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopsedia - 12 

Maunder's Biographical Treasury- 14 

Memoir of the Duke of Wellington 23 

Memoirsof James Montgomery - 15 

Merivale's Memoirs of Cicero - 15 

Rogers's Life and Genius of Fuller 23 

RusseU's Memoirs of Moore - - 16 

" Life of Lord Wm. Russell 19 

St. John's Audubon - - - 19 

Southey's Life of Wesley - - 20 

" ' Life and Correspondence 20 

" Select Correspondence- 20 

Stephen's Ecclesiastical Biography 21 

Sydney Smith's Memoirs - - 20 

Taylor's Loyola - - - - 21 

" Wesley - - - - 21 

■Waterton's Autobiography & Essays 22 

Wheeler's Life of Herodotus - 24 

Books of General Utility. 

Acton's Bread-Book ... 3 

" Cookery - - - - 3 

Black's Treatise on Brewing - - 4 

Cabinet Gazetteer - - - - 5 

" Lawyer . - . . 5 
Cust's Invalid's Own Book - - 7 
Gilbarfs Logic for the MUlion - 8 
Hints on Etiquette - - . 9 
How to Nurse Sick Children - - 10 
Hudson'sExecutor's Guide - - 10 
" on Making Wills - - 10 
Kesteven's Domestic Medicine - 11 
Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia - 12 
Loudon's Lady's Country Compa- 
nion ------ 13 

Maunder's Treasury of Knowledge 15 

" Biographical Treasury 14 

" Geographical Treasury 15 

" Scientific Treasury - 15 



Maunder's Treasury of History - 15 

" Natural History - - 15 

Piesse's Art of Perfumery - - 17 

Piscator's Cookery of Fish - - 17 

Pocket and the Stud . - - 9 

Pycroffs English Reading - - 18 

Recce's Medical Guide - - - 18 

Rich's Comp. to Latin Dictionary 18 

Richardson's Art of Horsemanship 18 

Riddle's Latin Dictionaries - - 18 

Roget's English Thesauius - - 18 

Rowton'3 Debater - - - - 18 

Short Whist 20 

Thomson's Interest Tables - - 21 

Webster's Domestic Economy - 22 

West on Children's Diseases - - 22 

Willich's Popular Tables - - 24 

Wilmofs Blackstone - - - 24 

Botany and Gardening. 

Hooker's British Flora - - - 9 

" Guide to Kew Gardens - 9 

<• " " Kew Museum - 9 

Lindley's Introduction to Botany 13 

" Theory of Horticulture - 12 

Loudon's Hortus Britannicus - 13 

" Amateur Gardener - 13 

Trees and Shrubs - - 13 

" Gardening - - - 13 

" Plants - - - - 13 

" Self Instruction for G ar- 

deners, &c. - - - . 13 

Pereira's Materia Medica - - 17 

Rivers's Rose-Amateur's Guide - 18 

Wilson's British Mosses - - 24 

Chronology. 

Blair's Chronological Tables - 4 

Brewer's Historical Atlas - - 4 

Bunsen's Ancient Egypt - - 5 

Haydn's Beatson's Index - - 9 

Jaquemet's Chronology - - 11 
Johns& Nicolas'sCalendar ofUctory 11 

Nicolas's Chronology of History - 12 

Commerce and Mercantile 
Affairs. 

Gilbart's Treatise on Banking - 8 

Lorimer's Young Master Mariner 13 

Macleod's Banking - - - 14 
M'Culloch'sCommerce & Navigation 14 

Scrivenor on Iron Trade - - 19 

Thomson's Interest Tablet - - 21 

Tooke's History of Pi ices - - 23 

Tuson's British Cjnsul's Manual - 22 

Criticism, History, and 
Memoirs. 

Blair's Chron. and ^istor. Tables - 4 

Brewer's Historical Atlas - - - 4 

Bunsen's Ancient Egypt - - 5 

•' Hippolytus - - - 5 

Burton'sHistory of Scotland - 5 

Chapman's Gustavus Adolphus - 6 

Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul 6 

Erskine's History of India - - 7 

Gleig's Leipsic Campaign - - 23 

Gurney's Historical Sketches - 8 
Haydon's Autobiography, by Taylor 9 

Jeffrey's (Lord) Contributions - H 
Johns & Nicolas'sCalendar of Victory 11 

Kemble's Anglo-Saxons - - 11 

Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia - 12 

Macdulay's Crit. and Hist. Essays 13 

" History of England - 13 

" Speeches - - - 13 

Mackintosh's Miscellaneous Works 14 

" History of England - 14 
it'Culloch'sGeographicalDictionary 14 

Maunder's Treasury of History - 15 

Memoir of the Duke of Wellington 23 

Merivale's History of Rome - - 15 

" Roman Republic - - 15 

Milner's Church History - - 15 

Moore's (Thomas) Memoirs, &c. - 16 

Mure's Greek Literature - 16 

Normanby's Year of Revolution - 17 

Raikes's Journal - - - - 18 

Ranke's Ferdinand & Maximilian 23 

Riddle's Latin Dictionaries - - 18 

Roberts's Southern Counties - 18 
Rogers's Essays from Edinb. ReriewlS 



Roget's English Thesaurus - - 18 

Russell's Life of Lord W\ Russell 19 

Schmitz's History of Greece - 19 

Smith's Sacred Annals - - - 20 

Southey's Doctor - - - - 20 

Stephen's Ecclesiastical Biography 21 

" Lectures on French History 21 

Sydney Smith's Works - - - 20 

" Sekct Works - 23 

" Lectures - - 20 

" Memoirs - - 20 

Taylor's Loyola - - - - 21 

^Vss\er . - - - 21 

Thirlwall's History of Greece - 21 

Thornburv's Shakspeare's England 21 

Townsend's State Trials - - 22 

Turkey and Christendom - - 23 

Turner's Anglo-Saxons - - 22 

" Middle Ages - - - 22 

" Sacred Hist, of the World 22 

Vehse's .Austrian Court- - - 23 

Wade's England's Greatness - 22 

W'hitelocke's Swedish Embassy - 24 

Woods's Crimean Campaign- - 24 

Young's Christ of History - - 24 

Geography and Atlases. 

Arrowsmith's Geogr. Diet, of Bible 3 

Brewer's Historical Atlas - - 4 

Butler's Geography and Atlases - 5 

Cabinet Gazetteer - - - . 5 

Cornwall : Its Mines, &c. - - 23 

Durrieu's Morocco - - - 23 

Hughes's Australian Colonies - 23 

Johnston's General Gazetteer - 11 

Maunder's Treasury of Geography 15 
M'Culloch's Geographical Dictionary 14 

" Russia and Turkey - 23 

Milner's Baltic Sea - - . 15 

" Crimea - - . - 15 

" Russia - - - - 15 

Murray's Encyclo. of Geography - 16 

Sharp's British Gazetteer - - 19 

Wheeler's Geography of Herodotus 24 

Juvenile Books. 

Amy Herbert - - - - - 19 

CleveHall - - - _ _ 19 

Earl's Daughter (The) ... 19 

Experience of Life - - - 19 

Gertrude ----- 19 

Gilbart's Logic for the Young - 8 j 

Howitt's Boy's Country Book - 10 

" (Mary) Children's Year - 10 I 

Ivors - 19 ' 

Katharine Ashton - - - 19 : 

Laneton Parsonage - - - 19 ; 

Margaret Percival - - • - 19 ! 

Medicine and Surgery. 

Brodie's Psychological Inquiries - 4 

Bull's Hints to Mothers- - - 5 

" Management of Children - 5 

Copland's Dictionary of Medicine - 6 

Cust's Invalid's Own Book - - 7 

Holland's Mental Physiology - 9 

" Medical Notes andReflect. 9 1 
How to Nurse Sick Children - 
Kesteven's Domestic Medicine 
Pereira's Materia Medica 
Recce's Medical Guide - 
West on Diseases of Infancy - 
Wilson's Dissector's Manual 



10 
11 

17 
18 
22 
24 

Miscellaneous and General 
Literature. 

Carlisle's Lectures and Addresses 23 

Defence of Eclipse 0/ Faith - - 7 

Digby's Lover's Seat ... 7 

Echpse of Faith - - _ . 7 

Greg's Pohtical and Social Essays 8 

Gurney's Evening Recreations - 8 

Hassall on Adulteration of Fool - 9 

Haydn's Book of Dignities - - 9 

Holland's Mental Physiology - 9 

Hooker's Kew Guides - - - 9 

Howitt's Rural Life of England - 10 
Visitsto RemarkablePlaces 10 



Jameson's Commonplace Book 
Jeffrey's (Lord) Contributions 
Last of the Old Squires 
Macaulay's Crit. and Hist. Essays 
" Speeches . - _ 
Mackintosh's Miscellaneous Works 
Memoirs of a Maitre-d'Armes 



CLASSIFIED INDEX. 



Maitland'sChurchin the Catacombs 14 
Martineau's Miscellanies - - 14 
Pascal's Worl<s, by Pearce - - 17 
Pillans's Contributions toEducationlT 
Pinney on Duration of Human Life 17 
Printing: Its Origin, &c. - - 23 
Pycroft's English Reading - - 18 
Rich's Comp. to Latin Dictionary 18 
Riddle's Latin Dictionaries - - 18 
Rowton's Debater - - - 18 

Seaward's Narrative of his Shipwrecklg 
"■"•"' 20 

20 
20 
20 
23 
23 
21 
21 
21 
21 
21 
22 
24 
24 
24 
24 



Sir Roger de Coverley 
Smith's (Rev. Sydney) "Works 
Southey's Common -place Books - 

" The Doctor &c. 
Sourestre's Attic Philosopher 

" Confessions of a Working Man 
Spencer's Psychology . - - 
Stephen's Essays 



Stow's Training System 
Strachey's Hebrew Politics - 
Thomson's Laws of Thought 
Townsend's State Trials 
Willich's Popular Tables 
Yonge's English-Greek Lexicon - 

" Latin Gradus 
Zumpt's Latin Grammar 



Natural History in^exteral. 

Catlow's Popular Conchology - 6 
Ephemeraand Young on the Salmon 7 
Gosse's Natural History of Jamaica 8 
Kemp's Natural History of Creation 23 
Kirby and Spence's Entomology - 11 
Lee's Elements of Natural History 12 



Mann on Reproduction 
Maunder's Natural History - 



Turton's Shells oftheBritishlslands 22 
Van der Hoeven's Handbook of 

Zoology - - - - - 22 

Von Tschudi's Sketches in the Alps 23 



Waterton's Essays on Natural Hist. 
Youatt's The Dog - 
" The Horse 



23 
24 
24 

1-Volume iEncyclopsedias 
and Dictionaries. 

Arrowsmith's Geogr. Diet, of Bible 3 

Blaine's Rural Sports - . _ 4 

Brande's Science, Literature, and Art 4 

Copland's Dictionary of Medicine - 6 

Cresy's Civil Engineering - - g 

Gwilt's Architecture - - . g 

Johnston's Geographical Dictionary 11 

Loudon's Agriculture - - - 13 

" Rural Architecture - 13 

" Gardening - - - 13 

" Plants - - - - 13 

" Trees and Shrubs - - 13 

M'CuUoch'sGeojjraphicalDictionary 14 

" Dictionary of Commerce 14 

Murray's Encyclo. of Geography - 16 

Sharp's British Gazetteer - - 19 

Ure's Dictionary of Arts, &c.- - 22 

Webster's Domestic Economy - 22 

Religious & Moral V/orks. 

Amy Herbert - - - - 19 

Arrowsmith's Geogr. Diet, of Bible 3 

Bloomfield's Greek Testament - 4 

Cals-ert's Wife's Manual . - 6 

Cleve Hall - .... 19 

Conybeare's Essays . - . 6 

Conybeare and Howson's St. Paul 6 
Cotton's Instructions in Christianity 7 

Dale's Domestic Liturgy - . 7 

Defence or Eclipse of Faith - - 7 

Discipline - - ... 7 

Earl's Daughter (The) - - . 19 

Eclipse of Faith .... 7 

Englishman's Greek Concordance 7 

T.XT, ", Heb.&Chald.Concord. 7 

Etheridire's Jerusalem - - . 7 

Experience (The) of Life - - 19 

Gertrude - .... 19 

Harrison's Light of the Forge - 8 

Hook's Lectures on Passion Week 9 

Home's Introduction to Scriptures 10 

Abridgment of ditto - 10 

Humphreys's Parables Illuminated 10 



Martineau's Christian Life - 

" Hymns . » . 

Milner's Churcn of Christ 
Montgomery's Original Hymns - 
Moore on the Use of the Body 
" " Soul and Body 

" '8 Man and his Motives 
Mormonism ----- 
Neale's Closing Scene - . - 
Newman's (J. H.) Discourses 

" on Universities 
Ranke's Ferdinand & Maximilian 
Readings for Lent - . - 

" Confirmation - 

Robinson's Lexicon to the Greek 
Testament - - . . . 
Saints our Example . _ - 
Sermon in the Mount 
Sinclair's Journey of Life 
Smith's (Sydney) Moral Philosophy 
" (G.) Sacred Annals - 
" Harmony of Divine Dis- 
pensations - - . - - 
" (J.) Voyage and Shipwreck 
of St. Paul - - - . 
Southey's Life of VVesley 
Stephen's Ecclesiastical Biography 
Tayler's (J. J.) Discourses - 
Taylor's Loyola - _ - - 
" Wesley - . . - 
Theologia Germanica - - - 
Tliomson on the Atonement - 
Thumb Bible (The) 
Tomline's Introduction to the JBtW« 
Turner's Sacred History - 
Twining's Bible Types - 
Wheeler's Popular Bible Harmony 
Young's Christ of History 

" Mystery - - - - 

Poetry and tlie Drama. 

Aikin's(Dr.') British Poets - 
Arnold's Poems . - - - 
Baillie's (Joanna) Poetical Works 
Bode's Ballads from Herodotus - 
Calvert's Wife's Manual 

" Pneuma - - - - 
Flowers and their Kindred Thoughts 
Goldsmith's Poems, illustrated - 
L. E. L.'s Poetical Works 
Linwood's Anthologia Oxoniensis- 
Lynch's Rivulet - - - - 
Lyra Germanica - - - - 
Macaulav's Lays of Ancient Rome 
Mac Donald's Within and Without 
Montgomery's Poetical Works 
" Original Hymns 

Moore's Poetical AVorks 

" Epicurean - - - - 
" Lalla Rookh - - - 
" Irish Melodies - - - 
" Songs and Ballads - 
Reade's Man in Paradi&e 
Shakspeare, by Bowdler 
Southey's Poetical Works 
" British Poets - 

Thomson's Seasons, illustrated - 



IvorL - - - - . . 
Jameson's Sacred Legends - '. 
" Monastic Legends - 
^^ Legendsof the Madonna 
Lectures on Female Em- 
ployment 



Jeremy Taylor's Works- '- 

^ahsch's Commentary on Exodns ■ 

K.atharme Ashton 

Konig's Pictorial Life of Luther ■ 

Laneton Parsonage 

Letters to my Unknown Friends 

on H.ippiness - 
Lynch's Rivulet - - . , 
Lyra Germanica - - . , 
Macnaught on Inspiration - 
Maitland's Church in Catacombs 



Political Economy and 
Statistics. 

Caird's Letters on Agriculture - 6 

Dodd's Food of London - _ 7 

Greg's Political and Social Essays 8 

Jennings's Social Delusions - - H 

Laing's Notes of a Traveller - - 23 

M'Culloch'sGeog.Statist.&c.Dict. 14 
" Dictionary of Commerce 14 

" London - - - 23 

Tegoborski's Russian Statistics - 21 

Willich's Popular Tables - - 24 

The Sciences in general 
and Mathematics. 

Arago's Meteorological Essays - 3 

" Popular Astronomy - - 3 

Bourne on the Screw Propeller - 4 

" 's Catechism of the Steam- 

Engine ----- 4 

Brande'sDlctionary of Science, &c. 4 

" Lectures on Oreanic Chemistry 4 

Brougham and Routh's Principia 4 

Butler's Rolls Sermons - . - 5 



Cresy's Civil Engineering 
• ■ " ■ fCoi 



DelaBeche'sGeologyofCornwall,&c. 7 

De la Rivie's Electricity - - 7 

Faraday's Non-Metallic Elements 8 

Grove's Correla. of Physical Forces 8 

Herschel's Outlines of Astronomy 9 

Holland's Mental Physiology - 9 

Humboldt's Aspects of Nature - 10 

" Cosmos - - - 10 

Hunt on Light - - - - 10 

Kemp's Phasis of Matter - - 11 

Lardner's Cabinet Cyclopaedia - 12 

Mann on Reproduction - - - 14 

Marcet's (Mrs.) Conversations - 15 

Morell's Elements of Psychology - 16 



Moseley'sEngineering&Architecturel? 
Nomos - . -. . .J7 

Our CoaUFields and our Coal-Pits 23 

Owen's Lectures on Comp. Anatomy 17 

Pereira on Polarised Light - - 17 

Peschel's Elements of Physics - 17 

Phillips's Fossils of Cornwall, &c. 17 

" Mineralogy - - - 17 

" Guide to (Geology - - 18 

Portlock's G eology of Londonderry 18 



- 7 

- 9 

- 9 

- 10 



Powell's Unity of' Worlds 
Smee's Electro-Metallurgy - 
Steam-Engine(The) - - 
Wilson's Electric Telegraph - 

Rural Sports. 

Baker's Rifle and Hound in Ceylon 
Blaine's Dictionary of Sports 
Cecil's Stable Practice - 

" Stud Farm - - - . 
The Cricket-Field - - - . 
Davy's Piscatorial Colloquies 
Ephemera on Angling - 

" Book of the Salmon 
Hawker's Young Sportsman - 
The Hunting-Field 
Idle's Hints on Shooting 
Pocket and the Stud - - - » 
Practical Horsemanship - . 9 
Richardson's Horsemanship - - 16 
Ronalds's Fly- Fisher's Entomo- 
logy 18 

Stable Talk and Table Tklk - - 9 

Stainton's June - - - - 21 

Stonehenge on the Greyhound - 21 

Thacker's Courser's Guide - - 21 

The Stud, for Practical Purposes - 9 

Veterinary Medicine, &c. 

Cecil's Stabl« Practice . - 6 

" Stud Farm - . _ 6 

Hunting Field (The) - - - 9 

Miles's Horse-Shoeing - - - 15 

" on the Horse's Foot - - 15 

Pocket and the Stud - - - 9 

Practical Horsemanship - - 9 

Richardson's Horsemanship - 18 

Stable Talk and Table Talk - - 9 

Stud (The) - . - - 9 

Youatt's The Dog - - - . 24 

" The Horse ... 24 

Voyages and Travels. 

Auldjo's Ascent of Mont Blanc - 23 

Baines's Vaudois of Piedmont - 23 

Baker's Wanderinfjs in Ceylon - 3 

Barrow's Contineritai Tour - - 23 

Earth's African Travels - - 3 

Burton's East Africa - - - 5 

" Medina and Mecca - - 

Carlisle's Turkey and Greece - 6 

De Custine's Russia - - 23 

Eothen 23 

Ferguson's Swiss Travels - - 23 

Flemish Interiors - - - - 8 

Forester's Rambles in Norway - 23 

" Sardinia and Corsica ^- 8 

Gironiere's Philippines - - - 23 

Gregoro-sius's Corsica - - - 23 

Halloran's Japan - - - , 8 

Hill's Travels in Siberia - - 9 

Hope's Brittany and the Bible - 23 

" Chase in Brittanv - - 23 

Howitt's Art-Student in Munich. - 10 

" (W.) Victoria - - - 10 

Hue's Chinese Empire - - - 10 

Hue and Gabet's Tartary & Thibet 23 
Hudson and Kennedy's Mont 

Blanc 10 

Hughes's Australian Colonies - 23 

Humboldt's Aspects of Nature - 10 

Hurlbut's Pictures from Cuba - 23 

Hutchinson's African Exploration 23 

Jameson's Canada - - - - 23 

Jerrmann's St. Petersburg - - 23 

Kennard's Eastern Tour - - 11 

Laing's Norway - - - - 23 

" Notes of a Traveller - 23 

M'Clure's I\ orth-West Passage - 14 

Mason's Zulus of Natal - - 23 

Mayne's Arctic Discoveries - - 23 

Miles's Rambles in Iceland - - 23 

Pfeiflfcr's Voyage round the World 23 

" Second ditto - - - 17 

Scott's Danes and Swedes - - 19 

Seaward 's Narrative - - - 19 

Weld's United States and Canada- 22 

Weme's African Wanderings - 23 

Wheeler's Travels of Herodotus - 24 

Wilberforce's Brazil* Slave-Trade 33 

Works of Fiction. 

Arnold's OakfieM - - - 3 

Macdontild's Villa Verocchio - 14 

Sir Roger de Coverley - . - 20 

Southey's The Doctor &c. - - 20 

Trollope's Warden - . - 22 



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